SACW | 19 Dec 2004
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aiindex at mnet.fr
Sat Dec 18 20:17:20 CST 2004
South Asia Citizens Wire | 19 Dec., 2004
via: www.sacw.net
[1] Bangladesh: The post-71 generation (Zafar Sobhan)
[2] India-Pakistan: Honour the past...secure the future - Siachen
[3] India: Combating Communal Violence (Ajay K. Mehra)
+ Anti-communal law: delay due to lack of clarity, confusion (Vinay Kumar)
[4] India: 'Conscience', Ideologies and Political Compulsions (Ram Puniyani)
[5] India: Press Release - First General Assembly of mines, minerals & People
[6] India - Announcements :
(i) Stree Samman Divas' [Day for Women's Dignity] (New Delhi, 22 December 2004)
(ii) Ecology & the Future Society Workshop (Nagpur, 15-16 January 2005)
(ii) 'Durable Disorder - Understanding the
Politics of Northeast India' by Sanjib Baruah
--------------
[1]
The Daily Star
December 17, 2004
THE POST-71 GENERATION
Zafar Sobhan
December 16 always brings to my mind the
experiences and perspectives of the 71 generation
who were shaped by the liberation war. I define
the 71 generation as those who were old enough to
experience the turmoil of the 1960s and the
1970s, and especially 1971 and 1975 and their
aftermath, first-hand. For better or for worse,
it has been this generation that has guided the
affairs of the country since liberation.
I have noticed that many of the pieces that
writers of this generation produce every December
16 have a similar tone to them. The pieces are
almost all ritualistic disquisitions on where we
have come to as a nation since 1971, and there is
an almost uniform sense of disappointment running
through them.
The authors begin with an inspiring depiction of
the heroics and sacrifices and glories of the
liberation war and how they had such high hopes
for the future of the country, but this quickly
gives way to the disillusionment of the present,
as they look around and realise that their hopes
and dreams remain unfulfilled, and that the
country has fallen far short of the promise of
that day when everything seemed possible.
Reading these pieces every year, I am reminded
that for those of the 71 generation, the last
thirty-three years have been difficult ones, and
that they do feel a profound sadness for their
unfulfilled hopes and dreams, and that this is
why they cannot help but look back on December 16
with sorrow as well as pride.
The differences between the 71 generation and the
post-71 generation are never more apparent to me
then when I read those pieces. I am reminded of
the concluding lines to King Lear:
The weight of this sad time we must obey;
Speak what we feel, not what we ought to say.
The oldest hath borne most: we that are young
Shall never see so much, nor live so long.
I have noticed that writing from the perspective
of what I would call the post-71 generation, my
outlook and understanding differs a little from
that of those who experienced first-hand the
blood-soaked birth of Bangladesh and its
tumultuous aftermath, and this makes me wonder
about further implications of the differences
between the generations.
I think for the 71 generation, December 16 has
become a time to look back at the troubled
history of our country and count our losses and
missed opportunities.
This is, of course, understandable. The
Bangladesh we live in today is not the Bangladesh
anyone hoped for.
I can still remember glancing through a letter
that my father's close friend Prof. Mosharraf
Hossain gave me to take to my father when he was
recovering from heart surgery some years ago and
being struck by the poignancy of his words.
Even today, sometimes his words come back to me
as I think of the 71 generation and all that they
have seen and experienced: "Remember how we used
to dream of raising a brave new world in this
hapless land of ours?"
Even those who have done well personally in the
years since independence--and there is no
shortage of success stories--must be saddened by
the state of the country as a whole.
So, I do understand the mixed emotions that the
71 generation feels on this day.
But I think that it is a little different for the post-71 generation.
I think as a generation we don't have that sense
of crushing disillusionment. Things might not be
all that we would want them to be, but frankly I
can't really remember a time when things were all
that much better than they are now -- and I can
certainly remember times when things were worse.
Don't get me wrong.
There is much to bemoan about the state of the
nation and those who read my column will know
that bemoan them I regularly do.
In many ways, things are looking as grim for us
today as they have been for a long time. The
democratic consensus seems to be breaking down
and we have reached a new low in terms of
corruption and politicisation.
This year we have had floods and terrorist
attacks and mass imprisonments and rigged polls
to contend with, and the politics of the country
appears to be heading in the direction of
confrontation as we enter the new year.
But to my mind there is one reason to be hopeful
-- and that is that a generational shift is
slowly taking place from the 71 generation to the
post-71 generation in the corridors of power and
at the commanding heights of the economy.
It's the most ironic of paradoxes. The very
generation that brought us our greatest moment
and that we will always look to with pride is the
same generation that has been unable to vanquish
its own demons and establish a stable and
sustainable polity in post-independence
Bangladesh.
The sixties and seventies -- which were the
crucible in which their identities were forged --
were rough and brutal times in this country.
As bad as things might be now, and for all the
stories we have been told on long winter nights,
the post-71 generation really can't begin to
comprehend how things were in those blood-soaked
and terror-filled days.
The differences we see today among the warring
factions in the nation stem from those days --
and that's why they are so intractable. That's
why among the 71 generation there can be no
compromise. There can never be forgiveness and
reconciliation. There has been too much blood
shed and too much hardship suffered.
The story of the 71 generation is a story of broken dreams and betrayals.
The post-71 generation lives in more prosaic
times. We are more pragmatic and less emotional.
More realistic and less ideological.
Our feuds are not blood feuds, and our history is
not one of ancient enmity and bitterness.
Our differences are not matters of life and
death. We are not committed to forever
re-fighting the same old battles over and over
again.
No doubt this is something of an
over-simplification. I have not gone into the
fundamental reasons for the differences that
split the Bangladeshi polity and the rights and
the wrongs of the matter. That is a subject for
another day.
I am merely pointing out that, due to the long
bloody history behind the animosities between the
warring factions, the 71 generation has never
been able to resolve its differences, but that
the post-71 generation might be able to.
To be sure, there is the other side of the coin
when it comes to the post-71 generation.
Not having experienced the struggle for
independence first-hand, we do not have that same
sense of ownership and patriotism with respect to
the country that the 71 generation does.
The flip-side of our pragmatism and realism is
that idealism and a sense of social
responsibility are in short supply. As a
generation we are irredeemably materialistic and
self-seeking. This is the tenor of the times in
which we live -- and it is not a change for the
better.
Many would look at the new generation of
politicians and the growing nexus between crime
and affairs of state, and scoff at the notion
that redemption can possibly lie in the hands of
a generation such as this.
Many would argue that, unmoored from the crucial
formative experience of the liberation struggle
that inspired a generation to devote their lives
to building up the nation, the country will head
into even greater turmoil in the years ahead, and
that the passing of the torch from the hands of
the 71 generation signals the beginning of the
end.
They might not be wrong either. It would be
another over-simplification to suggest that power
passing to the post-71 generation will
necessarily usher in an era of civility and
cooperation. But what I am suggesting is that
with the historical differences less prominent
and the historical inequities less raw a
compromise will at least be thinkable.
I retain the hope that the enduring legacy of the
generational shift that is taking place in
Bangladesh is that the ghosts of 1971 and its
aftermath can finally be laid to rest, and that
we can as a nation finally move out of the
twilight and into the bright sunshine of a new
day.
Zafar Sobhan is an Assistant Editor of The Daily Star.
______
[2]
From: "Shivani Shah" <shivani at sanctuaryasia.com>
Subject: Siachen International Peace Park Initiative - An Update
Date: Fri, 17 Dec 2004 15:54:30 +0530
HONOUR THE PAST...SECURE THE FUTURE - SIACHEN
Twenty years is a long time for a mindless war. the loss
of lives. the complete devastation of an ecologically rich region.and in
this seemingly 'deadlock' situation, there still seems to be some hope.
Sixteen participants came together at the Bombay Natural History Society to
discuss and take forward the Siachen Peace Park Initiative. Last year
Sanctuary Magazine had proposed a campaign to motivate people to sign up the
Siachen Peace Park Initative petition, which has received a tremendous
response.
Participants at this conference were Dr. Saleem H. Ali,
Bittu Sahgal, Debi Goenka, Dr. Asad Rahmani, Rishad Naoroji, Rishikesh
Chavan, Manish Moghe, Deepak Apte, Sanjay Sami, Sanjay Khatau, Ashish
Fernandes, Harish Kapadia, Tanil Kilachand, Divyesh Muni, Aspi Modi, Shivani
Shah and Idris Bhatti. Dr. Saleem H. Ali, Assistant Professor of
Environmental Planning at the Rubenstein School of Environment and Natural
Resources at the University of Vermont, made a presentation, which
highlighted the pros and cons of transboundary parks and Siachen as a piece
in the larger picture.
Using the environment as a tool to ensure peace is a
relatively new approach. As of now about 169 transboundary parks have been
declared around the world and have been shown to be successful even along
disputed boundaries. The World Conservation Union has already formulated an
elaborate 'Draft Code for Transboundary Protected Areas in Times of Peace
and Armed Conflict'. Long-term economic gains, a cleaner environment and
more peaceful relations between the two countries are just a few of the many
positive benefits that could ensue. Siachen, subject to global warming is
one of the longest glaciers in the world and has been receding at an
accelerated rate. The region could be completely demilitarised and declared
a Transboundary Peace Park. The army on both the side could adopt a more
positive role and 'green governance' could be a tool towards achieving this.
After withdrawal by armed forces, a clean-up campaign could be initiated. In
an ideal situation, the glacier could be dedicated to conservation, and both
countries would benefit making it a pareto-optimal situation. Several other
issues that came up this meet included repercussions on ecology, economy and
the cultures around the region.
The conference was one of the first in the series
scheduled towards this realisation.
Please circulate this newsletter to all those who may be
interested.
Sanctuary Asia Newsletter on http://www.sanctuaryasia.com.
______
[3]
COMBATING COMMUNAL VIOLENCE
by
Ajay K. Mehra
Union Home Minister Shivraj Patil has announced
recently that a special law against communal
violence has been drafted and would be placed in
the current session of Parliament. Though it
would be difficult to presume as to what kind of
legal instrument it is going to be, two
assumptions are implicit in this move. First,
communal violence is a legal problem. Second, a
country which has a complex quagmire of judicial
and criminal justice systems, complex enough to
be a haven for lawyers and litigants alike, does
not have sufficient legal instruments to tackle
communal violence.
The first question merits a simplistic
question: what is communal violence? Though too
elementary for a nation, which was born amidst
communal violence, the proposed legislation would
have to be evaluated in the light of this
question. In the Indian political and social
lexicon, till the tragic events of 31 October
1984, communal violence has meant Hindu-Muslim
riot. Even the attacks on Christian missionaries
and Christian tribals during the ascendance of
the Sangh Parivar some years back, let alone
caste conflicts of different magnitude in various
parts of the country, did not change the
definition, though in these cases too, there have
been two communities juxtaposed in violent
confrontation. Neither does other rural and
urban violence in which one community takes part
in violence collectively either against the state
or against any other community. In short, what
has been commonly described as 'communal
violence' is 'collective violence' with sectarian
fanaticism as the critical driving force. The
new legal instrument would deserve an assessment
from this perspective.
Communal violence becomes a legal problem to the
extent that it poses a threat to peace and
security as well as to law and order. Obviously,
legal instruments as well as law enforcement
agencies are required to prevent possibilities of
violence and restore order once it has taken
place. Both these instruments of the state would
be successful in their preventive and enforcement
roles only to the extent that social and
political dimensions do not overwhelm those who
operate the instruments of the state. Obviously,
while we must look at the legal and enforcement
instrumentalities in order to strengthen them and
make them efficacious, they would remain
ineffective without tackling the root causes.
This point gets further buttressed when we look
at the available legal and enforcement framework
in our country. Beginning with the Constitution
of India, instruments against communalism find
place at the outset in the Preamble. Even when
'secular' was not mentioned till inserted through
the 42nd Amendment, it is clearly manifested
through justice, liberty, equality and
fraternity. Several provisions of Part III of
the constitution dealing with fundamental rights,
particularly Articles 14, 15, 16, 17, 19, 21, 25,
26, 27, 28, 29 and 30, along with other
provisions of the Cr. PC and IPC can be used to
deal with communal violence.
Various sections of the Cr. PC dealing with
search, detention and arrest empower the police
to take sufficient measures to prevent and deal
with riotous situation of most kinds. For
example, sections 41 (arrest without warrant), 42
(refusal to give name and address), 46 (use of
necessary force for arrest if required), 149
(prevention of cognizable offence), 151
(preventive arrest on knowing of a design).
Section 157 empowers a SHO report to the nearest
magistrate, proceed to investigate, take
necessary preventive steps if he has reason to
suspect a cognizable offence and no permission
required for search on such situations. The
powers of dispersal of a mob with the use of
reasonable force under section 129 and section
131 under which a gazetted officer of the armed
forces can act as a magistrate if one is not
available emergently too are powerful instruments.
Chapter 6 of the IPC too has a number of
instruments. Sections 121, 121 A, 123, 124A make
waging war against the state, conspiracy and
sedition a cognizable offence. Sections 120 A &
B as well as 153 A are harsh enough against those
promoting disunity in society as well as hatching
criminal conspiracy to create communal
disharmony. Then there are provisions against
offences at places of worship.
In a layman's view, these provisions with the
state and its law enforcement agencies are potent
enough to prevent as well as curb any kind of
collective violence, even communal violence. Two
issues mentioned by various human rights groups
pushing for such a special law nevertheless,
merit attention. First, that of witness
protection brought out so starkly in the case of
Zahira Sheikh (and several others) during the
trials of Gujarat violence. But witness
protection has been a critical issue of judicial
reforms in India as no solution has yet been
found to the problem of overwhelming judicial
backlog, which make cases drag and witnesses open
to threats and allurements. Second, absence of
compensation for the victims in the existing laws
has helped the state dither on the issue in most
cases, which is proposed in the new law.
While we have to wait till we see to evaluate
this law, I must stress that police reforms are
critical to this issue and deserves immediate
attention. Second, if political parties wielding
the instruments of the state make a mockery of
the rule of law, no legal instrument would be
enough.
The writer is Director, Centre for Public Affairs, Noida.
o o o o
The Hindu
Dec 19, 2004
Anti-communal law: delay due to lack of clarity, confusion
By Vinay Kumar
NEW DELHI, DEC. 18. Notwithstanding the Union
Home Ministry's eagerness to come up with a new
law to check communal violence, the reported lack
of ``clarity and vision'' in North Block has
created a peculiar situation for the Law
Ministry. Its officials are said to be flummoxed
over the ``near absence'' of specific provisions
that the Home Ministry wants incorporated in the
proposed law.
Well-placed Law Ministry sources say that the
Home Ministry has forwarded a handful of drafts
and dumped papers from symposiums and seminars
asking it to frame the law. ``Apart from the
definition of communal violence and a provision
for compensation to the victims, the Home
Ministry appears confused on the issue,'' the
sources said. Though there is no tussle between
the two crucial Ministries, the lack of clarity
and focus has led to delay in framing the law.
The National Common Minimum Programme (CMP) of
the UPA government remains the guiding light on
the issue.
``The UPA government will enact a model
comprehensive law to deal with communal violence
and encourage each State to adopt that law to
generate faith and confidence in minority
communities,'' the CMP says.
Under the ``Internal Security'' head, the NCMP
promises to take the ``strictest possible action,
without fear or favour, against all those
individuals and organisations who spread social
discord, disturb social amity, propagate
religious bigotry and communal hatred.''
Community fine
The Home Minister, Shivraj Patil, has said that
the new law would define communal violence as the
law does not draw a line between communal
violence and a law and order problem.
According to him, the State Government should be
able to ``identify and isolate'' incidents of
communal violence.
The Minister is also keen on incorporating a
clause for awarding compensation to the victims
of communal violence through some kind of
``community fine.''
The Ministry is also learnt to have suggested the
constitution of designated and special courts in
each State to expedite the trial pertaining to
communal violence and hate crime cases.
A recent attempt at drafting the bill to provide
a legal mechanism for the prevention and control
of communal violence, disturbances and hate
politics was made under the aegis of the
Rashtriya Lok Dal (RLD) president and former
Union Minister, Ajit Singh, who held a round of
meetings with members of civil society, political
parties, NGOs, lawyers, academicians and retired
police and civil officials.
Life term, fine
The RLD-inspired draft bill proposes life
imprisonment and fine for those found guilty of
destroying properties, places of religious
worship, shops, factories and other means of
livelihood and cultural facilities with an intent
to cripple the members of a group on account of
ill-will or hatred.
It proposes a prison term of three years for
those found guilty of wantonly promoting enmity
between different groups of people on ground of
religion, race, caste, places of birth, language
and others or encouraging to commit acts
prejudicial to maintenance of harmony by words -
spoken, written or by signs or visible
presentation.
It also seeks to make the appropriate government
responsible for paying compensation of not less
than Rs. 2 lakhs to a dependent of a person
killed in an incident of communal violence.
______
[4]
'Conscience', Ideologies and Political Compulsions
Ram Puniyani
Smriti, Tulsi, Irani has been a major 'catch' for BJP for multiple
reasons. Apart from being the central character in the popular 'Kyonki Saas
bhi khabhi', she did symbolize the values of the character she played, the
ëidealí house wife totally devoted to the cause of the family, a
militantly subordinate role, which clicked with the tides of the time.
While this role of the female character sounds brave and autonomous, it
does also totally accept the patriarchal boundaries of male primacy, of
Hindutva in particular. Even the popularity of this serial has a lot to do
with the cultural downturn which is the base on which the success of
Hindutva ideology stands. It is a strong favorite of those fully endorsing
the RSS ideology, and also amongst others.
Appearing in different TV debates she did project the same picture of the
woman, advocating the militant subordination of the role, which this
ideology stands for. Another symbol of this being the organizations like
Durga Vahini, floated by this multi headed hydra called sangh parivar. It
is for these reasons that Smriti became hot favorite with the BJP and she
went up several ladders in a short time. She joined the party, rose to
become the member of its national executive, appeared on the TV screens as
a political person and was given the prestigious Chandni Chowk seat in the
Delhi, which she contested unsuccessfully.
In her recent visit to Gujarat she came to suddenly 'realize' that the
butcher of Gujarat ,Narendra Modi was the culprit behind BJP defeat in the
Lok sabha elections, so she demanded his resignation failing which she
will go on indefinite fast. Probably it was a sudden gush of ëconscienceí
which prompted her to take on the might of none other than Mr. Modi, who
claims to be the representative of 5 Crore Guajratis and is the hot
favorite of the current BJP President Mr. Lal Krishna Advani, the
architect of Hindutva rise on Indian political scenario. It was a sort of
pleasant surprise that at long last some BJP people are gathering courage
to express their voice of conscience and call a spade a spade. But it was
not to last too long. Within a few hours of her proclamation, she eat her
words and declared since she has been asked to read a particular statement
to the press, she is doing it, that she takes back her words and no more
questions on this episode, full stop.
It leaves a lot of questions unanswered. How come she realized the dangers
of Modi Methods and their being opposed to Vajpayee dicta at a particular
point of time? Why was she not aware of what is Modiís role in elections
and overall in Gujarat earlier, she being amongst the most visible women
faces of BJP? Can one have a change of opinions so fast, turning 180
degrees in a period of few hours? The answer lies in the nature of
opportunism prevailing in our political system. The answer lies in the
erosion of political value system and also in the dilution of ideologies
at the cost of grabbing power and pelf.
We have witnessed this so often in the BJP regime. Not that others are
free from it, but BJP and more so Mr. Vajpayee made this flip flop into a
sort of an art and played it to perfection. In his case it was difficult
to tell which is the real person, the one articulating the occasional
surge of conscience or the one talking the Hindutva again in a most
sophisticated language. In the face of attacks on Christian missionaries
he will talk of National debate on Conversions. When talking in Shah Alam
camp in the aftermath of state sponsored genocide, he will talk of raj
dharma and just a few days later he will talk of there being problems
wherever there are Muslims so how can Gujarat be an exception. Abroad he
will talk of Gujarat as a shame of the nation at home he will provide
solid umbrella to the butcher in chief of Gujarat. No wonder he was called
as the mask of Hindutva ideology by none other than Govindacharya the
foremost Hindutva ideologue of current times.
The political arena has become full of those for whom it is more a means
of rising up the ladder of power or to retain it. The criminals of various
hues have made it secure abode of their existence. But at one level this
aberration is equally matched by those who turn colors with the changing
opportunities. BJP itself, the new edition of earlier Bhartaiya Jan Sangh
(BJS) has come a long way in this opportunistic politics. BJS began its
journey as a right wing party, a political hybrid of RSS and Hindu
Mahasabha, before merging into Janata Party on the plank of anti
corruption. It was given the oath of National integration by Jaya Prakash
Narayan, the architect of Janata party. In due course it broke the Janata
party on the issue of dual membership and resurfaced as the party of
Gandhian socialism. This failed to click with the electorate as people
knew the Gandhian socialism is a mere ruse, they did recollect that it was
a volunteer trained by RSS and Hindu Mahasabha who put three bullets in
the chest of Mahatma, Father of the nation, since he was perceived as a
big obstacle to Hindu rashtra. And as for socialism, electorate did
recollect that it was BJS whose major principle was to oppose any
ësocialistí or peoples welafarist measure by the state. Having bitten the
dust on these issues it soon transformed itself into a party for Ram
Temple, Hindutva, Hindu Nation and what have you. During this time Party
with a difference was its logo. Party free from corruption etc. was the
plank. After demolishing the Babri masjid as a means to acquire power it
went on become equally if not more corrupt than the other political
outfits.
The fact that at ideological level many a political worthies have embraced
communalism, goes without saying. It was Indira Gandhi who first made the
temple visits a visible part of her political schedule. She also peddled
the subtle communal line in the case of Meenakshipuram conversions of
dalits, and also on the issue of Kashmir to some extent. Rajiv was much
worse as for as the practice of ideology was concerned. It seems that for
him ideology was more a matter of tactics rather than a matter of
principles. He did go on to appease the Muslim and than Hindu
fundamentalists in quick succession giving the ideal pretext for the rise
of Hindutva, waiting in the wings. Somewhere here one also sees the
opportunist role of the likes of George Fernandes. The person who seemed
to have unshakable commitment to secularism came to become the best
spokesman and defender of RSS politics. Lust for power taught him to
tailor his language to suit his new masters, Vajpayee and the RSS combine.
It was through him that the murder of Graham Stains was defended by the
NDA Govt., again he was the person to cover up the rape of women in
Gujarat, on the ground that there is nothing new in this to require extra
condemnation.
The likes of Tulsi's who may have a real conscience will 'learn' the
political ropes soon enough to speak out the party line and defend the
acts which are immoral or against the grain of Indian Constitution. Her
turn around is a symbol of times, power over the principles, more so in
the outfits which abuse religion for their political goals and agendas.
______
[5]
Press Release
First General Assembly of mines, minerals & People
16.12.2004
The annual general assembly of mines, mineral &
PEOPLE was concluded today at Anandwan,
Maharashtra with paying rich tributes to the
martyrs of Maikanch Firing in Kashipur, Orissa
which took place on 16th December 2000 and
expressing solidarity with the ongoing struggle
of the local communities against the proposed
mining in that area. The Assembly strongly
condemned the atrocities of the state agencies.
mines, minerals & People is a national alliance
of organisations, struggle groups, communities
and fraternity organisations which has evolved
over five years of collective struggle as the
single largest platform of mining struggle
groups, affected communities, workers, advocacy
groups, NGO's, experts and technical institutions.
A 25 member Executive Council was elected by 250
delegates from 150 organisations representing 16
states to lead the alliance for the next two
years. The assembly also adopted the constitution
and evolved an action plan.
The four days of deliberations and sharing of
mining struggles across the country from Kollum
in Kerala to Kataldi in Uttaranchal, from
Lanjigarh in Orissa to Saurashtra in Gujarat from
the interior tribal and forest regions of open
cast and underground mines, to the urban slums of
migrant quarry workers and bonded mine labourers,
the fangs of global privatization, liberalization
and de-regulation became visibly ugly in these
stories.
The delegates reiterated their resolve to fight
the onslaught of profiteers both national and
international to hegemonize natural resources and
push the local communities to a state of
impoverishment.
Ravi Rebbapragada
Chairperson
For and on behalf of
mines, minerals & PEOPLE
Anandwan, Maharashtra
______
[6] ANNOUNCEMENTS
(i)
Women's Rights Organisation
cordially invites you to a
Seminar & Cultural Programme
on the occasion of the
77 th Anniversary of the 'Burning of Manusmriti'
by Dr Babasaheb Ambedkar
which is being celebrated as 'Stree Samman Divas' ( Day for Women's Dignity)
Time and Venue : 12 a.m. Wednesday, 22 nd December 2004
Tagore Hall, Arts Faculty, North Campus,
Delhi University,Delhi
Dear Friend
You are cordially invited for a programme to be
held on 22 nd December 2004 as part of the STREE
SAMMAN DIVAS (DAY FOR WOMEN'S DIGNITY)
celebrations organised by Stree Adhikar Sangathan
( Women's Rights Organisation) at TAGORE HALL,
DELHI UNIVERSITY ( NORTH CAMPUS) at 12 a.m.
You are quite aware that it was on 25 th December
1927 that thousands of people came together under
the leadership of Dr Babasaheb Ambedkar to
consign to flames Manusmriti the 'sacred' book
which epitomised and legitimised the subhuman
existence of the socially and culturally
downtrodden in the Indian society, especially the
dalits and the women.
As things stand today officially the Manusmriti
might have been replaced by the more egalitarian
Indian Constitution more than fifty years ago but
at an informal level it continues to hold sway
over the thinking and actions of a vast majority
of the Indian people. Dalits, women and a broad
section of the other socially oppressed strata
are still condemned to live under the oppressive
structures and institutions sanctified by it.
To underline the fact of the societal violence
which continues unabated till date we have been
celebrating the day when Manusmriti was burnt as
a day for Women's Dignity " Stree Samman
Divas"since last two years.As part of this
celebrations this year we have decided to hold a
seminar to debate and discuss the 'Challenge of
Communalism and Women's Movement'. LOOKING AT THE
UNIVERSITY SCHEDULE WE ARE ORGANISING THE SAID
PROGRAMME ON 22 ND DECEMBER ITSELF. You might be
aware that STRRE ADHIKAR SANGATHAN has started to
celebrate this day since last two years. Two
years ago we have publicly felicitated BHANWARI
DEVI from BHATERI, RAJASTHAN for her valiant
struggle for women's rights.
As part of this programme we have invited Social
activist MS TEESTA SETALVAD, Feminist scholar Ms
NIVEDITA MENON, Intellectual-activist ADITYA
NIGAM, Dr. SWATI JOSHI and few other leading
activists and academics to participate in the
discussion on CHALLENGE OF COMMUNALISM AND INDIAN
WOMEN.
We will be very happy if you can join us for this
event. A few leading cultural troupes from Delhi
have also agreed to present a few songs and skits
after the seminar.
Hoping to meet you in the programme .
for Women's Rights Organisation
Ph: 011-27872835 / 0532-2552324
o o o o
(ii)
Date: Tue, 14 Dec 2004 09:32:39 -0800 (PST)
From: Arvind Ghosh <arvind_ghosh at yahoo.com>
Ecology & the Future Society
[Workshop at Nagpur on 15-16 January. 2005]
Man is a part of nature & his war against nature is
inevitably a war against himself - Rachel Carson.
The first use of an atom bomb on Hiroshima in 1945
made humanity aware that it had acquired the power to
inflict irremediable damage on the biosphere, a
devastating power that might even lead to human
self-extinction. As it turned out, in fact Hiroshima
was only the first in a series of developments that
seemed to point towards an impending ecological
disaster. If we observe very recent history, we find
that during the last 30years,
Oil consumption has increased from 46 million
barrels a day to 73 million
Coal extraction has gone up from 2.2 billion metric
tones to 3.8 billion
The number of motor vehicles have almost tripled
from 246 million 730 million
The rate at which trees are consumed to make paper
has doubled to 200 million metric tones per year
Human carbon emission has increased from 3.9 million
metric tones annually to an estimated 6.4 million
40% of agricultural soils have been degraded
Half of the forests have disappeared
Species are vanishing at a rate that has not
occurred in 65 million years
[source:
The enemy of nature by Joel Kovel]
Thus at the beginning of 21st century, eroding soils,
shrinking forests, expanding deserts, acid rain,
atmospheric ozone depletion, building of greenhouse
gases, poisoned water supplies & the loss of
biological diversity have become the order of the day.
If this alarming rise in ecological degradation could
take place in the span of a mere 30 years, it becomes
evident that the ecological crisis of our planet has
already reached catastrophic proportions, It seems
that the carrying capacity and the recuperative powers
of the planet have exceeded. Unless there is massive
immediate change in human behavior, irreversible
catastrophic destruction including death of billions
of human beings & possible extinction of all life
forms on the planet will result.
The question is: can anything be done to prevent the
impending catastrophe? A number of ecological
movements & eco-philosophies are contending with each
other to provide solutions to the problem of
ecological degradation and for the prevention of the
impending disaster. Some of the important
eco-philosophical tendencies are:
Eco-primitivism: The idea of eco-primitivism implies
in its most radical form, a return to the golden age
of hunter-gatherer society. For eco-primitivists
Civilization itself is the problem and nothing short
of overthrowing or abandoning civilization is required
to restore ecological balance on this planet
Deep Ecology: Deep Ecology is founded on two basic
principles. First, human-centeredness is a misguided
way of seeing things and only an eco centric attitude
is consistent with nature of life on Earth. Second,
instead of identifying with our egos or our immediate
family we should learn to identify with trees, animals
& plants, indeed the whole of ecosphere. Deep ecology
believes that the nature is not only a living but also
a conscious organism of which the human beings are
(its) body cells. This is known as the ìGaiaî
hypothesis.
Eco-feminism: According to Eco-feminists real problem
is not ìhuman-centerednessî but rather
ìman-centerednessî. They say that thousands of years
of Patriarchy are ultimately responsible for the
destruction of the biosphere and the development of
authoritarian practices both socially &
environmentally. Eco feminism holds that the
philosophy of modern science has been fashioned by the
same attitude towards nature (to dominate, exploit &
conquer it) as patriarchy towards women. Eco feminism
calls for the agenda of simultaneous abolition of
domination over women as well as nature, end of
exploitation through radical changes in the paradigm
of science & technology & through social, political
practice.
Social Ecology: The proponent of the anarchist
philosophy of social ecology Murray Bookchin has
critiqued Deep Ecology saying Deep Ecology fails to
see that the problem of ecological crisis is directly
linked to authoritarianism & hierarchy. According to
him authoritarianism & hierarchy are the real problems
& they are expressed both socially & environmentally.
Eco socialism: Ecosocialism insists upon redefining
the path & goal of socialist production in an
ecological framework. The goal is a transformation of
needs and a profound shift towards the qualitative
dimension away from the quantitative, translating into
valorization of use values over exchange values.
Besides the above, there are many other tendencies
like Bioregionalism, Eco-capitalism, Ecology of the
traditional left, ecological Marxism, Gandhian Ecology
etc. All of us who are seriously concerned about the
alarming state of the ecology today may have divergent
as well as competitive views but let us not forget
that we are all on the same boat which may sink unless
we do something urgently to save it. We have to
overcome ìI am right, you are wrongî kind of attitude
and explore an alternative way of having conversation.
With this approach in mind, we have decided to hold a
workshop at Nagpur on the
Subject: Ecology & the Future Society on 15-16
January 2005.
We invite all those who are interested in discussion,
debate & sharing of views on the
above subject, to participate in this workshop.
Discussions are expected to be free &
not within any specific framework All shades of
opinions & views are welcome.
Those who wish to participate may contact the
following friends at Nagpur & send
their papers to:
Pradeep Muktibodh.: E-mail muktibodh at satyam.net.in
phone::9823233576
Arvind Ghosh : arvind_ghosh at yahoo.com
phone:2283018
Dilip kshirsagar:phone:2247784
Suresh Khairnar: phone:2553383
Prakash Meghe: pmegh_61 at yahoo.co.uk phone:
2527258,9823014009
o o o o
(iii)
DURABLE DISORDER
Understanding the Politics of Northeast India
--- Sanjib Baruah
New Delhi: Oxford University Press, 2005; http://www.oup.com/in
ISBN 0 19 566981 9 280 PAGES Rs. 495
For decades states in India's Northeast have experienced ethnic
conflict and suffered human and material losses due to insurgency and
counter-insurgency operations. This book analyses the causes and seeks to
comprehend the political meaning and significance of persisting political
violence.
The author argues that prolonged counter-insurgency operations
have eroded the democratic fabric of the region and institutionalized
authoritarian practices. There is a growing dissonance between the idea of
ethnic homelands and the actually existing political economy of the region
that makes ethnic violence and internal displacements quite predictable.
The book explores the economic incorporation of the region into
the global capitalist economy in the 19th century and the resultant
conflict between global and local resource use regimes. It delves into the
historical roots of the region's oldest armed conflict-the Naga
insurgency, and carries a detailed analysis of the United Liberation Front
of Assam (ULFA) during different phases of its power and influence.
The author argues for a reorientation of India's policy towards
the Northeast and for linking it to a new foreign policy towards Southeast
Asia. India should take advantage of the cultural and spatial proximity of
the Northeastern states to the ASEAN region. The economic integration of
the region with Southeast Asia through the pursuit of a dynamic 'Look
East' policy could go a long way in bringing about stability, peace, and
prosperity.
Opening new perspectives in our understanding of ethnic
conflict and the meaning of democracy with specific reference to the
Northeast, this book will be of interest to students, researchers and
scholars in politics and history, journalists, policy-makers, defence
analysts, and the informed lay reader.
Sanjib Baruah is Senior Fellow, Omeo Kumar Das Institute for Social Change
and Development, Guwahati, Assam, and Professor of Political Studies, Bard
College, Annandale-on-Hudson, New York.
'Sanjib Baruah's Durable Disorder explains politics in India's Northeast
with brilliant clarity, using history, theory, journalism, personal
experience, and participant insight to the full.' - David Ludden,
Professor of History, University of Pennsylvania
'Sanjib Baruah's new book raises the discussion about the Northeast to an
altogether higher plane, it brings current debates in political thought to
bear upon our understanding of the region in a way that has not been done
before.' -- Mrinal Miri, Vice Chancellor, NorthEastern Hill University,
Shillong
'Durable Disorder opens new perspectives in our understanding of
federalism, the linkage between domestic and foreign policies, ethnic
conflict and the meaning of democracy.' - Susanne Hoeber Rudolph,
President, American Political Science Association 2003-04.
_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/
Buzz on the perils of fundamentalist politics, on
matters of peace and democratisation in South
Asia. SACW is an independent & non-profit
citizens wire service run since 1998 by South
Asia Citizens Web: www.sacw.net/
SACW archive is available at: bridget.jatol.com/pipermail/sacw_insaf.net/
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