SACW | 5 Jul 2004

[Harsh Kapoor]

South Asia Citizens Wire    |  5 July,  2004
via:  www.sacw.net

[Please note: SACW dispatches will be interrupted 
between the period July   6 - 9, 2004]

[1]   'Bare Branches' and Danger in Asia (Valerie 
M. Hudson and Andrea M. Den Boer)
[2]   Crossing The Lines: Kashmir, Pakistan, 
India: A documentary film by Pervez Hoodbhoy and 
Zia Mian
[3]  India: The 'tallest leader' is a dwarf: BJP 
returns to hard-Hindutva (Praful Bidwai)
[4]  India: Hindutva Politics: Future Trajectory (Ram Puniyani)
[5]  India: Letter to the Editor (Mukul Dube)
[6]  India: screenings of three anti-fascist films (Bombay, July 10, 2004)
[7]  Bangladesh: Mullahs wrestle their way in - Women's wrestling called off

--------------

[1]

The Washington Post
July 4, 2004; Page B07

'Bare Branches' and Danger in Asia

by Valerie M. Hudson and Andrea M. Den Boer

If tens of millions of your society's young men 
were unable to find wives, would you be 
concerned? This is the troubling scenario that 
China and India must now face.

The technology to identify the sex of a fetus 
became widespread in Asia in the mid-1980s, and 
more and more parents each year have used it to 
weed out less-valued daughters before they are 
born. Even though identification of the sex of a 
fetus, as well as sex-selective abortion, is 
illegal throughout Asia, the balance of boys and 
girls in the younger generations continues to 
worsen in many of these countries.

For example, in China the sex ratio for children 
up through age 4 is over 120:100 (120 boys for 
every 100 girls), according to the 2000 census. 
By comparison, a normal sex ratio for this age 
group is 105 or less. In India the sex ratio for 
children up through age 6 has increased over the 
past decade from 105.8 to 107.9, though this 
masks the fact that certain Indian states have 
much worse ratios -- 126 in Punjab, for example.

In societies where the status of women is so low 
that they are routinely culled from the 
population, even before birth, the prospects for 
peace and democracy are seriously diminished.

The old saying goes, "When you pick up one end of 
a stick, you also pick up the other." When a 
society prefers sons to daughters to the extent 
found in parts of contemporary Asia, it not only 
will have fewer daughters, but it also will 
create a subclass of young men who are apt to 
have difficulty finding wives and beginning their 
own families. Because son preference has been a 
significant phenomenon in Asia for centuries, the 
Chinese actually have a term for such young men. 
They are called guang gun-er or "bare branches," 
because they are branches of the family tree that 
will never bear fruit. The girls who should have 
grown up to be their wives were disposed of 
instead.

We have already seen in China the resurrection of 
evils such as the kidnapping and selling of women 
to provide brides for those who can pay the fee. 
Scarcity of women leads to a situation in which 
men with advantages -- money, skills, education 
-- will marry, but men without such advantages -- 
poor, unskilled, illiterate -- will not. A 
permanent subclass of bare branches from the 
lowest socioeconomic classes is created. In China 
and India, for example, by the year 2020 bare 
branches will make up 12 to 15 percent of the 
young adult male population.

Should the leaders of these nations be worried? 
The answer is yes. Throughout history, bare 
branches in East and South Asia have played a 
role in aggravating societal instability, violent 
crime and gang formation.

Though the existence of sizable numbers of bare 
branches is not a necessary condition for 
instability -- the sex ratios of Rwanda in 1994 
were normal, for example -- it plays a 
significant role in the amplification of levels 
of instability and threat.

Consider the fact that in the mid-1800s, a 
predominantly bare-branch rebel group in the 
north of China called the Nien, in combination 
with rebel groups farther south, openly attacked 
imperial troops and forts, taking control of 
territory inhabited by 6 million Chinese citizens 
before it was quashed by the government years 
later.

More recently, Indian scholars have noted a very 
strong relationship between sex ratios and 
violent crime rates in Indian states, which 
persists even after controlling for a variety of 
other possible variables. And worldwide, more 
violent crime is committed by unmarried young 
adult men than by married young adult men.

According to sociologists, young adult men with 
no stake in society -- of the lowest 
socioeconomic classes and with little chance of 
forming families of their own -- are much more 
prone to attempt to improve their situation 
through violent and criminal behavior in a 
strategy of coalitional aggression with other 
bare branches.

Historically, governments facing a growing 
population of bare branches find themselves 
caught in a dilemma. They must decrease the 
threat to society posed by these young men but at 
the same time may find the cost of doing so is 
heavy. Increased authoritarianism in an effort to 
crack down on crime, gangs, smuggling and so 
forth can be one result.

At some point, governments consider how they can 
export their problem, either by encouraging 
emigration of young adult men or harnessing their 
energies in martial adventures abroad. There are 
very few good options for governments that find 
that their greatest threat emanates not from an 
external source but from an internal one.

Conservative estimates of the number of young 
adult bare branches in China in 2020 will be 
about 30 million, in India about 28 million. 
Pakistan will also have a sizable number of bare 
branches, as will Taiwan. When policymakers 
ponder the future of conflicts such as Kashmir 
and Taiwan, the sex ratios of the nations 
involved should not be forgotten.

Abnormal sex ratios may very well alter security 
calculations concerning threat and deterrence. 
The first generation of bare branches since the 
advent of sex identification technology is 
turning 19 this year, and with every successive 
year not only the number but the percentage of 
young adult men without wives will increase. We 
stand at the threshold of a time in which their 
presence will become a factor in policymaking.

Given that almost 40 percent of the world's 
population is in China and India, the likelihood 
of diminishing prospects for democracy, stability 
and peace because of the extremely low status of 
women in those societies will affect not only 
Asia but the world.

Valerie M. Hudson is a professor of political 
science at Brigham Young University. Andrea M. 
Den Boer is a lecturer in international politics 
at the University of Kent in Britain. They are 
the authors of "Bare Branches: The Security 
Implications of Asia's Surplus Male Population."


_____



[2]


CROSSING THE LINES: KASHMIR, PAKISTAN, INDIA

A documentary film by Pervez Hoodbhoy and Zia Mian

Produced for the Eqbal Ahmad Foundation, 2004 (45 minutes, DVD only)

"A compelling fresh look at an age old problem that could be the spark of
a nuclear war."  [Ahmed Rashid, author of Taliban]

"This film violates the grand narrative of nationalism on all sides. It
shocks with its unfamiliar humanity." [Khaled Ahmed, Daily Times]

After four wars, Kashmiris and their land are divided between Pakistan and
India, the source of recurring crises. The next war may well be a nuclear
war. In this tragedy, each side tells the story of the injustice and
violence of the other, and feels only the suffering of their own. This
path-breaking independent documentary film, made in Pakistan, challenges
us to look at Kashmir with new eyes and to hope for a new way forward.

The film uses interviews of key figures and ordinary people from every
side, rare archival footage and computer animations to chronicles the
wars, the failed efforts at peace and the daily toll this failure exacts
on those caught in this tragic struggle. We hear leading Kashmiri
militants voice the frustration of their hopes for democracy and their
desperate rebellion against oppressive Indian rule. We see how Pakistan’s
relentless determination to confront India created an Islamic holy war
that brought terror and death to Kashmir. Radical Hindu leaders in India,
and Islamic militants in Pakistan, explain their shared conviction that
Kashmir is part of a greater struggle that knows no limits. We discover
how amid rising religious passions, governments in India and Pakistan seek
to build national identity through cultivating prejudice and hatred
towards the other.

Rejecting the national ambitions of Kashmiris, Pakistanis and Indians
alike, the film offers a vision of a shared future for all of South Asia
built on a common humanity.

---------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
ORDER THE FILM ON DVD
Payment must be by check, drawn on a US bank, or money order.

i) For individuals - $35; for institutions - $100
ii) $______(optional, as contribution to the Eqbal Ahmad Foundation)
Contributions of $100 will recieve a free complimentary copy of "Between
Past and Future- Selected Essays on South Asia" by Eqbal Ahmad (Oxford
University Press, 2004) - NOT FOR SALE in the USA.

Please mail your order to:
EQBAL AHMAD FOUNDATION
P.O. Box 222
PRINCETON, NJ 08542-0222, USA.

Your Name __________________________
Address ________________________
City ___________________________
State/Zip/Country ______________________
Email ______________________



______



[3]


The Daily Star
July 05, 2004
Editorial

The 'tallest leader' is a dwarf: BJP returns to hard-Hindutva
Praful Bidwai writes from New Delhi

The BJP's June 22-24 national executive meeting 
in Mumbai will go down as a story of 
incomprehension of and bitterness at its 
electoral defeat, washing of dirty linen in 
public, organisational disarray, ideological 
confusion, and leadership crisis.

The BJP has failed to understand its debacle's 
causes and to devise a strategy for revival. It 
emerged from the meeting badly mauled, with 
divergences between Mr Atal Behari Vajpayee and 
Mr L.K. Advani becoming visible.

The BJP is now ripe for a virtual takeover by the 
RSS and its hardline associates.

Its "tallest leader", it turns out, is only a 
dwarf. Mr Vajpayee's stature has shrunk to a 
fraction of its earlier size. Once a master 
tactician, he has fallen to the level of the 
run-of-the-mill politician, given to thoughtless 
statements and less-than-mature retractions.

Mr Vajpayee fired the first salvo on June 13, 
when he blamed Mr Narendra Modi for the BJP's 
electoral losses and said the issue would be 
taken up in the national executive. He was 
promptly rebuffed by party president M. Venkaiah 
Naidu.

Two days later, four VHP-RSS leaders in their 
late 70s and 80s, led by Mr Ashok Singhal, 
demanded the resignation of the Vajpayee-Advani 
duo and a public admission that the BJP lost 
because "they discarded Hindutva-related issues." 
They also asked the party to fix a "retirement 
age" for leaders.

It's laughable that these geriatrics should 
demand a "retirement age". But the cruellest 
irony was that their line -- of attributing the 
BJP's defeat to its departure from 
hardline-Hindutva --was accepted by the party 
only days later!

Mr Vajpayee misread the party's mood. He got used 
to having his way -- by sulking at criticism, or 
by cracking the whip. Last year, he made Mr Naidu 
retract the vikas purush-loh purush formulation 
inside 24 hours. Earlier, he refused to sack 
principal secretary-confidante Brajesh Mishra 
despite pressure.

Mr Vajpayee's clout derived primarily from the 
Prime Ministership, and secondarily, from NDA 
allies. He has lost the first. The allies have 
shrunk to under half their size. When Mr Vajpayee 
realised he had overplayed his hand, he retreated.

This shows Mr Vajpayee hasn't been serious about 
opposing an RSS takeover of the BJP. Or else, he 
would have put up a fight, by cultivating support 
for himself.

Instead, he staged a cheap stunt in Mumbai -- by 
saying that he wouldn't lead the party. A day 
later, he said this was "a joke". Ultimately, he 
entertained Mr Modi over breakfast!

This is typical of Mr Vajpayee's inconsistent 
behaviour -- witness his 2000 statement declaring 
himself a swayamsevak, but then "clarifying" that 
the term meant being a "servant of the nation", 
or his 2002 about-turn in Goa over sacking Mr 
Modi.

Mr Vajpayee cannot pretend he's a "moderate". He 
is as steeped in Hindutva as any other 
swayamsevak. It's just that he favours a less 
loud, less "in-your-face", softer approach to the 
same goal. Even that's not acceptable to his 
party.

In Mumbai, the BJP undertook no serious 
introspection. Rather, it looked for scapegoats 
and hardened its ideological stance.

It refused to recognise that India's political 
coordinates have changed and it's seriously out 
of tune. The last election turned on two axes: 
livelihood issues, and rejection of 
ethnic-religious identity politics. The BJP 
trotted out question-begging explanations for its 
defeat like "overconfidence", "complacency", and 
its "image" as a party given to 5-star indulgence.

But the national executive was held in a 7-Star 
hotel where delegates had access to seven 
restaurants, a gymnasium and sauna!

The explanation that prevailed in Mumbai was 
advanced by margadarshak Advani. The party lost 
because it neglected its three-legged 
"ideological constituency" of "karyakartas, our 
ideological parivar, and our social support-base."

The BJP didn't neglect this triad. It drafted in 
Mr Modi and Ms Uma Bharati among its star 
campaigners. Mr Vajpayee shared election-rally 
platforms with Mr Modi more than once. The RSS 
canvassed for the BJP door-to-door.

Mr Advani's "explanation" uses circular reasoning 
based on dogma: we lost because we didn't win, 
and we didn't win because we redefined ourselves, 
to become what we aren't. So return to hardline 
Hindutva and the allies will come rushing back. 
New ones will join in: Ajit Singh, Karunanidhi, 
Paswan...

The BJP is day-dreaming. It cannot possibly 
retain its allies or recruit new ones by 
returning to its "ideological constituency". 
Hard-Hindutva will scare them away.

The BJP's past strategy of capitalising on public 
disenchantment with the Congress cannot work 
today. The public is willing to give the Congress 
another chance because it's offering a 
compassionate government pledged to correcting 
gross disparities and fighting communal bigotry 
and fundamentalism. By building regional 
alliances, the Congress has re-inserted itself 
into the space BJP occupied.

As the BJP moves towards strident communalism, 
its first-generation top leadership is no longer 
in full command (although Mr Advani has improved 
his position). The power-struggle among its 
second-rung leaders is unresolved. They are too 
many: Messrs Naidu, Mahajan, Jaitley, and Ms 
Bharati and Sushma Swaraj.

Clarity will emerge only after the Maharashtra 
Assembly elections, due in September. The 
BJP-Shiv Sena calculates that the Ishrat 
"encounter" killing will polarise opinion and 
help communalists. This may be wishful thinking. 
Most people are repulsed by the "encounter". The 
Congress-NCP will do well by roping in the BSP, 
which commands five percent of the vote.

Nationally, the BJP has lost its advantage. If it 
clings to hard-Hindutva, it will decline further. 
The UPA is making some excellent moves. The 
Common Minimum Programme and the National 
Advisory Committee are good examples.

The Committee has some outstanding members like 
Aruna Roy, Jean Dreze, Madhav Chavan, and N.C. 
Saxena. They could provide sound policy and help 
keep the government on course. If Mr Manmohan 
Singh's team handles the budget well, popular 
support for the UPA will surge. The BJP, then, 
could be consigned to the margins for a long time.


Praful Bidwai is an eminent Indian columnist.

______



[4]

Milligazette
June 1-15

Hindutva Politics: Future Trajectory

Ram Puniyani

The results of parliamentary elections May 2004 were
most significant in the history of Indiaís elections
so far. The only other oneís which had such a massive
impact so far have been the results of post emergency
elections, which threw out the Congress regime and
brought in Janata party to power. The present results
on one hand sent a sigh of relief to many while
shocking many in various ways. Those committed to the
values of Indian constitution, those striving for
democracy heaved a sigh of relief that the RSS agenda
executed through NDA will be curtailed for the time
being. Those within the Sangh combine, those wanting
to replace the democratic structure to Hindu Rashtra,
and were very sure that they are close to their
agenda, felt a great set back by the verdict of the
elections.

It is sure that had they returned to power, with
whatever majority, they would has taken their agenda
to very different level. The processes, which they had
begun to erode, the democratic institutions, did
signal the dangerous portents. The success of RSS
combine lay in the fact that for a large section of
population it could equate Hindus with their brand of
Hinduism and Hinduism with Hindutva, and Hindutva as
synonym with the politics of RSS and its progeny. Any
criticism of BJP, RSS and VHP etc. was and is regarded
as an attack on Hindus. The fact that Hinduism has
various shades and the RSS brand of Hinduism is a mere
reiteration of Brahmnical values got relegated in the
background.

The point that Hindutva is not a religion but a
politics of Hindu elite, especially the affluent
sections of middle classes again got relegated to the
background. Those who bought the RSS propagated values
became very critical of Human rights activists on the
grounds that these activists are pro Muslims, are
against Hindus. Not only that this committed core
cadre of RSS went on to put more severe allegations
against social activists than being mere pro Muslims.
This came about mainly due to the propaganda of RSS
combine carried through different channels, the center
of which is the RSS shakha (branch), which
indoctrinates the young in its ideology. Picking from
there, this is carried forward by many RSS swaymsevaks
in different sections of society, media being one of
the powerful one and educational institutions and
history books being another.

The occupation of the seats of power by BJP enhanced
these processes to no end. Whatever was just
accessible to small section now became a part of
official strategy, through all the mechanisms
available to the state. This is how the communal
divide, the emotional distance between religious
communities started widening during last six years at
a rapid pace. The social space made available to the
Sangh combine by the central Govt., govt. of its
allies in states and already existing mechanism added
fuel to the fire of communal hatred, the result came
forward in the form of burning of Pastor Stains,
anti-Christian violence during BJP led NDA regime, the
horrific Gujarat violence on the pretext of Godhra and
the incidents like Marad in the otherwise secularized
Keral community, indicated that communal forces are on
the rampage at the social level all over.

With such a fertile situation coming into being how
far away can the Hindu Rashtra be? One more stint in
power, the central governments resources and policies
tilting for the RSS agenda and the helpful hand of
NRIs would have done the job and many more such
Hindutva laboratories would join Gujarat. Fortunately
that was not to be. Madhya Pradesh and Rajasthan have
joined Gujarat in creating an atmosphere, which is
very intimidating. Meanwhile it seems the social
engineering, which could co-opt Adivasis into RSS
fold, is showing the signs of cracks. It is likely
that the same Adivisis who were made to act as the
foot soldiers for the Hidnutva rampage in Gujarat may
be getting disenchanted and drifting away. This may be
one of the factors due to which BJP could not make the
sweep, which it was expecting in Gujarat. Social
scientists need to burn the midnight oil to tell us
how far can the deprived sections remain with the
emotive issues of Lord Ram or Mother Cow?

In the light of this the VHP has again intensified its
campaign against conversions. Terrorists wanting to
kill the Hindu Hriday Samrat (Emperor of Hindu
Hearts-II) Narendra Modi are being projected on the
faintest of pretext. As all this comes under POTA and
draconian acts like that the opposition to the illegal
acts of the state machinery are not easy to challenge,
and the state machinery does act with impunity in
places where swayamsevaks rule the roost.

The coming times seem to be full of bigger challenges
for those trying to uphold democratic values, secular
spirit and national integration on the basis of Indian
constitution. Deprived of the control on state power
the RSS and its progeny is likely to assume most rabid
forms of offensive against minorities in particular.
The Hate spewing machines may step up their activities
and the result of such activities is well known to the
society by now. The defense of Modi by the Hindutva
outfit will have severe repercussions. Already Modi is
on the overdrive to harass the Human rights activists
in Gujarat. Those who have voiced their concern
against the dwindling liberal and democratic space in
Gujarat are being targeted.

While the differences within the Sang combine are out
in the open, it is also clear that it is RSS and its
cohorts who call the shots at any point of time. The
flip-flop Vajpayee is given importance only when
needed for electoral calculation, especially when the
liberal and minority votes are to be sought after.
Rest of the times the so-called Hindutva agenda will
be asserted and brought to the fore. Now there is also
a fear that as Ram temple issue no more yields
results, one is yet to see how much electoral milk
holy cow can deliver, what will be the strategy of
BJP? One is yet to see how intimidation of minorities
will assume newer and newer forms. Already there is a
talk that BJP lost as it abandoned the Hindutva
agenda, that it became a poorer version of Congress.
The indications are stark and clear that in coming
times BJP will resort to hardcore Hindutva.

For social movements the task is clear. One cannot
depend only on the state machinery, which so ever
government be in power, for preservation of communal
amity. Communal amity in turn is the core value, which
provides the space for struggles for just society.
Time is overdue for social groups to combat the
communal poison at the level of society; the need for
demolition of myths against minorities, the need for
intercommunity committees to promote amity. And this
is paramount if we want to preserve the democracy and
associated principles. The worsening of the condition
of the weaker sections does call for urgent measures
to stem the tide. The international scenario is not
very heartening with US putting up all the fig leaves
to cover its agenda to control the raw materials and
for that purpose to demonize Islam and Muslims.

In that sense the Hindutvaís anti Islam and USís anti
Islam merge in their goals. Modi and George Bush share
a lot in common. Democracy at home can be strengthened
only by the democracy between the Nations of the
World. The big brother, the big tyrant calling the
shots is a shame for the civilized world per se. The
challenges for peace movements, democratic movements
are there for all to see, the point is how do these
movements cope with to ensure that the imperialism
globally and Hindutva nationally are fought against
within the liberal and democratic space available to
us.

_____



[5]


D-504 Purvasha
Mayur Vihar 1
Delhi 110091

4 July 2004

Dear Editor,

Shri M.M. Joshi, who until recently looked to such essential
business as the brainwashing of the young and the demolition
of monuments constructed centuries ago by the ancestors of
foreigners who are still resident nationals, was interviewed
on a television channel. At least three times he said, on
being asked questions about his party, that not just his
party but the "whole nation" was, etc. The physicist has
clearly studied eel behaviour and learnt from it. In the
matter of text books, he said that he had been visited by
large numbers of people (Narendra Modi's five crores,
perhaps?) protesting their proposed revision. It is of no
consequence that he cannot substantiate his claims -- what
is important to him is that no one can disprove them either.

Speaking of the dismissal of governors, Shri Joshi warned of
the dangers of messing with institutions. It may have been
implicit that the approach of his party, when it was in
power, was the correct one: try first to purchase an
institution, and if you cannot do that, take it to court and
get all your tame foul-mouths to vilify the people who try
to run it as it is meant to be run.

The Prime Minister has appealed more than once, though in
tones of resignation, to the Opposition to please permit
Parliament to function. I do not wish to compete with him
-- for he was, after all, a teacher at the Delhi School of
Economics when I was a student there, even if he did not
teach me -- but I must appeal to the television channels
to spare us these Slippery Sanghis. They drowned us for
years with their deluge of poisonous drivel, and surely we
deserve a reprieve.

Mukul Dube

_____


[ 6]

As a follow up to our screenings of three films - two on RSS viz. The Boy in
the Branch and Men in the Tree by Lalit Vachani and Final Solution by Rakesh
Sharma, we are now screening three more films: Godhra Tak - The Terror Trail
by Shubhradeep Chakravorty; Hey Ram - Genocide in the Land of Gandhi; and
Night and Fog by Alain Resnais. Details given below.

Night and Fog would remind us of the genocidal history that humanity would
never like to repeat but what happened in Gujarat? And why? Let's not allow
anyone to turn Gujarat into a 'laboratory' for killing.

Screening schedule given below.

Amrit Gangar


I N V I T A T I O N

You are cordially invited to a private and exclusive screening of three
outstanding documentary films that have ventured to explore some of the most
crucial socio-cultural-political undercurrents affecting our society. These
films have been acclaimed the world over.

Godhra Tak - The Terror Trail, 2002, 60 mins
Dir: Shubradeep Chakravorty

An investigative documentation of the barbaric incident on 27 Feb 2002, when
coach S6 of the Sabarmati Express was burnt at Godhra in Gujarat, India.
Fifty-nine people, including several kar-sevaks died in that fire. The film
tries to find out what actually happened at Godhra railway station on that
day and how far the allegation of conspiracy is true.

Hey Ram - Genocide in the Land of Gandhi, 2002, 15 mins
Dir: Gopal Menon

This documentary makes relation between partition, Babri and Guajarat riots
in backdrop of a song. Its main argument is that Gujarat's riots were not
communal but they were genocide.

Night and Fog, 1955, 32 mins
Dir: Alain Resnais

The title takes up a Nazi slogan directed against those opposing the system;
they were classified as particularly dangerous. One of the first cinematic
reflections on the horrors of the Holocaust, Night and Fog (Nuit et
Brouillard) contrasts the stillness of the abandoned camps' quiet, empty
buildings with haunting wartime footage. The text emphasizes the
timelessness and transferability of events and, in view of the struggle for
liberation in Algeria at that time, it is a warning against new
executioners. In other words, Gujarat cannot be a 'laboratory' for killing
ever again.

Date: July 10, 2004, Saturday             Time: 3:00 p.m.
Venue: Juhu Jagruti Hall, A.J. Commerce College, 1st floor, Opp. NM College,
Vile Parle West.


Organizers: Shree Keertan Kendra, Sane Guruji Arogya Nidhi, Keshav Gore
Smarak Trust, Yusuf Meherally Centre, Mumbai Sarvodaya Mandal, Gandhi Smarak
Nidhi, Mumbai, Mani Bhavan Gandhi Sangrahalaya, Usha Mehta Memorial Trust
and Ekta - 5 Besant Road, Santacruz West, Mumbai 400 054.


______


BBC News
4 July, 2004

Women's wrestling called off

Women shouldn't take part in "vulgar sports", protesters say

Bangladesh's first women's wrestling competition 
has been cancelled at the last minute because of 
opposition from a number of Islamic groups.
Protesters had threatened to storm the 
competition venue to stop the event, describing 
wrestling as "indecent and vulgar for Muslim 
women".
Women from all over Bangladesh were due to take part in the event.
The state-run wrestling federation said it hoped 
to be able to hold the competition in a few 
months' time.

Venue change
The federation's insistence that the competitors 
would be fully dressed and would not be wearing 
shorts failed to reassure Islamic protesters.

We are even ready to sacrifice our lives, if 
necessary, to protect our country from any kind 
of indecent sports

Moulana Mohiuddin Khan
Jamiatul Ulama Islami leader

"There is a misunderstanding. They might have 
thought that it would be a tournament like WWF 
[World Wrestling Federation], but we can assure 
them there will be nothing like that because we 
are fully aware of our religious sentiments," the 
federation's director, Tabiur Rahman, was quoted 
as saying by the Daily Star newspaper.
WWF shows can be seen on satellite TV channels in the mainly Muslim country.
Dozens of demonstrators took to the streets of 
the capital, Dhaka, on Friday and Saturday 
calling on the authorities to cancel the event.
They warned the government that it would be 
responsible for the consequences if the women's 
competition went ahead.
"We are even ready to sacrifice our lives, if 
necessary, to protect our country from any kind 
of indecent sports," Moulana Mohiuddin Khan, 
leader of Jamiatul Ulama Islami warned.
Despite the threats, the sporting federation had 
hoped the tournament would take place, and even 
changed the venue, moving it from a national 
gymnasium to a women's sports centre in a 
residential neighbourhood.
Bangladeshi women regularly compete in sports 
such as volleyball, swimming, judo and hockey.


_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/

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initiative, provides a partial back -up and 
archive for SACW:  snipurl.com/sacip
See also associated site: www.s-asians-against-nukes.org

DISCLAIMER: Opinions expressed in materials carried in the posts do not
necessarily reflect the views of SACW compilers.

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