SACW | June 27-28, 2008 / Sri Lanka: Road to Peace / Hindutva's Terror Circuit / Queer pride march in India

Harsh Kapoor aiindex at gmail.com
Fri Jun 27 18:25:13 CDT 2008


South Asia Citizens Wire | June 27-28 , 2008 | Dispatch No. 2531 - 
Year 10 running

[1] Sri Lanka: Finding the Road to Peace (Rohini Hensman)
[2] The Wahhabisation of Pakistan (Manan Ahmed)
[3] India: The Hindu Far Right And Its Terrorist Network
   (i) 'Hindu Terrorists' and Call for Suicide Squads (Ram Puniyani)
   (ii) Join the Dots: Silent Emergence of Hindu Terrorism (Subhash Gatade)
[4] Indian Administered Kashmir: Violence should stop leaders from 
playing politics over SASB issue (Editorial)
[5] Sexuality and rights in India:
   (i) Pride, prejudice and politics (Gautam Bhan)
   (ii) Nothing gay about section 377 (Vibha Varshney)
[6] Announcements:
(i) Defend Sex Workers - Day of Action/ oppose ITPA (Bangalore, 1st July 2008)

______


[1]

South Asia Citizens Web | 27 June 2008
http://www.sacw.net/peace/RohiniJune08.html


FINDING THE ROAD TO PEACE

by Rohini Hensman
(Published earlier in: The Island, 25 June 2008)

For the overwhelming majority of people in Sri Lanka, the civil war 
has been a disaster. Those in the war zones of the North and East 
have been worst affected, suffering death, displacement, and 
destruction of their livelihoods. But the lives of many in other 
parts of the country have been devastated too. Numerous soldiers as 
well as civilian victims of terrorist attacks have been killed and 
maimed; their families have suffered bereavement and loss of 
breadwinners. The effect of terrorist attacks is to create an 
atmosphere of fear and insecurity, because anyone could be a victim 
of the next one. Government efforts to fund the war by printing money 
have led to hyperinflation far worse than that occurring in most 
other countries affected by spiralling oil prices; foreign borrowings 
are creating a debt trap. Finally, precious democratic rights and 
freedoms are under attack, not only in LTTE-dominated areas, where 
they were destroyed long ago, but also in government-controlled 
areas. A symptom of this is the assault on journalists whose only 
crime is that they have tried to report the truth. This is not just a 
denial of the journalists' right to freedom of expression, but also a 
denial of the public's right to information about issues that are of 
vital importance to them; both are indispensable pillars of 
democracy. 

It would not be an exaggeration to say that all but a tiny minority 
are sick and tired of the war, ready to do or endure anything to end 
it. Why, then, has it not been ended so far? One major reason is that 
there is so much confusion about the question of HOW to end it. The 
other is that the war places power in the hands of a small oligarchy, 
which has no interest in ending it because that would curtail its 
totalitarian control.

Negotiations with the LTTE

One road that appeared to promise peace was a ceasefire and 
negotiations with the Tigers. The longest journey down this road 
followed the CFA of 2002, but there were other attempts earlier. Why 
did they all fail?

A dispassionate look at the evidence would lead us to conclude that 
the primary reason why they failed was that the LTTE under Prabakaran 
DOES NOT WANT a democratic settlement of the conflict. He is not 
willing to settle for anything less than a separate, exclusively 
Tamil state under the totalitarian control of the LTTE. This is why 
he has used every ceasefire - above all the last one - to prepare for 
war and eliminate critics and opponents. He even tried to kill his 
own lieutenant Karuna Amman when the latter expressed doubts about 
the goal of Tamil Eelam.

The logical conclusion is that negotiations with the LTTE cannot, by 
themselves, bring peace. No one should foster illusions that they 
can, because that makes disillusionment and the turn to war all the 
more extreme when the talks break down. That does not mean there 
should never be negotiations with the Tigers; but in future, any 
ceasefire agreement leading to talks should be accompanied by a human 
rights agreement monitored by an independent party, preferably the 
UN. If that had been the case in 2002, hundreds of Tamil critics of 
the LTTE would not have lost their lives, and thousands of children 
would not have been conscripted. Even if and when the war broke out 
again, it would not have been possible for either side to attack 
civilians with impunity, as they have been doing. Without this 
condition, a ceasefire and peace talks could actually prolong the 
war, by decimating the peace constituency among Tamils and by 
allowing both sides to rearm.  

A Military Solution

When negotiations with the LTTE turned out to be a dead end, various 
governments backtracked and pursued what appeared to be another path 
to peace: a military victory over the LTTE. That is the current 
situation, and there have been similar attempts before. In all cases 
in the past, they failed to end the war by defeating the LTTE, and 
the same thing seems to be happening today. The victory in the East 
was, paradoxically, partly a result of the earlier ceasefire, which 
engendered sufficient dissatisfaction with the LTTE in the East to 
split the organisation and deprive it of its Eastern fighters. But 
now a stalemate seems to have been reached, with neither the 
government nor the LTTE making any headway. 

The reason why a purely military strategy cannot end the war is that 
the war is a result of long-standing and absolutely justifiable 
grievances among Tamils, who have suffered discrimination, 
persecution and violence in Sri Lanka for decades. Like pus oozing 
from an infected wound, the LTTE is a product of those grievances. 
The organisation was formed in 1976, and according to DBS Jeyaraj, 
had only 30 members - 7 of them part-timers - by July 1983. If it has 
grown to be a formidable military and terrorist outfit, it is thanks 
to the anti-Tamil pogroms of 1983 and the subsequent violence against 
Tamils, which has fed its recruiting and fund-raising drives. To try 
to defeat it without a political settlement providing justice to 
Tamils is like trying to mop up the pus without healing the infected 
wound. The process could go on for ever. Like negotiations with the 
LTTE, this road leads to a dead end.

Again, this doesn't mean that military action by the state should be 
ruled out in all circumstances. But where it becomes necessary, it 
should be carried out strictly in accordance with international law, 
taking all precautions to avoid civilian casualties and harm to 
non-combatants. Otherwise it, too, will end up prolonging the war by 
helping to send recruits and supporters into the arms of the LTTE.

The Third Alternative

If neither peace talks with the LTTE nor a military offensive to wipe 
it out can end the war, what is the alternative? The third road to 
peace is a political solution which protects the human and democratic 
rights of all members of all communities in all parts of the island, 
and it has hardly been explored. Such a solution, if accepted, would 
convince the overwhelming majority of Tamils that they would have a 
far brighter future in a united democratic Sri Lanka than in a 
fascist Tamil Eelam. Support for the LTTE would vanish rapidly, 
leaving only fanatical hardliners who would not be able to hold out 
for long. 

The key requirement of a political solution that satisfies all 
communities is that it should be democratic through and through. This 
means, first and foremost, abolishing the Executive Presidency, which 
negates the rule of the people by concentrating dictatorial power in 
the hands of one person. The attempt to curtail the powers of the 
president by passing the 17th Amendment has failed, because, 
ironically, the president has the power to override it. It is 
therefore clear that there is no point trying to tinker with the 
system: the Executive Presidency has to go. Secondly, all the rights 
that have been taken away from the people should be restored, 
starting with the right to life. Thirdly, the principle of equal 
rights for all, special privileges for none, should be adhered to. 
And lastly, government should be brought closer to the people.

It is the third requirement that seems to cause most problems. On the 
one hand, Sinhala nationalists feel that Sinhalese Buddhists should 
have special privileges, while everyone else should only be allowed 
to live in Sri Lanka on sufferance, or, perhaps, be driven out 
altogether. Tamil nationalists feel the same about the territory they 
claim as their own: Tamils should have special privileges in the 
Northeast, while non-Tamils should only be allowed to live there on 
sufferance, or be driven out altogether, like the Muslims and 
Sinhalese of the North. A democratic political solution must ensure 
that all people in all parts of the island have equal rights, 
including the right to communicate with the state in their own 
language. 

The idea that government should be brought closer to the people has 
also been opposed by Sinhala nationalists, who cannot reconcile 
themselves to the idea that people in provinces where the majority 
are Tamil-speaking should control government powers over the police 
and land. This is why they insist on a totalitarian unitary state, 
where the central government would be able to wield these powers 
throughout the country. Their argument that devolution of power to 
the provincial level would lead to the triumph of separatism is 
contradicted by historical experience, which shows that, on the 
contrary, it is excessive concentration of power in a mono-ethnic 
centre that leads to separatism in a multi-ethnic country. Their 
unitary formula also deprives people from poorer provinces with a 
Sinhala-speaking majority from controlling their own lives and 
resources. 

A new, democratic constitution would, if implemented, not only lead 
to the end of the war but also empower the vast majority of people of 
all communities. The most serious move in this direction occurred 
from 1995 to 2000, during the Kumaratunga presidency. It was scuttled 
largely due to UNP intransigence, although the SLFP leadership was 
also to blame for failing to pursue it with sufficient persistence, 
and for putting too much emphasis on negotiations with the LTTE. 
Under the Rajapakse presidency, hopes for a political solution were 
revived by the creation of the APRC, and at first, those hopes 
appeared to be justified. The talks were incomparably more inclusive 
than previous talks between the government and LTTE, and a proposal 
that would satisfy the democratic majority of all communities was 
well on the way to being crafted. 

Yet in a bizarre twist, the ruling party and president put one 
obstacle after another in the way of the APRC process, finally 
consigning the whole exercise to the dustbin when the president 
proclaimed that a 'solution' would have to be found within the 
present constitution: a constitution that has not only been a major 
cause of the war, but has also been responsible for a conflict in 
which tens of thousands of Sinhalese were killed by Sinhalese! The 
UNP, which could have put the president and his party on the spot by 
proclaiming their support for the APRC process, instead helped to 
sabotage it. It looks less and less likely that a political solution 
can emerge during the term of the present government, but that does 
not change the fact that there is no other way of healing the wound 
that exudes war and terrorism. This is therefore a road that leads to 
peace, unlike the dead-ends of a purely military solution and peace 
talks with the LTTE.

Eliminating Obstacles on the Road to Peace

Having identified the road to peace, the next task is to eliminate 
the obstacles blocking the way to our destination. One is undoubtedly 
the LTTE, and we have already said that the best way to remove this 
obstacle is to propose a political solution that drains away its 
support base. The other obstacle is the government. The experience of 
the last sixty years tells us that the two parties which have been in 
power during this period are not capable of the task. Both have 
played the communal card repeatedly, and the SLFP, whose human rights 
record was not as bad as that of the UNP, is catching up rapidly. In 
other words, their commitment to democracy is very much in doubt. 

Yet various minority parties have gravitated towards one or the 
other, or to one at one time and the other at another time. It is 
understandable that the leaders of parties which are already being 
targeted by the LTTE might want the security of being protected by 
the government, but selling their support to a Sinhala chauvinist 
government in order to buy power for themselves, as the EPDP and TMVP 
have been doing, is surely a betrayal of their constituency. The 
desire for power should, even in the case of minority parties, be 
tempered by some degree of integrity.

If minority parties can be criticized for supporting parties 
following totalitarian Sinhala nationalist agendas, it is even more 
condemnable that Left parties have done the same. It is a supreme 
irony that today, 'the Left' and 'Marxists' in Sri Lanka have been 
identified with the JVP, whose 'Leftism' is drowned out by its 
Sinhala nationalism. But there is a very good reason why this has 
happened: the JVP has retained its independence and separate 
identity, whereas the LSSP and CP have submerged their identities in 
various Popular Fronts with the SLFP, even at times when it has had a 
rabidly Sinhala nationalist agenda. Some of the smaller breakaway 
Left parties, on the other hand, have in the past been in favour of 
appeasing the LTTE, in the mistaken belief that it was fighting for 
self-determination for Tamils. 

Pandering to Sinhala nationalism on one side and Tamil nationalism on 
the other, Left parties have lost their support amongst working 
people of all communities. Rebuilding this support would entail 
asserting their independence in no uncertain terms. Having a separate 
May Day rally was an encouraging gesture, but it needs to be followed 
up with much stronger action, above all dissociation from a 
government which was condemned by Archbishop Desmond Tutu and other 
prominent human rights defenders for horrific crimes against its own 
civilian population, and consequently lost its seat on the UN Human 
Rights Council. At the same time, Left parties need to make it clear 
that they are not in favour of appeasement of the LTTE, but of a just 
and democratic political solution to the civil war. If they do this, 
they could form a pole of attraction for the progressive minority 
parties, and rally the overwhelming majority of working people, who 
are sick and tired of the war, behind them. Together, they could 
constitute a force capable of sweeping aside the biggest obstacle on 
the road to peace.

______


[2]

guardian.co.uk,
June 27, 2008

THE WAHHABISATION OF PAKISTAN

The migration of thousands of Pakistani men to Gulf states since the 
1970s has had a huge impact on the character of the country

by Manan Ahmed

"Pakistan is in a leaderless drift four months after elections", 
concluded Carlotta Gall in the New York Times on June 24. Just two 
days later, comes news that "Baitullah Mehsud, the head of the 
Pakistani Taliban" has killed 22 members of an intermediary peace 
committee between the State of Pakistan and Mehsud. I guess there are 
some leaders in Pakistan, after all. Pakistan's "Talibanisation" in 
the northwestern rural regions and the stalled lawyer's movement in 
the major cities appear, at first glance, to reflect a deep chasm 
within Pakistani society. This division, if one should call it 
anything, is routinely understood as a manifestation of moderate v 
extreme Islam. But that raises the question of why it manifests 
itself along rural/urban, and class lines.

Extremist ideology, as we have learned in the last 8 years, is just 
as prone to attract highly-educated members of the professional class 
as unemployed, frustrated youth. We have to delve deeper into 
Pakistan's recent past if we are to understand the crisis it faces at 
the present. Sub-continental history is dotted with intermittent mass 
movement of people - usually triggered by famine, war or worse - 
replete with attendant tales of distress and misery. In my reckoning, 
the early 1970s saw the another key migration that has so far 
received little analysis. It involved vast numbers of men from the 
rural and semi-urban parts of Pakistan moving to the emerging 
oil-based oligarchies in the Gulf.

This economic migration created a backflow of liquid capital to these 
same villages and towns in Punjab, Sindh and the Northwest Frontier 
Province. But it also provided a unique vehicle for the transferring 
of the various strains of Muslim experience into the rather stilted 
one, currently on everyone's lips - Wahhabism. Between 1975 and 1985, 
the number of Pakistanis in the Gulf states rose from 205,000 to 
446,000, with over $2.5bn flowing back annually. At its height in the 
mid-1980s, nearly 10% of Pakistan's adult male workforce was employed 
in the Gulf states.

These migrant workers - over 80% were unskilled or semi-skilled - 
usually lasted about 4-6 years in the Gulf states and were replaced 
by other family, clan, tribe or village members. What they sent home 
- goods and cash - were the dominant factor in bolstering the 
Pakistani economy throughout the 1970s and 1980s and one of the key 
factors in Pakistan's turn towards western Asia under Bhutto and Zia 
ul-Haq. The migration cooled down during the 1990s but since 2000 
there has been an increase the flow of workers. Currently, Pakistani 
workers are heavily employed in Dubai, Kuwait and Iraq. This 
large-scale migration to the Middle East had significant effects on 
local economies and production cycles but perhaps more importantly, 
it has had a sociocultural impact on Pakistan.

Just as significant was the religiosity that came back with the 
workers. Historically speaking, the Wahhabi reading of Islam had 
found little purchase on the subcontinent. Mainly because Wahhabi 
ideology is at odds with practices in Pakistani culture, which 
cherished its sufi saints. However, this migration allowed a vast 
population to unlearn their "decadent" and "deviant" practices from 
the "pure practitioners" in Saudi Arabia, Qatar or the Emirates.

In the southern valleys and northern mountains dupattas were replaced 
with burkas and sufi shrines with madrasas. This cultural turn 
dovetailed with Zia ul-Haq's policies of Sunnification and the 
selling of jihad as a necessary commodity to the Pakistani people.

Palestine, Chechnya and Kashmir became the de-facto topics at every 
Friday sermon from Doha and Riyadh to Dera Ghazi Khan and Rawalpindi. 
However, this Wahhabisation, which included a stricter, more literal 
interpretation of Qur'an, the demonisation of non-believers, 
antisemitic rhetoric, racism, the desire to "fund" jihads and so on, 
was never a straightforward process of important. Its progress was 
gradual and organic in a way that slowly de-legitimised established 
practices while distorting others: the spiritual guide was 
transformed into one who cast, or fought, black magic.

It is hard to find a household, a conversation, in current day 
Pakistan that is free of such concerns. The practitioners combine the 
zeal of the Wahhabi imam with the bank-teller's command of charges 
due: $10 for the destruction of a marriage, $20 for an incantation 
for a ruined libido. All wrapped in literal reading of Qur'anic text.

One cannot go further in examining this process of Wahhabisation 
without taking into account the impact of this migration of fathers 
on their families back home. What are the attitudes of this 
particular generation X towards the state? Can we really begin to 
look at the success or failure of the lawyer's movement without 
examining the Gulf Migration? Can we really talk about democracy 
without taking into account the roles of millions of Pakistanis as 
second or third rate citizens, with no rights in law as a person, in 
Gulf states? While many of us attempt to understand modern Pakistan 
in terms of political theory, or the appeal of fundamentalism in 
terms of theology neither of these approaches have proven fruitful. 
It is time that we broadened our scope of inquiry - to examine 
carefully labour and migration, civil and social structures, law and 
order, human rights and the effect they have on the many peoples of 
Pakistan.


______


[3]  [INDIA: THE HINDU FAR RIGHT AND ITS TERRORIST NETWORK
If the BJP comes to power in the next general elections in India; The 
Hindutva terror networks are going to get a massive boost to reformat 
India. So get  ready folks]

(i)

Communalism Watch | 27 June 2008
http://communalism.blogspot.com/2008/06/hindu-terrorists-and-call-for-suicide.html


'Hindu Terrorists' and Call for Suicide Squads

by Ram Puniyani (Issues in Secular Politics, June 2008 III)

The bombs which exploded in Gadkari Rangayatan on 4th June 2008, 
injured seven people. In one of the few cases of success in 
investigating such cases in Maharashtra or anywhere for that matter, 
the Anti Terrorist Squad (ATS) of Police, succeeded in nabbing the 
culprits. As it turned out, contrary to the prevalent practice of 
pointing the finger to Huji or SIMI or some such organization, this 
investigation did lead to the real culprits, who happened to be part 
of Hindu Janjagaran Samiti (HJS), an outfit of Sanatana Ashram in 
Panvel. These culprits were also involved in other blasts, in Vashi, 
Panvel and Ratnagiri. In Thane the blasts were done to protest 
against the play Amhi Pachpute, a satirical play on Mahabharata. The 
allegation was that it insults Hindu Gods. The earlier blast in 
Panvel was in a theater where the film Jodha Akbar was being 
screened. In this film the Hindu princess is married to Akbar, a 
Muslim king, and that is regarded by these
  outfits as insult to Hindu religion.

One recalls that in a serious case of blasts in Nanded in April 2006 
two Bajrang Dal workers died when making bombs. Similar incidents of 
bomb blasts were witnessed in many places around that time, 
Parabhani, Jalna, Aurangabad. Most of these were in front of the 
mosques. How far the Nanded investigation 'leads' were traced is yet 
to be known. ATS did investigate the links of the dead with Bajrang 
Dal, an RSS affiliate. At the same time the injured were visited in 
the hospital by the top brass of local BJP and associates. Local BJP 
MP told the police not to harass people, those linked to the culprits 
in the wake of the Bajrang Dal involvement in the bomb making. In 
Nanded, ATS also found fake moustache and pajama kurta, the idea 
being that the culprits will dress like a Muslim while doing these 
black deeds.

In most of the cases of blasts all over the country, as per the set 
pattern, the terrorists from across the border and local Muslims are 
presented as the culprits. For some days media carries the reports 
and some Muslims are apprehended. In case of Jaipur blasts the local 
Bangladeshis are being harassed to the limit as the report of Peoples 
Union for Civil Liberties shows. But after first few days the real 
culprits and the definitive investigation is no where in sight. By 
now, in popular psyche it has been entrenched that all terrorists are 
Muslims, and the matter stops there. The Maharashtra ATS needs all 
the compliments for overcoming the social stereotypes and biases to 
unravel the truth.

In the wake of this comes the call for formation of suicide squads by 
the self proclaimed Hindu Hriday Samrat (Emperor of Hindu Hearts) of 
Maharashtra, Bal Thackeray. Earlier also he had exhorted Hindus to 
form the suicide squads, and now he repeats the same call. This shows 
the absolute bankruptcy of the social and political understanding of 
the real causes of terrorism or other social issues. His criticism is 
not that this act by the activists of HJS are condemnable, his call 
is why the Hindu terrorists are using low intensity bombs, they 
should use more dangerous one's and that they should blast "mini 
Pakistans", i.e. Muslim majority localities. One has to understand 
that ghettotization, what Thackeray derogatorily calls mini 
Pakistans, is itself due to the fear complex, physical insecurity 
induced by communal violence.

In the wake of the Thane blasts the HJS disowned those who were 
involved in the act, saying that they had nothing to do with the 
blasts and that they do want to protest against the play Amhi 
Pachpute, but peacefully. Nothing new, most of such organizations 
disown their trained cadre when caught in the act. Nathuram Godse, 
murderer of Mahatma Gandhi was quickly disowned by RSS. In an 
interview to Times of India in 1998, Nathuram's brother Gopal Godse 
did confess that his brother and he were always part of the RSS and 
that they did not show the RSS connection in the court to shield the 
parent organization. Dara Sing's, murderer of Pastor Graham Stains, 
was part of Bajrang Dal, but this association could be undermined and 
bypassed in investigation.

How popular mind has been doctored into believing something becomes 
obvious from this act of terror. In a talk show, which took SMS poll 
at the same time, 97% respondents said that the organization involved 
in this blast (HJS) should not be banned. Bajrang Dal despite its 
involvement in Nanded case faced no wrath from the authorities. SIMI 
on the other hand was banned for its alleged involvement in acts of 
terror. A case of double standards has been ingrained into the 
society and has been institutionalized over a period of time.

After the dangerous and insane call given by Thackeray, the student 
wing of Shiv Sena has been putting the posters that they endorse 
their chief and that acts of terrorism are justified. Question is can 
the cancer of terrorism, which has multiple reasons be contained by 
suicide squads or by acts which Thackeray and his ilk is propagating. 
The cure of the disease lies in the underlying etiology. Broadly one 
can say that terrorism can fall in two major categories. One those 
which take place semi-spontaneously, after an individual or group 
perceives that a wrong, injustice has been done to her and that 
chances of getting justice for this are remote. These are the acts 
which occur after pogroms against a particular community. The example 
of this is the attack on Adivasi procession in December 2006 being 
followed by the blast in Guwahati Delhi Rajadhani express. The acts 
of terror occurring after the communal violence in Mumbai and Gujarat 
can be clubbed in
  this category.

The second ones' are the type where a conscious, calculated 
indoctrination is undertaken in pursuit of a political ideology or 
economic goal. Murder of Pastor Stains by Bajrang Dal's Dara Singh, 
Nanded blasts, the Al Qaeda and its fall outs come in this category. 
In case of Al Qaeda US had set up/funded Madrassas to indoctrinate 
the Muslim youth so that they can be made to fight against the 
Communist armies in Afghnistan. They were also supplied with arms by 
US. In Nanded and Thane type of blasts, the underlying reason is the 
indoctrination of youth by RSS ideology, the misconceptions has been 
planted that terrorism is due to teachings of Islam and nature of 
Muslim community. This indoctrination is resulting in acts like the 
ones' in Nanded. While there is a veneer of Nationalism in this RSS 
ideology, it essentially looks at people along religious lines, 
communal identities and teaches its followers to 'hate others' and 
this culminates in
  burning of Pastor Stains or massive pogroms against minorities. It 
is not for nothing that US based Terrorism Research institute put RSS 
in the category of terrorist organizations in 2005. These types of 
organizations, RSS or Hindu Jagran Samiti may not give the direct 
training in arms but their ideology of 'Hate other' leads to the 
indoctrination leading to terrorist acts. The success of these 
organizations lies in projecting that the Hindu community is under 
the threat from minorities. And that's how Dara Singh is projected as 
'Hindu Dharm Rakshak' (savior of Hindu faith). The other common 
factor is that though these individuals are part of such 
organizations their connections are kept discreet on purpose and they 
are quickly disowned by the parent organization.

Coming to Bal Thackeray, one realizes the limitation of our legal 
system. Bal Thackeray in the wake of Babri demolition said, he is 
proud if Shiv Saniks have demolished the Mosque, he also gave a call 
that Hindus should become aggressive. Now he repeats the call for 
formation of Suicide squads to attack minorities. We are helplessly 
watching that no action is taken against such spewing of poison! If 
state cannot act against such 'hate speech' can the communal harmony 
prevail?

One has to come back to the understanding that there are different 
causes of acts of terror.  Intolerance for others, orthodoxy in 
religious beliefs and sticking to narrow understanding of one's 
history and indoctrinated mindset being the major such causes. In 
different ways Al Qaeda, Taliban, Bjarang Dal and RSS fall in the 
same category. The double standards of social and legal norms are 
operative not only in the investigation but also in the way of 
dealing with those inciting the communities into 'hate other', into 
undertaking violence and divisive acts. One is sure the Government 
will make some noises that action is being contemplated against 
Thackeray, HJS etc. but when the crunch time will come, some 
convenient excuse will be found to back out from punishing/ banning 
them. Can crime be contained in such a society where society has come 
to 'tolerate' the selective inaction of the state apparatus? Can such 
crimes be eradicated without applying similar yardsticks to all of 
them? And finally can we prevent acts of terror by following these 
double standards?


o o o

(ii)

Communalism Watch | 27 June 2008
http://communalism.blogspot.com/2008/06/silent-emergence-of-hindu-terrorism.html

Join The Dots ..!

SILENT EMERGENCE OF HINDU TERRORISM

by Subhash Gatade

I

What is common between Kathmandu - the capital of Nepal ; Thane, 
Vashi which happen to lie in Maharashtra;  Tenkasi, which is part of 
Tamilnadu and Indore, which lies in Madhya Pradesh? Aprops there seem 
to be no commonality, although a close look at stray sounding 
incidents in these places brings forth a pattern which has serious 
import for the manner in which (non-state) terrorism is viewed in 
this country. It is disturbing that media which calls itself 
'watchdog of democracy' and which has no qualms in stigmatising the 
minority community on unfounded allegations of 'terrorist acts' has 
suddenly gone mute since the perpetrators of terrorist acts in all 
these cases  belong to the majority community.

It need be told that Kathmandu - capital of the newest Republic of 
Nepal- witnessed bomb explosions outside the Birendra International 
Centre where newly elected members of the constituent assembly had 
assembled for the oath taking ceremony. Although nobody was killed 
and only few faced minor injuries, it was a clear signal that 
elements opposed to the momentous changes in the Nepalese polity were 
involved in the attack  The local police immediately blamed Hindu 
fanatics for this cowardly attack.

Close watchers of the Nepal situation did not lose sight of the fact 
that promonarchy Hindutva forces had even resolved to take up arms 
for the restoration of Hindu Rashtra. This meeting was held in the 
immediate aftermath of elections to the constituent assembly and was 
attended by sympathetic elements from both the countries. It had been 
organised under the aegis of Vishwa Hindu Mahasangh an international 
organisation of Hindus, in Balrampur ( India) which was presided over 
by the 'firebrand' BJP M.P Yogi Adityanath.

If Kathmandu witnessed bomb explosions as a violent reaction to the 
victory of the the Republican forces in Nepal, Indore - the erstwhile 
capital of the Holkars - witnessed firing by activists of Hindu 
organisations  in full public view. They had assembled there after a 
rally as a part of celebrations to commemorate the coronation of 
Chhatrapati Shivaji.  Shivaji Maharaj as he is popularly known was a 
great secular ruler of 17 th century in Western India who fought with 
the Mughals. The firing incident which was covered by the media took 
place under the watchful eyes of the local police itself which 
remained a mute spectator and did not even deem it necessary to file 
a report on this thoroughly unlawful act. The brazenness of the 
participants in this celebrations was evident also from the fact that 
they even handed over the guns to the kids present there who also 
fired in the air.

Ofcourse it was not for the first time that such firing incidents had 
taken place. Few months ago marches (Path Sanchalan) were organised 
in different parts of M.P. under the aegis of different Hindu 
organisations which owe their allegiance to RSS . These path 
sanchalans were also marked by firings at the culmination of the 
rallies. And as expected there were no police complaints. Nobody 
questioned how the lathi wielding swayamsevaks have suddenly 
metamorphosed into gun wielding Machos out to silence 
'anti-nationals.' Looking at the fact that many areas in M.P. 
especially Malwa have always maintained a strong presence of Hindutva 
forces, one can understand the rationale behind such 'spontaneous 
sounding' firing incidents.

A press conference held in Indore city itself (23 rd April 2008) 
which was addressed by the former chief minister of M.P. and Congress 
general secretary Digvijay Singh himself had rightly underlined the 
precarious communal harmony situation in the state. He had even 
demanded that '..[l]ike SIMI, Bajrang Dal should also be banned 
because this RSS outfit, alongwith some other allied organisations, 
indulges in bomb making and giving training in making of bombs.He 
said that he still sticks to his earlier accusation of making of 
bombs by Bajrang Dal. He said that RSS has retreated after they 
accused him of slander." ( The Milli Gazette, 1-15 June 2008).

Perhaps the former Chief Minister was alluding to the discovery of a 
bomb making factory in Nanded (Maharashtra) at the house of old RSS 
activist which saw deaths of two Bajrang Dal / RSS workers ( April 
2006). Five other members of the terrorist group were also arrested 
by the police. The most disturbing part of the whole episode revealed 
how a well-thought out plan to start a communal riot was on the 
anvil. Apart from maps of mosques in the area police had discovered 
fake beards or dresses normally worn by Muslims in the area. Further 
interrogation of the other accused in the case had also made it clear 
that the same group was also responsible for a few other incidents - 
namely Parbhani, Jalna, Purna  - in Maharashtra where Muslims had 
come under mysterious attack at the time of friday prayers.

It is a different matter that despite a formally secular government 
in power in the state, and the police did not deem it necessary to 
unearth the wider gameplan hatched by the top echleons of the 
Hindutva brigade. It is common knowledge that the 80 plus year 
'cultural organisation' and its affiliated organisations maintain 
strict hierarchy and any such violent action plan on part of its 
local activists would not have been possible without the involvement 
of the top bosses of the 'Parivar'. Neither police used any strong 
law to apprehend the real culprits nor it tried oppose the bail 
applications moved by the other members of the Hindu terrorist module.

And today according to informed sources the whole issue of bomb 
making factory and bursting of a Hindu terrorist module lies buried 
under the hubris of government apathy and connivance of a section of 
the bureaucracy.

II

     The arrest of sevaks of the Sanatan Sanstha, a religious group 
that is behind the Hindu Janajagruti Samiti for planting bombs in 
theatres at Thane and Vashi brings a new dimension to terrorism. 
Seven people were injured when one of the bombs the sevaks planted 
exploded in the parking lot of Thane's Gadkari Rangayatan theatre on 
4 June.

     Ramesh Hanumant Gadkari, Mangesh Nikam, Santosh Angre and Vikram 
Bhave, the four bombers, are all full-time activists of the Sanatan 
Sanstha, living in ashrams run by the organisation...... ..
     
     Police say that they had planted a bomb outside a mosque or 
dargah on the Pen highway last Diwali, to check its intensity, but it 
did not explode. Nikam had earlier set off a bomb in the house of a 
family in Ratnagiri that had converted to Christianity, and was on 
bail awaiting trial.

     (Terror's new face, Herald, Panjim, 19 June 2008 )

Whether westen India - especially Maharashtra, Goa - has slowly and 
silently emerged as a epicentre of a different sort of terrorism ? 
Bomb explosion in Nanded in April 2006 at the house of a RSS activist 
and busting of a Hindutva terrorist module and a repeat of similar 
explosion in Feb 2007 in the same city which also witnessed two 
deaths could be said to be two major incidents to mark the emergence 
of homegrown Hindutva terrorism. It is no mere coincidence that three 
major stalwarts of the idea of Hindutva - Savarkar, 
Hedgewar-Golwalkar and Bal Thackeray - hail from this area only. And 
the dilly-dallying adopted by the powers that be vis-a-vis these 
explosions in Nanded was a clear signal to these forces that they can 
move ahead with impunity.

And recent events in Thane, Panvel and Vashi rather demonstrate that 
hardline Hindutva groups which have secretly and surreptiously built 
a wide network of active and sleeper cells are ready to go to any 
extent to make their voice heard. Far away from the scrutiny of the 
police and the intelligence establishment, many such new outfits have 
sprung up which are indoctrinating a gullible citizenry about their 
agenda of hate and exclusion under the cover of 'spiritual 
gatherings' and distribution of spiritual literature .('Quitely, 
hardline Hindu outfits build a network across Maharashtra, Goa' 
(Indian Express, June 23, 2008)' Terrorist acts committed by these 
groups in the above mentioned places and their capacity to indulge in 
similar acts elsewhere are an indicator that unless they are dealt 
with firmly they would be able to spread their tentacles elsewhere as 
well. And the day would not be far of when Hindutva terrorist network 
can reach nook and corners of the country rivalling the Jihadi 
terrorists.

Date 31 st May 2008. Venue : Vishnudas Bhave auditorium, Vashi, Maharashtra.

The show of the muchdebated drama 'Amhi Pachpute' was already on. 
Little could the organisers of the drama had imagined that show of 
another kind was unfolding outside the hall.

Thanks to the alertness and presence of mind shown by people present 
there,  a bomb placed by some miscreants was spotted. A bomb squad 
immediately rushed in which neutralised the bomb and a major disaster 
could be averted. Of course, the police neither felt the need to 
interrogate leaders of 'Hindu Janjagruti Samity' which had organised 
spate of protests against the drama supposedly for 'hurting religious 
sentiments of Hindus' nor ventured to move beyond its idea of 'usual 
suspects.' Left to itself it would have preferred to close the file 
after some time citing 'lack of any clues'. But it had no idea that 
what lied in store for them.

Within next four days a similar feat was repeated. Of course the 
venue had shifted to Thane, another city in Maharashtra and the 
location was the basement of the 'Gadkari Rangayatan Auditorium' 
where another show of the same drama was on. Unlike Vashi, here bomb 
explosion could not be averted leading to injuries to few people.

It was clear to even a layperson that an organised group of 
miscreants was behind these incidents. Looking at the gravity of the 
situation the 'Anti Terrorism Squad' of the Bombay police was given 
the responsibility of investigating the case and finding the culprits.

The ATS was successful in nabbing Ramesh Hanumant Gadkari ( Age 50 
years) and Mangesh Dinkar Nikam ( Age 34 Years) - fulltime activists 
of 'Hindu Janjagruti Samity and 'Sanathan Sanstha' - from Panvel (15 
th June 2008) and the very next day it caught Vikram Bhave and 
Santosh Sitaram Angre and charged the four with masterminding the 
bomb explosions in Vashi and Thane. Police also revealed that these 
terrorists were also involved in another bomb explosion around four 
months back when the film show of 'Jodha Akbar' was going on in 
Panvel (20 th February 2008).  

The Sanstha denied any knowledge of their activities and said that 
they did it on their own. It is clear that protestations of innocence 
cannot be taken at face value and the police needs to thoroughly 
investigate the affairs of the Sanatan Sanstha as well as Hindu 
Janjagruti Samity which have been registered as charitable 
organisations in Goa. Definitely they cannot evade responsibility in 
the act as their literature talks of 'elimination' of 'evildoers' and 
claims that it is a' religious duty' to combat and counter 'enemies 
of Hinduism'.

The editorial in 'Herald' further adds that :

     "..[S]anatan Sanstha and the Bajrang Dal, two Hindu 
fundamentalist organisations that are both linked to bomb blasts, are 
the main constituents of the broad joint front called the Hindu 
Janajagriti Samiti, which has been holding public meetings all over 
Goa claiming Hinduism is in danger, and making provocative speeches."

III

According to a writeup in Indian Express ( June 18, 2008) : "..the 
arrests were enough for Deshmukh to point fingers at the possibility 
of Hindu groups being involved in subversive activities too. 
"Normally, when such incidents take place a particular community is 
suspected, " the Chief minister said in a statement late on Monday. 
"But the arrest of two people belonging to a Hindu organisation 
proves that such suspicions are baseless. Criminal do not belong to 
any religion."

Investigations into the antecedents of these arrested activists have 
revealed that they have had tryst with bombs and violence in the 
past. The Chief of the Maharashtra's Anti-Terrorism Squad told media 
persons that "Various members of these organisations are being 
questioned. If their role is found in the planning or execution of 
these incidents, we will certainly write to the centre and seek that 
they are banned." (Indian Express, 23 rd June 2008).

As of now it is difficult to predict how things would unfold but a 
notable fallout of these explosions and consequent arrests is that at 
least there is broader awareness about these Hindu extremist groups 
which work like wheels within wheels, and are quietly mobilising 
Hindus on a cocktail of Ramrajya, Hindu Dharma and "dharmakranti" - 
religious revolution. Hindu Janjagruti Samity and Sanatan Sanstha are 
both registered in Goa as a charitable organisation, a new outfit 
Dharmashakti Sena was also floated by them in 16 Maharashtra towns 
and cities on Gudi Padwa day  this April. Pictures of its inaugural 
rally in April show young men dressed in military fatigues.

Herald further adds that (Panjim, 22 June 2008)

     Defence of Hinduism is one of the biggest themes in the 
literature and meetings of the HJS and the SS. The massive 44-volume 
compilation titled 'Science of Spirituality', published by the 
Sanatan Bharatiya Sanskruti Sanstha and 'compiled' by Dr. Jayant 
Athavale, founder of the Sanatan Sanstha, Hinduism is consistently 
portrayed as being under threat from the forces of Christianity and 
Islam, aided and abetted by the 'so-called secularists', who are seen 
as traitors to Hinduism. The volumes have titles like 'Protecting 
Seekers and Destroying Evildoers' and 'Reinstatement of the Divine 
Kingdom'. Defending the faith against the various purported threats 
by allegedly anti-Hindu forces is stated to be the primary duty of 
all true believers.

     The nature of this 'defence' is spelt out in great detail. It 
involves identifying those who work against 'dharm', making lists of 
such people, and then moving to 'eliminate' them. It is claimed that 
all this is part of 'spiritual practice'.

Interestingly all talk of Hindu Unity in the worldview of HJS falls 
at the altar caste and other regressive practices in our society

     Believers are exhorted to guide offenders away from the path of 
incorrect practice. The volumes in the series support the regressive 
and obscurantist practices of the past, including the caste system, 
talking repeatedly about the proper role of various castes in society.

While curbing the activities of these organisations or banning them 
would demand extra efforts on part of the government, as of now there 
are very many things which can be done to stop their vicious, 
hatefilled ideas reach a wider cross-section of society. It's 
literature itself provides many clues.

     For an organisation which is so ultra-sensitive about the 
slightest imagined insult to Hinduism - imagined or real - the 
literature of the Sanatan Sanstha is rife with attacks on other 
religions. Priests are depicted with horns, indicating that they are 
devils. There are frequent references to the Bible, alleging that it 
promotes incest and other immoral practices. In September 2004, 
'Sanatan Prabhat' carried a statement saying that the body of St. 
Francis Xavier should be destroyed. It has also carried other 
scurrilous articles about Goa's patron saint. In November 2005, 
'Sanatan Prabhat' published an article, 'Mohd. Paigambar: An 
incarnation of Tripurasur [an 'asur' or demon]', which led to rioting 
in Miraj town of Maharashtra, and the imprisonment of the editor of 
'Sanatan Prabhat'.

     After having created an ideological framework which creates a 
fundamentalist mindset and makes it the 'duty' of the true seeker to 
defend the faith against all those who are projected as attacking it, 
it is disingenuous of the HJS and the SS to disclaim responsibility 
for the acts engaged in by their members. Ex-members of these 
organisations talk about the cult-like atmosphere that is created, 
with unquestioning obedience being stressed. Members are then 
brainwashed into believing that Hinduism is under siege. Against this 
background, and with all the talk about 'defence' and 'elimination of 
evildoers', it is hardly surprising that adherents begin to explore 
ways of taking direct action to defend the faith. In this regard, the 
philosophy of the HJS and the SS is not all that different from the 
philosophy of terrorists, whom they claim to oppose.

     (Herald , Panjim, 22 June 2008)

Of course, if the government is serious about curbing these extremist 
organisations, it can start with filing criminal procedings against 
the 'bible' of the HJS itself - namely the 'Science of Spirituality' 
under section 153(a) and (B) and related clauses on the basis that it 
promotes disaffection and disharmony between different communities.

But would it be proper to say that only Western India is witness to 
the silent emergence of Hindu terrorism or the phenomenon is slowly 
acquiring a national identity.

IV

     TIRUNELVELI: The special police team, led by Deputy Inspector 
General of Police, Tirunelveli Range, P Kannappan has arrested three 
persons in connection with the Tenkasi RSS office bomb blast case.

     The investigations revealed that the blasts were planned to 
provoke a backlash between two groups of different and dominant 
communities in Tenkasi.Speaking to reporters at Tenkasi on Monday, 
Inspector General of Police, South Zone, Sanjeev Kumar said on 
January 24, there was a bomb blast at the RSS office and an auto, 
parked inside the new bus stand at Tenkasi, was destroyed.

     Following this, special teams were formed to nab the accused. 
Investigations revealed that S Ravi Pandian (42), a cable TV 
operator, S Kumar (28), an auto driver, both from Tenkasi, and V 
Narayana Dharma (26) of Sencottai had planted 14 pipe bombs in the 
office of Ravi Pandian.

     ...Moreover, the bomb blast inside the new bus stand was planned 
to divert the police investigation, said Sanjeev Kumar. ..

     (3 arrested in Tenkasi bomb blast case, Tuesday February 5 2008 
08:12 IST , Express News Service ( Newindian express))

It is for everyone to see that S Ravi Pandian (42), a cable TV 
operator, S Kumar (28), an auto driver, both from Tenkasi, and V 
Narayana Sharma (26) of Sencottai today represent the less reported 
phenomenon of Hindutva terrorism..For all practical purposes till 23 
rd January they remained activists of Hindu Munnani - an affiliated 
organisation of RSS - engaged in what they seem to be a 'patriotic' 
work.

Today they are the new face of 'terrorism' unleashed by the Hindutva brigade.

But not only these three 'musketeers', one should add names of four 
more who were apprehended on 5 th February, identified as A. 
Balamurugan(20), S. Velmurugan (18), A Murugan (24), all hailing from 
Tenkasi and Maasaanam (20) of Shencottai. They have been arrested for 
assisting S. Pandian in making bombs and detonating them at the RSS 
office and town's new bus stand. According to 'The Hindu' ( 6 Feb 
2008) the police even recovered bombs and detonators from them.

Looking at the hierarchial nature of the Sangh Parivar outfits, these 
blasts would not have been triggered without the knowledge of its top 
brass in Tamilnadu.

Thanks to the painstaking efforts engaged in by the Mr Kannappan, DIG 
Tirunelveli range, who did not fell prey to the usual stigmatisation 
and terrorisation of the religious minorities, and after thorough 
investigations into the incident (24 th January 2008) which involved 
bomb blasts at RSS office in Tenkasi and another one at the bus stand 
apprehended the culprits.

It is now learnt that the Sangh Parivar organisations which fared 
miserably during the last elections were keen that Tenkasi does a 
'Coimbtore' and they are able to get few sympathy votes. It may be 
told that this is the 10 th anniversary of the Coimbtore blasts which 
had seen deaths of innocents.

A report filed by M.H. Jawahirullah( www.twocircles.net) :

     According to Sanjeev Kumar, IG, South Zone, the bomb blast inside 
the new bus stand was planned to divert the police investigation. DIG 
of Police Kannappan said the trio tested the capacity of the bombs at 
Papanasam before executing the plan. Since the bombs contained 
substances like ammonium nitrate, electric detonators, batteries and 
timer devices, the explosion was possible within 30 to 40 seconds, 
said Kannappan.The Investigation is still going on. The Police said 
14 pipe bombs were assembled and the operations began from July last 
year.

There are reports that the Tirunelveli Police have indicated that the 
explosives used in Tenkasi are similar those used in the Makkah 
Masjid blast at Hyderabad. It is incumbent that in the light of the 
revelations in the Tenkasi blasts , the CBI should reinvestigate the 
Makkah Masjid Blasts and other Blasts which took place in different 
parts of the country.

V

     General Secretary of Congress Party Mr Digvijay Singh has 
attacked Chief Minister Shivraj Singh Chauhan and RSS about recovery 
of arms in Shyampur District Sihore. While releasing a letter to the 
press which he has written to the Chief Minister Mr Singh 
categorically stated that members of RSS themselves are engaged in 
sending swords and knifes to instigate communal violence. The two 
miscreants from Shyampur who were found to be in possession of arms 
and were duly apprehended belong to RSS only. The letter specifically 
mentions that since the accused belong to RSS the chief minister 
would not take any action in this matter. You are under pressure from 
RSS also. Mentioning his earlier letter Mr Singh said that Mangilal 
and Phool Singh were arrested for delivering 24 swords and four 
knifes at Satyanarayan Bhati's house on 16 th March. These two 
persons belong to RSS. Within a few days of the recovery of the arms, 
minorities in Narsinhgarh and Talen (Rajgarh) came under attack and 
five people from both the sides lost lives.

     The Congress leader mentioned a letter written by Sihore S.P. 
which says that despite attempts by the police the two accused have 
refused to divulge the information about the source of these arms. To 
conclude, the point one would like to emphasise that whether it is 
possible to link Tenkasi with Vardha or Nanded with Ahmedabad or for 
that matter Sihore or in our own atomised world view or not ?

     ('Sangh Sends Swords and Knifes' Bhaskar, Hindi Daily ( 19 July 2007) )

The arrests by Hindu terrorists from Thane and Panvel was followed by 
a controversial editorial in Saamna - edited by Bal Thackeray - in 
which he praised Hindu organisations involved in the blast, but asked 
them to make better "hindu" bombs instead of the low intensity bombs 
to match those made by "Islamic Terrorists" and explode them in 
"mini-Pakistans" in India. It also added that to save Hindus, 
Hindutva organisations need to form suicide squads much on the lines 
of Islamic terror organisations. According to the editorial, "Islamic 
terrorism" was "flourishing" in the country and to counter it, "Hindu 
terrorism" of the same power should be created.

It was quite natural that the provocative utterances received 
condemnation from a broad spectrum of political opinion - with many 
parties demanding prosecution of Bal Thackre - but  inadvertently or 
deliberately so it served a dual purpose. On the one hand it helped 
temporarily deflect the attention of the concerned people from the 
silent emergence of hindu terrorism and on the other hand it was a 
tacit acknowledgement of its existence and growth.

Of course looking at the danger it presents before the situation of 
communal harmony in our country it is high time that apart from 
strategising against what is known us Jihadi terrorism, we also focus 
our attention on terrorism which is being unleashed by the majority 
community namely Hindu terrorism. It is high time that  security 
establishment decides to make a radical rupture from the prevalent 
understanding vis-a-vis terrorism., polity gathers enough courage to 
admit its past mistakes and make a fresh beginning and the civil 
society at large breaks itself free from its community specific 
prejudices, then only it would be possible to rein in the scourge of 
of terrorism.

Perhaps few words of advice from a senior journalist like Prem 
Shankar Jha would be opportune at this moment. In a writeup for 
Outlook  (May 26, 2008) immediately after the Jaipur blasts he said :

     ..An effective anti-terrorist strategy requires us to look even 
more deeply into ourselves. The police and security agencies only 
mirror the prejudices of the majority community and these have become 
more pronounced in the past two decades. Why has no one in office 
ever formally expressed regret for the terrible pogroms that have 
scarred the face of our society-from the '93 Mumbai killings to the 
'02 Gujarat massacres. Why are Indian courts suddenly handing out 
death penalties by the dozen, with a predisposition to singling out 
minorities? Indeed, so great has been the bias and so quixotic the 
rulings that it has provoked Amnesty International into making a 
scathing criticism of the Indian judiciary.

     India's war against terror has just begun. But security forces 
cannot fight on their own. If our political leaders and the public 
don't do their part, we will find ourselves losing.

A balanced approach would enable us to look at facts with an open 
mind and would also help us look at minor details or minor clues to 
reach the perpetrators of such acts. Is not it a disturbing thing 
that while India is witnessing terrorist actions in different parts 
of the country but most of the cases the security people have not 
been able to make any headway in the investigations. Forget cathching 
the real perpetrators of such acts they are being blamed for the 
manner in which they have targetted specific community en masse. 
There have been countless stories of violations of human rights of 
very many people documented by different people/formations.

Take the case of Jaipur blasts, One still remembers the story of one 
Vijay who was immediately spotted after the Jaipur blasts, who told 
the police the name of his other (lady) accomplice, who were 
supposedly responsible for the blasts. Nobody has heard about Vijay 
after that incident.

Take the case of Malegaon blast. A few victims told the police that a 
body with a fake beard was recovered from among the dead bodies. 
Looking at the fact that in Nanded bomb blasts the issue of fake 
beard had been raised prominently, the security agencies could have 
finetuned direction of their investigation, but they persisted in the 
old manner only. And they did not bother to question the hospital 
people when they flatly denied that any such body was recovered.

It has been around one and half month that the tragic Jaipur blast 
took place but police does not seem have become any more 
wiser.According to Times of India ( 27 th June 2008) "..But as days 
have passed, suspect sketches, clues and leads once touted as vital 
have proved worthless and loudly proclaimed theories proved thin. 
Rajasthan police went on a manhunt in the city's shanties where 
Bangladeshi immigrants are holed up. They came back empty handed. " 
It also adds "Investigators are not ready to name HuJI as a definite 
suspect any more and only say its role and that of some Pakistan 
based terror outfits have not been ruled out."

Similar is the case of other bomb explosions. The Hyderabad Mecca 
Masjid blast is being probed by CBI. It is almost a year now and 
nothing concrete has emerged.

Would it be proper to assume that the police or the security 
establishment have finally decided that after any such incident they 
would keep moving in circles, leave the issue unresolved and would 
move to a new issue/incident.

As already stated, perhaps the need of the hour is get out of the 
stereotyped understanding vis-a-vis terrorism. Perhaps it is 
necessary that we transcend the habit of stigmatising or 
criminalising a particular community for all ills of the society. 
Perhaps it is necessary to ask those questions which were never asked 
earlier.

It has been quite some time that many Urdu papers have been raising a 
point about such terrorist acts which merits consideration. It talks 
of involvement of Israeli-US agents in all such incidents. Looking at 
the proximity of the Hindutva lobby with Israel, it is also being 
said that secret Hindu terror organisations are receiving training in 
Israel. Apparently these Hindu organisations are sending groups of 
cadres to Israel for agriculture training. But under the cover of 
this alibi the Israeli special forces are training the Hindutva 
cadres on bomb handling and fabrication techniques.

The correspondence between a terrorist action and its likely 
beneficiaries need also be matched. One thing is sure that the more 
such terrorist actions take place in India, it would further increase 
communal polarisation ( although it is to the credit of the composite 
heritage of the country that there have been no communal flareups in 
any part of the country after such acts, despite provocations from 
the majoritarian elements) and would help keep India in US ambit. US 
which has made a mess of itself in mid-east wants to build the 
US-Israel-India axis to maintain regional hegemony. It frowns upon 
any regional cooperation of India with its neighbouring countries 
especially from the mid-east. It is not for nothing that it has 
consistently opposed Iran-Pakistan-India gas pipeline. 

Many commentators have written that Jaipur blasts definitely 
benefitted BJP in Karnatak elections. Can it then be said that some 
stray Hindu terrorist group at its own level executed the plan so 
that another member of the Hindutva family reaps its benefits.

VI

Any peace and justice loving person would admit that the question of 
(non-state) terrorism needs to be revisited urgently. While our 
concern about the growing network of Jihadi terrorism is welcome and 
we should not slacken our struggle against its criminal, anti-people 
activities/ manifestations, it should be conceded that our approach 
towards the whole question of terrorism has remained imbalanced or at 
best partial. One can cite incidents after incidents where the 
involvement of RSS, Shiv Sena or one of their affiliated 
organisations can be clearly demonstrated in acts which are 
considered 'terrorists actions' in todays parlance. It is a different 
matter that 'Islamic Terrorists' or 'Maoists' seem to be the usual 
whipping boys for the media or the intelligence people.

Look at the mental image of terrorism which exists in the minds of the people.

Would it be possible to ask ourselves then what could be said to be 
the first act of terrorism in independent India ?

Everybody would agree that killing of Mahatma Gandhi by a Hindu 
fanatic Nathuram Godse constitutes the first terrorist act in 
independent India. Godse, a Maharashtrian Brahmin, was associated 
with Hindu Mahasabha at the time of Mahatma's assasination and had 
his initial forays in the world of politics with the RSS. The world 
at large knows how the Hindu fanatics had planned the murder of the 
Mahatma and how the likes of Savarkar and Golwalkar were held 
responsible for creating the ambience of hate  which culminated in 
the gruesome act.

If somebody poses before you another simple query relating to similar 
episodes in the sixty plus year trajectory of independent India - 
then what would be your response. Perhaps you would like to add the 
death of Indira Gandhi - killed by her Sikh bodyguards , killing of 
Rajeev Gandhi - who fell to a suicide attack by a Tamil Hindu woman, 
or for that matter demolition of the 500 year old Babri mosque by the 
marauders of the RSS-VHP-BJP-Shiv Sena. If one follows the debate 
further you would like to  underline the 1984 riots ( actually 
genocide of Sikhs mainly perpetrated by Hindu lumpen elements 
instigated by the then ruling Congress Party), emergence of 
Khalistani terrorists movement or the five year old Gujarat genocide 
executed with military precision by the RSS and its affiliated 
organisations.

Compare all these major episodes in the history of Independent india 
- which encompassed many a terrorist acts within them -  with the 
mental image which conjures up in your mind when one listens to any 
terrorist act in any part of the country. Does it have any 
resembelance with the image of a member of the majority community or 
one of those minority communities ? You would agree that the mental 
image has features specific to one of the religious minorities in our 
country.

Question naturally arises why is it that despite their participation 
in many a gruesome incidents, the role played by them in instigating 
riots ( as noted by many a commissions of enquiry)  or there 
admission before camera about the planning which went in making a 
genocide happen (courtesy Tehelka sting operation) the Hindu fanatic 
who doubles up as a terrorist has not become a part of our social 
common sense. (To reemphasise one needs to underline that one is not 
being soft towards the likes of Lashkar-e-Toiba or Jaish-e-Mohammad, 
their activities are definitely condemnable but how is that every 
terrorist act in any part of the country is attributed to them and 
equally dangerours other outfits belonging to the majority community 
are allowed to go scotfree.)

Perhaps there is no simple answer to this query. One will have to 
dwelve deep into our past, take a dispassionate look at the 
anti-colonial struggle and also the tragic phase of partition riots. 
Simultaneously we will have to discern the threads of our present, 
understand for ourselves the role of different actors as well as the 
role of ideologies to reach any tentative understanding. It is for 
everyone to see that in a multireligious, multilingual country like 
ours the complexities of the situation are itself immense. We find 
ourselves in a situation where while 'communalism' of the majority 
community could be construed as 'nationalism', every assertion  by 
the minority community on genuine demands tends to be seen with a 
'communal' colour. And it follows from this that 'terrorism' 
unleashed by the majoritarians is easily disguised under the bursting 
of 'pent  up anger' against the minorities.

Of course despite tremendous odds on our way to reach the kernel of 
truth, we should not feel disheartened in our journey. It is true 
that forces of hate and exclusion appear more organised today, but we 
should not forget the fact that there have been n number of occasions 
when despite provocations the masses did not get carried away with 
their agenda. We have on our side the glorious composite heritage of 
our country - which needs to be replenished - and the many silver 
linings in the otherwise bleak scenario.

_______



[4]

Kashmir Times
27 June 2008

Editorial

A wake up call
VIOLENCE SHOULD STOP LEADERS FROM PLAYING POLITICS OVER SASB ISSUE

The worst aspect about the violent flare up in the Valley is that the 
government is willfully ignoring the situation and busy politicking 
over it. Only the police and the security agencies have been left on 
the roads to deal with the violent protests as the coalition partners 
in power are too busy drawing mileage out of the issue of land 
transfer to Shri Amarnath Shrine Board (SASB). With no clear cut 
political policy, it is but obvious that the men in uniform, who are 
notorious for their brutality would act ruthlessly, without restraint 
and in an unprovoked manner. And this is what is actually happening 
for the last three days in the Valley. With three deaths and around 
200 people injured in violent protests, retaliatory lathi-charge and 
firing, a problem that started from a few pockets of Srinagar city 
has spread to the entire Valley. And that is not the only problem, 
with politicians resorting to confusing and contradictory statements, 
a space has been created for politicians, who thrive on communal 
politics, in Jammu to come out open in opposition to the sentiment in 
the Valley. This is indeed flaring up into something serious and the 
first thing that needs to be abandoned is the politicking over this 
issue which is assuming regional and communal overtones. The 
political leadership of the state, whether it is the unionists or the 
separatists, has a more responsible task cut out for them than to use 
the occasion to create more divides and allow the state to be set on 
fire. The controversy should have been settled long ago before this 
situation took an ugly turn. Unfortunately, everybody deemed the 
moment as a golden goose they could use to settle their own petty 
political scores. The Congress by boasting about the land deal was 
eying the Hindu vote bank in Jammu, the PDP and National Conference 
were looking to woo the voters in the Valley by opposing the deal 
even though both parties at some point of time or the other had been 
party to the deal. The Hindutva leaders in Jammu too joined the issue 
with provocative statements. In this scenario it was natural for the 
separatists too to jump in and talk about their stand against Indian 
occupation being vindicated. Amidst all this euphoria, what is being 
lost are the voices of sanity. Ironically,

the man who started it all, former Governor Lt Gen (Retd) S.K. Sinha 
by this time has packed his bags and left the state in absolute 
turmoil. The onus now lies on the political leadership of the state 
to start clearing the mess. The coalition partners must sit down to 
begin a process of normalising the situation. First of all, the cops 
and security forces on the roads need to be reined in and rather than 
provoking angry mobs with firing and brutal action they must act with 
restraint. The separatists and the joint committee opposing the land 
deal should also use their influence to ensure that the protests 
remain peaceful and do not go out of hands. A good beginning has 
already been made by Syed Ali Shah Geelani, who has issued an appeal 
to the Kashmiris for maintaining discipline. He has also tried to 
dispel the notion that the agitation is against the yatra or the 
Hindus, as is being projected by fundamentalist groups in Jammu and 
elsewhere in the country. In fact, some of the separatists had 
suggested that the SASB itself should be done away with and 
pilgrimage should be handed over to the Kashmiri Hindus to avoid any 
controversy. While such statements have not caught the imagination of 
the media, it is time that such theories go beyond the rhetoric and 
at least the Pandits in the Valley too are taken into confidence. It 
is a known fact that the role of the SASB is something that has been 
criticised by the priest of the yatra, Dipendra Giri himself. So 
there is need to understand that opposition to extension of yatra or 
land transfer to the SASB is not communal in nature, it has more to 
do with environmental and other local concerns. Though the fears and 
insecurities of the majority community of the Valley, keeping the 
historical context in mind, cannot be negated, the focus on the 
demographics discourse has more harmed the agitation against the 
SASB. At the same time, it is high time the government realizes that 
it can't take decisions, related to the yatra or any other issue, and 
turn rigid if the popular local sentiment is against it. The 
sensibilities of the people are of paramount interest. The increasing 
violence as also the regional and communal polarization is a warning 
signal. Those who fail to respond to the occasion with pragmatism 
will eventually be guilty of a dangerous fall-out.


______


[5]


Indian Express
June 28, 2008

PRIDE, PREJUDICE AND POLITICS

by Gautam Bhan

  A gay man is given two years of electroshock therapy in a major city 
hospital to "cure" him - the National Human Rights Commission refuses 
to file a complaint. A 2004 book on queer politics sees 34 
contributors write under their full names, many for the first time. 
Lesbian women continue to commit suicide rather than be forcibly 
married. Large sections of the media openly support campaigns against 
Sec 377 - the 1861 law that criminalises "unnatural offences" - and 
widely carry an open letter written by Vikram Seth and Amartya Sen 
against the law. The law still stands over the head of the gay 
community, but the challenge to it in the Delhi High Court inches 
towards a verdict. Meanwhile, aravanis (as hijras are known in Tamil 
Nadu) win a landmark battle for the legal right to have government 
identification cards and passports issued under "E" as their gender.

Sunday's three-city queer pride march comes at a curious time for 
sexuality and rights in India. Changes over the last decade have been 
dramatic: a movement has emerged, rights have been advanced, 
attitudes (at least in urban India) are changing. Changed enough, at 
least, for a group of individuals to come together and find that 
there is desire, capacity and support to pull off Delhi's first pride 
parade. There is no doubt that this is a milestone. But of what? In 
some ways, little has changed - the law, prejudice, fear, and 
violence still line the fabric of everyday life of most queer people. 
The march ends in a vigil - cautious celebration is inevitably tied 
to sobering reflection on the Indian version of Pride.

So why Pride, and its eternal unasked question: why the need to be 
public? "Public" is a word uttered with some trepidation in India, 
especially when it is in the same sentence as "sexuality". Queer 
people have long been objects of description, caricature and violence 
in public domains: in film, in media, on the streets, in the 
everyday. They have appeared by choice mostly in response to yet 
another arrest, or incidence of violence: constantly aggrieved, 
constantly demanding. Pride is another kind of public presence. It is 
a claim - a claim to the right to belong to this city, to be treated 
equally in its public spaces, to see positive images of oneself. This 
is, in essence, what any movement, any politics is ultimately trying 
to attain: not just legal but substantive freedom. Not just 
tolerance, but acceptance. Not just the faces of those eternally 
repressed, but the images of a community that has come far and that 
has finally, slowly, begun to find the strength to fight for its 
rights.

Sexuality is instantly reduced in any conversation in our country to 
sex. Sexuality is not just about sex. What Pride is taking to the 
public is not just sexuality, but its politics. It is about identity. 
It is about self-respect. It is about not being fired from your job 
because of how you look or whom you share your apartment with. It is 
about being able to tell your doctors your full medical history 
without fear. It is about being able to protect your partner and 
share benefits, taxes, home loans, and health insurance. It is about 
being able to approach the law as a citizen, rather than with fear. 
It is about being able to be free of violence. It is about, 
ironically, being able to forget. To forget that one's being gay or 
lesbian or transgendered is just one part of one's identity, rather 
than everything that one is. In India today, you cannot forget. You 
cannot forget your caste if you are a Dalit, your gender if you are a 
woman, your religion if you are not Hindu or your sexuality if you 
are not heterosexual. The right to forget is a freedom. Pride is the 
right to fold sexuality into our everyday, to let it be part of us 
but not define us, and certainly not define us as a despised, 
abnormal "other".

If many of these struggles sound familiar, it is because they are. In 
caste, class, religion, or sexuality, the line between 
acceptable/unacceptable, normal/abnormal, natural/unnatural and 
private/public is constructed in the same way. Recogni- sing these 
connections will help us build a politics that does not emerge from 
the bounded confines of one movement versus the other, but instead 
realises that all oppressions work through the same mechanisms of 
exclusion. This is what will bring the many non-gay marchers to 
Sunday's Pride - a recognition that the city they want to live in for 
themselves is one which makes space for queer rights, and will, by 
extension, make space for other, linked freedoms, ones that are 
possibly closer to their lives.

No one believes that if the community wins the ongoing case in the 
Delhi High Court against Sec 377 India will change overnight. It is 
events like Pride that will take the battle for inclusion outside the 
courts into the spaces where queer people live their lives: families, 
homes, offices, buses, streets, and city spaces. On Sunday, the first 
step towards an inclusive city will be taken. All those who walk in 
it will walk for freedom - not just freedom for queer Delhi citizens, 
but for their own as well.

Gautam Bhan is a writer and civil rights activist

o o o

Down to Earth
30 june 2008

NOTHING GAY ABOUT SECTION 377
by Vibha Varshney


On May 22 a Delhi High Court hearing brought to the fore the rift 
between two Union ministries. The object of discord was a law dating 
back to days of high Victorian puritanism: section 377 of the Indian 
Penal Code. It criminalizes sexual acts "against the order" and is 
often used to harass the gay community-in the process making them 
vulnerable to hiv/aids. The ministry of health and family welfare 
wanted changes in the section, while the home ministry contends that 
only victims can demand a change in laws-not a third party.

The health ministry's National aids Control Organisation (naco) is 
against Section 377 because it feels that it creates obstacles in 
carrying out aids awareness programmes amongst homosexuals.

The home ministry has not countered these objections. The High Court 
has asked the Attorney General to clarify the Union's stand. The 
case's next hearing is scheduled for July 2.

The dispute between the ministries is germane to a 2001 petition of 
the ngo, Naz Foundation (Trust) India, against the Union government.

The petition filed in the Delhi High Court stated that section 377 is 
affecting the ngo's work with homosexuals. It was triggered by a 
police raid on the Lucknow offices of Naz Foundation International 
and another ngo, Bharosa.

The petition was countered by affidavits from the ngo Joint Action 
Council Kannur (jack) and B P Singhal, a prominent member of the bjp.

The Kannur ngo's affidavit contended that the Naz Foundation's case 
was not backed by an independent scientific study. It also claimed 
that section 377 was important for victims of child abuse and rapes. 
Singhal's petition asserted that homosexuality is against Indian 
culture and evolution.

But health ministry agencies like naco endorsed Naz Foundation's 
stand (See time line: An enduring law). Samarjit Jana, national 
programme advisor to the organization says that fear of section 377 
makes many keep their homesexuality under wraps. The hidden nature of 
homosexual groups leads to poor access to healthcare and safe sex 
information, he says. Jana is categorical that the health ministry 
"is the only ministry that works with these marginalized groups." So 
it understands the problem better, he says.

Archaic law

Section 377 is an amazingly enduring law. Part of the original Indian 
Penal Code of 1860, it deems sexual acts between men illegal; 
violations can invite imprisonment for 10 years-even for life. While 
imprisonments have been rare, section 377 is often used to harass the 
gay community. For example, in January 2006 the Lucknow police traced 
down a person in the city through a website and then charged him and 
his friends of having sex in a public park.

"Section 377 affects people's right to information about safety," 
says Sumit Daudh, a Delhi-based lawyer activist. Repealing it would 
help many change their self-perception and realise what they are 
doing is not a crime, he adds.

Health and human rights issues led Germany, France, uk, Denmark, 
Norway, Finland, Iceland, Ecuador, Mexico, Australia, New Zealand, 
Fiji, South Africa, Hong Kong and Taiwan to legalize homosexuality. 
Canada, Belgium, Netherlands, South Africa, Spain and some us states 
even allow same sex marriages. Activists also say that section 377 
violates fundamental rights guaranteed in the Constitution.


_______



[6] Announcements:

(i)


Recognize sexwork as legitimate work              
Criminalizing sexworkers or clients is counter productive
National Day of Action      1st JULY 2008 (Tuesday)      Bangalore
Don't destroy the livelihood of Sexworkers by criminalizing their clients
Drop Immoral Traffic (Prevention) Act amendment process Immediately

Karnataka State Coalition Against ITPA

(Constituent Organizations: Aneka, Ashodaya Samithi, Jyothi Mahila 
Sangha, Karnataka Sexual Minorities Forum, Karnataka Sexworkers 
Union, LesBiT, Samara, Sangama, Sangram, Suraksha, Swathi Mahila 
Sangha, Veshya Anyay Mukthi Parishad, Vijaya Mahila Sangha)

invites you to the

3 PM     Public Rally from Chikka Lalbagh (Majestic) to Mysore Bank
Circle
    5 PM     Public Meeting at Mysore Bank Circle


Sitamarhi, Bihar: Mob attacks sexworkers and burns down 250 houses in 
front of police

Calicut, Kerala: Sexworkers evicted from their homes and their houses 
burnt by the cadres of the ruling party

Channapattana, Karnataka: Goondas (supported by police) brutally 
attack sexworkers who had gathered to peacefully demonstrate for 
rights

Delhi: Police forcibly pick up 70 adult sexworkers in Delhi, in gross 
violation of their basic rights and detain them in jails and 
protective homes of Andhra Pradesh, under the guise of rescuing/ 
helping/ reforming sexworkers

These are not isolated incidents but witness to the growing 
intolerance and prejudice against sexworkers. Sexworkers face 
constant police violence, goonda violence and extreme social 
rejection. Hounded by the goondas and constantly harassed by the 
police, sexworkers are in danger of not only getting marginalized but 
also becoming far more vulnerable to HIV-AIDS. As sexworkers are 
forced to run from street to street, adopting safer sex practices, 
accessing health care services or even using condoms becomes almost 
impossible in spite of their best efforts to save their lives. As a 
large part of their earnings go to police, goondas and the Government 
(as court fines), they are forced to work long hours, serve more 
clients and often put themselves at risk. Constantly they are coerced 
to compromise with everyone because of the fear of false cases being 
foisted on them, as well as being insulted and humiliated in public 
and denied even basic dignity and respect.

The Immoral Traffic Prevention Act (ITPA) criminalizes most aspects 
of sexwork by equating 'voluntary adult sexwork' with trafficking. 
Trafficking - the business of forcing children and adults against 
their will into various forms of work including sexwork, is totally 
unacceptable to us.

Sexworkers have been struggling against the unfairness in ITPA. 
Police make use of ITPA to harass, abuse and extort money from 
sexworkers most of who are disadvantaged in many ways

To make matters worse the Central Government has proposed to amend 
the ITPA to punish the clients of sexworkers. The logic behind the 
move is supposedly to prevent trafficking of people into sexwork by 
reducing demand for sexwork. There is enough evidence from numerous 
countries that criminalizing clients of sexworkers doesn't help in 
combating trafficking but only pushes sexwork underground making 
sexworkers more vulnerable to violence and HIV infection. The Central 
Government is planning to go ahead with this in spite of protests 
from sexworkers and human rights activists for the last few years. 
This process will deny sexworkers basic right for survival and 
livelihood. In a democracy, the government must duly consult all 
concerned and affected people before amending any law. But the Union 
government has been ignoring the voices of the sexworkers in the ITPA 
amendment process.  The role of the government should be to enable 
sex workers to access their social entitlements and rights.

Sexworkers have broken their long silence. They have been forming 
their own organizations, strengthening their communities, engaging 
with the society at large and supporting Governmental efforts in 
combating HIV-AIDS. They have been extending solidarity and support 
to the struggles of various marginalized people including women, 
dalits, adivasis, minorities, the poor, workers and others.
We request all citizens to join hands with us to demand that the 
government drop the ITPA amendment process immediately.


_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/

Buzz for secularism, on the dangers of fundamentalism(s), on
matters of peace and democratisation in South
Asia. SACW is an independent & non-profit
citizens wire service run since 1998 by South
Asia Citizens Web: www.sacw.net/
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