SACW | Jan.24-26, 2007

Harsh Kapoor aiindex at mnet.fr
Thu Jan 25 18:34:10 CST 2007


South Asia Citizens Wire  | January 24-26, 2007 | Dispatch No. 2353 - Year 8

[1]  Sri Lanka: Government Complicit in Forced 
Recruitment of Young Tamils (HRW Press Release)
[2]  Pakistan: All ritual, nil spiritual (Razi Azmi)
[3]  India - Madhya Pradesh: Hindutva at School
     (i) Daily Ritual (Editorial, The Telegraph)
     (ii) Sun salute can't be forced: High Court (News report)
[4]  India: Gujarat  Hang  Your  Head  In  Shame  ! (Press Release, Prashant)
[5]  India: Letter re Denial of visa by the India 
to theatre group from Pakistan (Sandeep Pandey)
[6]  India: Sign-On To Help Protect Access To Affordable Medicines!!
[7]  UK: Anti-racism has to go beyond a facile 
representation game (Priyamvada Gopal)
[8]  Upcoming Events: 
     Workshop:  Towards an All-India "Citizens 
Campaign: Implement Sachar Committee's 
Recommendations" (Bombay, 27-28 January 2007)
____


[1]

Human Rights Watch
24 January 2007

Press Release

SRI LANKA: KARUNA GROUP ABDUCTS CHILDREN FOR COMBAT
GOVERNMENT COMPLICIT IN FORCED RECRUITMENT OF YOUNG TAMILS

(New York, January 24, 2007) - With the 
complicity or willful blindness of the Sri Lankan 
government, the Karuna group has abducted and 
forcibly recruited hundreds of children in 
eastern Sri Lanka, Human Rights Watch said in a 
report released today.
The Karuna group, led by V. Muralitharan, a.k.a. 
Karuna, a former commander with the Liberation 
Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE), split from the 
Tamil Tigers in 2004 and now cooperates with the 
Sri Lankan military in their common fight against 
the LTTE. 

In the new 100-page report, "Complicit in Crime: 
State Collusion in Abductions and Child 
Recruitment by the Karuna Group," Human Rights 
Watch documents a pattern of abductions and 
forced recruitment by the Karuna group over the 
past year. With case studies, maps and 
photographs, it shows how Karuna cadres operate 
with impunity in government-controlled areas, 
abducting boys and young men, training them in 
camps, and deploying them for combat. 

"The Karuna group is abducting children in broad 
daylight in areas firmly under government 
control," said Brad Adams, Asia director at Human 
Rights Watch. "The government is fully aware of 
the abductions but allows them to happen because 
it's eager for an ally against the Tamil Tigers." 

Based on research in Sri Lanka, including areas 
where the Karuna group operates, the report 
features testimony from two dozen family members 
of boys and young men abducted by the Karuna 
group. They described armed Karuna members 
forcibly taking their brothers, nephews and sons 
from their homes, workplaces, temples, 
playgrounds, public roads, and even a wedding. 

The United Nations Children's Fund (UNICEF) has 
documented more than 200 cases of child 
recruitment by the Karuna group in Sri Lanka's 
eastern districts, where the group is active. But 
the real number is certainly much higher due to 
underreporting. 

Children are not the only targets. Human Rights 
Watch found that the Karuna group has abducted 
and forcibly recruited hundreds of young men 
between ages 18 and 30. Human Rights Watch knows 
of only two cases in which the Karuna group 
abducted girls. It generally targets poor 
families, and often those who have already had a 
child recruited by the Tamil Tigers. 

At least since June 2006, and probably before, 
the Sri Lankan government has known about the 
Karuna abductions. The districts of the east 
where they have taken place are firmly under 
government control, with myriad military and 
police checkpoints and security force camps. 

"After years of condemning child recruitment by 
the Tamil Tigers, the government is now complicit 
in the same crimes," said Jo Becker, child rights 
advocate at Human Rights Watch, who has written 
extensively about the Tamil Tigers. "The 
government's collusion on child abductions by the 
Karuna group highlights its hypocrisy." 

In one incident in June 2006, the Karuna group 
abducted 13 boys and young men, holding some of 
them for a while in a shop across the street from 
an army post. Some of the parents pleaded with 
the soldiers to intervene. Two soldiers spoke 
with the Karuna group members, parents told Human 
Rights Watch, but the soldiers did not stop the 
abduction. 

On the same day in another village, soldiers from 
the Sri Lankan army gathered seven boys and young 
men in a field, checked their IDs, and took their 
photographs. Members of the Karuna group arrived 
that night and abducted four of the seven, 
although it remains unclear in this instance 
whether the army forces were deliberately acting 
in collusion with the Karuna group. 

After abducting boys and young men, the Karuna 
group often holds them temporarily in the nearest 
office of its political party, the Tamil Makkal 
Viduthalai Pulikal (TMVP), which are routinely 
guarded by the Sri Lankan military or police. 
Parents told Human Rights Watch that they either 
saw their abducted sons in these offices or TMVP 
officials confirmed to families that they had 
been there. 

After a few days, the Karuna group usually 
transfers abductees to one of its camps in the 
jungle about 10 kilometers northwest of Welikanda 
town in the Polonnaruwa district, about 50 
kilometers northwest of Batticaloa town. 
Welikanda is where the Sri Lankan Army's 23rd 
division has its base. The area is firmly under 
government control, as is the main A11 road from 
the eastern districts to the Welikanda area. 
Travel through the area necessitates passing 
through numerous army and police checkpoints, and 
transporting abducted youth to the camps would 
have been impossible without the complicity of 
government security forces. The Karuna camp at 
Mutugalla village is near a Sri Lankan army post. 

"Not only do government forces fail to stop the 
abductions, but they allow the Karuna group to 
transport kidnapped children through checkpoints 
on the way to their camps," Becker said. 

Human Rights Watch said that the Sri Lankan 
police are also complicit in their unwillingness 
to seriously investigate complaints filed by the 
parents of abducted boys and young men. In some 
cases, the police reportedly refused to register 
parents' complaints. In other cases, the police 
registered the complaint but failed to undertake 
what the family considered a proper 
investigation. In no known case did the police 
secure the child's release. 

In a November interview with Human Rights Watch, 
Karuna denied allegations that his forces were 
abducting or recruiting children. He said his 
forces had no members under age 20, and that they 
would discipline any commander who tried to 
recruit a person under that age. He subsequently 
made commitments to the UN to issue policy 
statements banning child recruitment, to release 
any child found among the Karuna group's ranks, 
and to provide UNICEF with access to his camps. 

On January 2, 2007, the TMVP, Karuna's political 
party, provided UNICEF with regulations for its 
military wing, stating 18 as the minimum age for 
recruitment, and specifying penalties for members 
who conscript children. 

There is no sign yet that these commitments are 
being honored. Local human rights activists and 
international agencies report that the Karuna 
group continued to abduct boys and young men in 
November and December 2006. 

In November, after UN envoy Allan Rock raised 
allegations of government complicity in Karuna 
abductions, the Sri Lankan government promised an 
investigation. Instead, government and military 
officials launched attacks against Rock's 
credibility. 

"The government must stop making excuses and 
launch a serious and impartial investigation of 
government complicity in Karuna crimes," Adams 
said. "If the government won't investigate, then 
it must allow an independent, international 
inquiry." 

The LTTE has long abducted children into its 
forces, and used them as infantry soldiers, 
intelligence officers, medics, and even suicide 
bombers. Human Rights Watch documented the 
practice in a 2004 report, "Living in Fear: Child 
Soldiers and the Tamil Tigers in Sri Lanka." 

The new report includes updated information on 
Tamil Tiger child abductions and urges the UN to 
impose targeted sanctions on the group because of 
its status as a repeat offender. The UN should 
insist that the Karuna group immediately adopt 
and implement an action plan to end all 
recruitment and use of child soldiers, and 
consider targeted sanctions if it fails to do so, 
Human Rights Watch said. 

On February 9, a UN Security Council working 
group on children and armed conflict is scheduled 
to consider reported violations against children 
by all parties to Sri Lanka's armed conflict. The 
working group will make recommendations for 
Security Council action. 

In the meantime, Human Rights Watch called on the 
Tamil Tigers, the Karuna group, and the Sri 
Lankan government to stop the recruitment of 
children. The Karuna group and the Tamil Tigers 
should immediately release all children among 
their ranks.

____


[2]

The Daily Times
January 25, 2007

ALL RITUAL, NIL SPIRITUAL

by Razi Azmi

My last week's column ("Ostentatious piety", 
January 18) was one of the least thought out, 
being written on the spur of the moment, that 
spur being Ejaz Haider's "Piously uncivil" 
(January 7). However, it has attracted some very 
serious comments, a couple of which I feel I 
should share with readers.

Here's one from a New Yorker: "Thank you for 
putting in print something I've been saying to my 
family and friends for years. I'm an 
American-born Muslim woman of Pakistani descent. 
My parents come from the pre-Zia generation of 
which you speak, and they've managed to hang onto 
much of the open-mindedness of that time. My life 
as a professional and independent woman is a 
testament to their willingness to be open-minded 
by not stifling my aspirations, though they 
disagreed with the path I chose at many points.

"Having said that though, they are not immune to 
the effects of the all-ritual version of Islam 
that everyone seems to practise. This is also 
reinforced through a divide in my own generation 
of siblings/cousins, of whom some are very 
ritual-focused (though still worldly in most 
aspects). The result is a long series of debates 
on rituals vs. spirituality/ 'doing good work'. 
Unfortunately, there is very little popular and 
accessible interpretation or literature to 
support the spirituality/good work side of the 
argument."

A Muslim from Indonesia has written that, in his 
country, blood supplies run critically low during 
the fasting month of Ramzan. As a result, the Red 
Cross is constrained to appeal to non-Muslims in 
churches and temples to attract donors. In the 
holy month, which should be characterised by 
compassion and humanity, Muslims choose to 
conserve rather than donate their blood to save 
human lives. As to abstinence during the fasting 
month, we all know that overall consumption of 
foodstuff increases in this month throughout the 
Muslim world.

The same writer also complains that, in the town 
where he lives, there is a hospital called 
Islamic Hospital, where only male nurses serve 
male patients. Often, there are no nurses to 
serve the patients as they disappear for their 
five daily prayers or the Friday prayers. "No one 
dares to question such predicaments; as the 
excuse is religion, everyone bears this silently 
and patiently." He asks, "Does Islam teach this 
behaviour? As a layman I am really at a loss."

Speaking of rituals vs spirituality and 'good 
work', the Tablighi Jamaat (TJ) deserves 
particular mention, as it puts the greatest 
emphasis on rituals in the thin garb of 
spirituality. TJ propagates and emphasises little 
more than a highly ritualistic application of 
Islam. After all, there is nothing spiritual 
about repetitive group discussions on the 
importance of faith and such of its 
manifestations as the correct way to pray, fast, 
eat, etc.

By far the most poignant example of a ritualistic 
- and thoughtless - application of Islam today is 
to be seen on Eid-ul-Azha. The columnist Ardeshir 
Cowasjee writes from his native and beloved 
Karachi:

"Since we cannot escape the live show of a city 
converted into one vast slaughterhouse, one 
wonders why sections of the press show 
photographs of animals in their death throes, and 
of rows of dead animals lined up along the inner 
city streets? Is it to amuse and entertain, or to 
shock, to make us think and do something about 
it?"

The Eid-ul-Azha has been reduced to a great 
gae-and-bakra (cow and goat) show. On this 
occasion, an animal must be sacrificed, whether 
the other stipulations of Islam are followed or 
not, in either letter or spirit, and whether or 
not one can really afford it. The higher one's 
status in society, real or claimed, the bigger 
and more handsome the sacrificial animal ought to 
be. It must be paraded before envious neighbours 
for as long as possible before the butcher gets 
down to business. Newspapers publish photos of 
the most expensive animals, which are colourfully 
decorated.

The 'sacrifice' accomplished, a part of the meat 
is distributed among relatives, neighbours and 
friends, nearly all of whom have ample supplies 
of their own anyway. Mostly it is a case of meat 
being exchanged. Every home, save those of the 
very poor, resembles a butcher's shop. The poor 
and the needy get some handouts, too, but they 
come last in terms of both the quantity and the 
quality of the cuts received.

One reader of my last column has drawn my 
attention to Surah Al-Ma'un (Alms: 107) in the 
Quran: "Have you thought of him that denies the 
Last Judgment? It is he who turns away the orphan 
and has no urge to feed the destitute. Woe betide 
those who pray but are heedless in their prayer; 
who make a show of piety and forbid almsgiving" 
(translation by NJ Dawood).

Pakistanis are extremely generous with their 
money when it comes to the building of mosques 
and madrassas, but very tight-fisted in making 
donations for schools and clinics, funding 
scholarships or promoting research. They supply 
mounds of food to feed professional parasites at 
religious shrines, but care little about the 
shelters operated by NGOs for the handicapped, 
the poor and the victims of domestic violence.

Pakistan's best-known social worker, Abdus Sattar 
Edhi, writes in his autobiography that, speaking 
to a group of Pakistanis in the US who had 
invited him to inaugurate a newly-constructed 
mosque, he said: "You have spent four and a half 
million dollars towards a mosque when another 
stands just one-and-a-half kilometres away. 
Re-evaluate your priorities and your 
responsibilities."

It is increasingly common these days for parents 
to throw lavish parties when their children 
commence the reading of the Quran and again when 
they finish (Bismillah and Ameen). Many a woman's 
very scarce spare time after endless household 
chores is consumed in attending milads and Quran 
reading-cum-prayer sessions for any number of 
reasons, from curing the sick to wishing paradise 
for the dead.

Every spoken sentence must now be interspersed 
with insha'Allah, masha'Allah, alhamd-o-lillah, 
subhan Allah, etc. Woe to anyone who says to 
another as a compliment: "you live in a nice 
house", or "you got a beautiful child", or 
"that's a fine car you bought" without a 
reference to Allah. It is feared that such a 
grave omission on the part of the admirer will 
invite Allah's wrath, not on him but on the 
object of his or her compliment. A good example 
of this trend is any press conference by our 
cricket captain, the inimitable Inzamam-ul Haque.

In Russia in the second half of the 17th century, 
certain innovations in rituals and practices 
introduced by officials led to a schism in the 
Orthodox Church. Many Russians refused to accept 
these innovations, calling them heretical. Known 
as Old Believers, they faced persecution, and 
many fled to the forests. The new practices to 
which they objected so strongly were the 
introduction of three fingers for the cross 
(instead of the traditional two), direction of 
procession (counter-sunwise instead of sunwise), 
the chanting of halleluja three times (instead of 
two) and the slightly altered spelling (in 
Russian) of Jesus.

Many Muslims of today only physically exist in 
the 21st century. Mentally, they belong to the 
17th century or earlier, putting ritual before 
spiritual and form before substance in matters 
concerning religion.


             
_____


[3]   HINDUTVA AT SCHOOL

(i)

The Telegraph
January 26, 2007

Editorial

DAILY RITUAL

Cows and children's well-being have always 
obsessively concerned the Bharatiya Janata Party 
government in Madhya Pradesh. While the former 
now invite less attention from the state, 
following the fall from grace of their chief 
advocate, the young have no such respite. It is 
to assist the flowering of the patriotic fervour 
in them that the government recently decided to 
remove nursery rhymes written by 'foreigners' 
from the school syllabi. The same thoughtfulness 
on the part of the chief minister, Mr Shivraj 
Singh Chauhan, has prompted his government to 
include surya namaskar or the early-morning sun 
salute as a mandatory part of the curriculum. 
Large sections of the population in the state, 
wary of the saffron government's intentions, have 
naturally disputed the imposition of this 
so-called health regimen. The high court, by 
declaring in an interim order that the programme 
could not be made compulsory for all, has only 
taken cognizance of the directive's potential to 
hurt religious sentiments and cause social 
disruption.

The Madhya Pradesh government may refute 
allegations of bias in its sudden motivation to 
force children out of bed early, but it is 
unlikely to have too many willing to buy that 
claim. Its repeated directives to schools and 
offices - making the singing of Vande Mataram 
compulsory, the lifting of the ban on civil 
servants' participation in sangh activities, its 
recent anti-conversion drive - all point to its 
single-minded agenda of Hinduization. Children in 
Madhya Pradesh's schools do need the attention of 
the government. But instead of manipulating the 
syllabi, extending school holidays to accommodate 
Hindu festivals or telling students what they 
should sing and when, the government would serve 
their interests better if it got them more 
trained teachers and more classrooms to study in. 
Perhaps the government should also consider if 
education needs to be made a joyless chore of 
ritual learning.

o o o

(ii)

The Telegraph
January 25, 2007

SUN SALUTE CAN'T BE FORCED: HC
Our Special Correspondent
Prayer Row

Bhopal, Jan. 24: Jabalpur High Court dealt a blow 
to the BJP regime today when it ruled that 
participation in mass surya namaskar should be 
voluntary for students.

Chief minister Shivraj Singh Chauhan, however, 
said his government would go ahead with the 
controversial programme tomorrow, which is 
expected to be attended by over three lakh school 
and college students.

Muslim and Christian organisations, while 
welcoming the high court's interim order, said 
they would organise a protest in Bhopal at 11 am 
to coincide with the official launch of the 
programme in the state capital.

State education minister Narottam Mishra said 
participation in the programme was "voluntary", 
but that isn't what his ministry's communication 
sent to all schools and colleges mentioned.

The missive threatened disciplinary action 
against students playing truant. When this was 
shown to Mishra, he brushed it off as "routine" 
wording. Otherwise, no one would show up, the 
minister said.

In the high court today, state advocate-general 
Rabinandan Singh claimed that the circular issued 
on January 18 had made it clear that the surya 
namaskar programme would be voluntary and not 
mandatory.

A division bench of Chief Justice A.K. Patnaik 
and Justice R.S. Jha, hearing a petition filed by 
some Muslim organisations, passed an interim 
order that only those who want to should attend 
the programme.

Arguing on behalf of the petitioners - the Jamait 
Ulema-e-Hind and the Bharatiya Muslim Sangh - 
their counsel contended that recital of mantras 
during the programme would hurt the religious 
feelings of minorities. Saying the programme was 
against the spirit of the Constitution, they 
alleged that it was aimed at promoting saffron 
ideology.

The bench told the state government that no 
individual or institution must be forced to take 
part in the programme. It also issued a notice 
asking the government to reply within four weeks 
to the petitioners' arguments.

In Delhi, Chauhan said surya namaskar was part of 
his government's "health for all" programme. He 
added that soon a "yoga policy" would be 
launched. His government has sought the services 
of Baba Ramdev to promote yoga in the state.

The surya namaskar protest saw Christian 
organisations joining hands with Muslim and 
secular groups.

The Catholic Church in Bhopal has announced that 
it will boycott the "Hindu religious practice". 
Archbishop Pascal Topno has instructed all 
missionary schools in Madhya Pradesh not to send 
their students to the programme.

"Why should we send them there? I think it is 
clearly a Hindu practice, and definitely not 
secular, and it should not be imposed on other 
communities. We are one with the Muslim community 
on this issue," the archbishop said.

The spokesperson of the Madhya Pradesh Bishops' 
Council, Father Anand Muttungal, echoed him. "We 
welcome the high court order. The government's 
move was aimed at dividing the community on the 
basis of religion, and even the children would 
have been affected by this," he said.


_____


[4]

Prashant     
Post   Box   No.   4050,    Navrangpura, 
Ahmedabad  380 009,    Gujarat,    India
Tel. :    +91 (079)  66522333,   2745 5913 
.         Fax :   +91 (079)  2748 9018, 2630 1362
Mobile :   9824034536 .  e-mail : 
sjprashant at gmail.com    . 
  www.humanrightsindia.in

PRESS  NOTE

GUJARAT  HANG  YOUR  HEAD  IN  SHAME  !

We are given to understand  that 'PARZANIA' the 
highly emotional  film of a young Parsee boy lost 
during the Gujarat Carnage of 2002, and due to be 
released all over the country on January 26th, 
may not be screened in Ahmedabad and other cities 
of Gujarat.

This is apparently because certain fascist and 
fundamental forces have warned film distributors 
and theatre owners of dire consequences if the 
film is screened.

Rahul Dholakia, the film director, very 
categorically states that the film is about 
"anti-hate and compassion"....of  a tragedy that 
should not visit anyone, anytime, anywhere.

January 26th reminds us of our Constitutions.  In 
keeping with the Freedoms which are guaranteed in 
the Constitutions, the Government of Gujarat is 
duty-bound to ensure that the film is released 
and citizens who wish to see it have a right to 
do so.

Citizens from all walks of life must now openly 
come out and protest against those fundamentalist 
and fascist forces who continue to control our 
lives.

An  indicator of Gujarat's so-called "Vibrancy" 
 will be, if citizens are able to watch this film 
without fear or hindrance.

If not, Gujarat must hang itself in shame !

Fr. Cedric Prakash sj

for and on behalf of several concerned citizens
       and human rights activists

25th January  2007


_____


[5] 


To:       Shri Sriprakash Jaiswal
           State Minister for Home Affairs
           Government of India, New Delhi
 
Dated: 25th January, 2007

From:     Dr Sandeep Pandey
           Social Activist
           A-893, Indira Nagar, Lucknow-226016
           Telephone: 0522-2347365, Mobile: 9415022772
           Email: ashaashram at yahoo.com
   
Re: Denial of visa by the India High Commission 
in Islamabad to the Tehrik-e-Niswan theatre group 
from Pakistan.
   

Respected Shri Sriprakash Jaiswal ji,

You may remember that Women’s Initiative for 
Peace in South Asia (WIPSA) had invited 
Tehrik-e-Niswan theatre group from Pakistan to 
participate in a South Asia festival in November 
2005 in Lucknow, Varanasi and Bhubneshwar. Two of 
the organizers, Meera Khanna and Monisha 
Bannerjee Gill humiliated this group in Lucknow 
just because it went and performed at a 
conference of Coalition for Nuclear Disarmament 
and Peace – a group of Indian peace activists, 
which happened to be going on at the same time in 
Lucknow, accusing them of accepting money to 
perform. The WIPSA organizers told 
Tehrik-e-Niswan that they were in India on a 
‘WIPSA Visa’ and did not have the freedom to 
perform anywhere else. The WIPSA organizers were 
also perturbed by the fact that the play 
performed by Tehrik-e-Niswan was anti-American, 
given the fact that their South Asia festival was 
funded by the Ford Foundation.
   
               Meera Khanna and Monisha Bannerjee 
Gill ordered the group to go back to Pakistan and 
did not invite them to Varanasi and Bhubneshwar. 
When the group arrived in Delhi they were asked 
by the Chandiwala Estate Guest House, where they 
were staying, to move out in the middle of the 
night because somebody had put pressure on the 
Guest House. I had sought your help then for the 
dignified exit of this group from India. Nirmala 
Deshpande ji and Saeeda Hamid ji decided to 
resign as President and Vice-President, 
respectively, of WIPSA because of this 
humiliation of Pakistani group by their 
colleagues.
   
               This group was invited recently by 
Shri Asghar Ali Engineer to participate in a 
Peace Festival in Mumbai. When they went to apply 
for getting their visas, they were told by the 
Indian High Commission in Islamabad that there 
was a complaint against them by WIPSA and they 
could not visit India again without a clearance 
from the Home Ministry.
   
               I'm amazed how much power these two 
women - Meera Khanna and Monisha Bannerjee Gill - 
are wielding that they have been able to 
influence the Indian High Commission in Islamabad 
to not allow Tehrik-e-Niswan, a cultural group, 
entry into India.  Instead of working for peace, 
WIPSA seems to have an agenda of vendetta and 
victimization.
   
               Please intervene and remove any 
restrictions placed on the following nine members 
of Tehrik-e-Niswan, all citizens of Pakistan, so 
that they may get to visit India. I know all of 
them personally and Sheema Kermani has played a 
very important role in strengthening the 
people-to-people process of peace and friendship 
between India and Pakistan both as an artist as 
well as an activist.
   
   
           S.N.
     Name
     Sex
     Date of Birth
     Passport No.
     Date of Issue
     Date of Expiry
       1.
     Sheema Kermani
     F
     16/1/1951
     KE334208
     7/9/04
     26/9/07
       2.
     Shazia
     F
     22/2/1980
     KC824172
     12/11/03
     11/11/08
       3.
     Muhammad Salim
     M
     23/1/1971
     AD5758291
     12/8/05
     11/8/10
       4.
     Muhammad Saife
     M
     4/10/1969
     AB6803051
     10/2/05
     9/2/10
       5.
     Asma Mundrawala
     F
     15/8/1965
     AA0770001
     10/2/05
     9/2/10
       6.
     Mahvash Faruqi
     F
     1/12/1968
     AN8968581
     5/6/06
     4/6/11
       7.
     Shama Askari
     F
     4/12/1966
     AA1860081
     24/11/04
     23/11/09
       8.
     Anwer Hussain Jafri
     M
     1/12/1948
     KB255666
     2/12/02
     1/12/07
       9.
     Atif
     M
     11/1/1967
     KC522798
     11/9/03
     10/11/08
   
               I hope the Indian High Commission 
in Islamabad would not deny them a visa for 
visitng India the next time they apply for it.
   
                                       Thank You,
 
Sincerely,

 
(Sandeep Pandey)

_____


[7]


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______


[8]

The Guardian
January 25, 2007

ANTI-RACISM HAS TO GO BEYOND A FACILE REPRESENTATION GAME

A proud struggle has been co-opted by cultural 
bullies. If we are to rescue it, we must 
recognise our complicity in the process

by Priyamvada Gopal

A penitent Jade Goody is off to India to beg 
forgiveness for the remarks she made on Celebrity 
Big Brother, if yesterday's reports are to be 
believed. But neither that, nor her tearful 
eviction and encounter with a stern Davina 
McCall, nor the weight of media condemnation, is 
a triumph for anti-racism. But it does tell us 
something about the trivialising of politics and 
narrowing of political consciousness. What has 
triumphed is an anaemic political correctness 
that will eventually undermine real anti-racist 
work.

The offensive remarks made on Big Brother 
certainly reeked of playground racism and 
xenophobia. During my teenage years an English 
friend insisted that I smelled of curry. Perhaps 
I did and still do. It's a rare Asian kid that 
hasn't experienced some form of juvenile 
nastiness and worse. Repeatedly referring to 
someone as "the Indian" dehumanises them. Shilpa 
"Fuckawallah" is not the innocent concoction of 
someone straining to recall a surname. It stems 
from the complacent carelessness of an ethnic 
majority than doesn't need to learn anything 
about the minorities in its midst. Many of us 
routinely deal with variants of such behaviour in 
our daily lives.

For British Asians, the public display of 
familiar battles poked at raw wounds, inspiring 
large numbers to protest. I would feel a lot more 
excited about this apparent resurgence of 
anti-racist awareness if recent years had shown 
more evidence of a genuine activist spirit among 
us. Where were these tens of thousands of 
protesting voices when young Zahid Mubarak died 
at the hands of a white racist cellmate with whom 
he should not have been made to share a cell? 
When a few hundred Sikh women protested alone at 
discriminatory treatment by British Airways meal 
supplier Gate Gourmet? When British Asian Muslims 
are confined illegally and tortured in Guantánamo 
Bay with the acquiescence of the Blair 
government? Why did only a small minority of 
British Asians speak up when "Hindu" criminals in 
the Indian state of Gujarat, to which many are 
linked by familial ties, raped and killed 
thousands of Muslims in February 2002 in an 
attempt at ethnic cleansing?

Too many of us have been busy unhooking ourselves 
from the collective term "British Asians" and 
dividing ourselves into Hindus, Sikhs, Muslims, 
Indians, Pakistanis and Bangladeshis. The terms 
"Asian" and "black" were rallying points in the 
anti-racist organising of the 70s and 80s, 
whereas "British Asians" as a category has been 
largely absent from recent political discourse. 
Few displayed the outrage CBB has elicited when 
institutional racism in police forces was 
exposed. I can't help wondering where these angry 
voices were when a Sikh playwright, Gurpreet 
Bhatti, was bullied by loud voices within her own 
community and even subjected to death threats. 
Why is racial profiling seen as a Muslim issue? 
Where were the custodians of Asian dignity when 
crews filming Monica Ali's eponymous novel were 
hounded out of Brick Lane? When artist MF 
Hussain's exhibition was shut down because of 
vandalism by goons apparently representing hurt 
Hindu sentiments?

A large part of the problem is that, apart from 
the sterling work done by a few dedicated 
individuals and organisations, anti-racist 
politics has become a facile "representation" 
game that involves appeasing the fragile 
sensitivities of a vocal few claiming to 
represent the whole community. It is about 
harassing artists and writers, demanding that 
they conform to "right" ways of representing the 
community. Meanwhile, India's favourite cultural 
pastime is "representing the nation", the very 
task Shilpa announced for herself as she entered 
the BB compound. As India anxiously finds its 
place within the community of big global players 
and tries to reconcile its economic successes 
with the glaring (and often deepening) 
inequalities that still mar its social landscape 
and self-image, it is increasingly obsessed with 
disseminating the myth of the nation as 
fundamentally middle-class, professional and 
successful. The task has partly fallen on the 
feminine shoulders of India's flourishing glamour 
industry.

This anxiety to belong to the global community of 
the economically successful explains Shilpa's 
repeated protests that she is not from the 
"slums" and did not grow up on the "roadside". 
For all her disagreements with Jade, they seem to 
agree that economic disenfranchisement is a 
personal failure. Shilpa understands her task 
clearly: to show the world that India is really 
about beauty and entrepreneurial success, not 
slums and poverty. Losing neither time nor 
opportunity, India Tourism brought out a 
full-page ad last week in the form of an open 
letter to Jade inviting her to experience its 
"modern thriving culture", "bustling cosmopolitan 
cities and quiet countryside", and "healing spas".

Even more disturbing is the way in which Jade and 
her "chav" milieu provide grist for the mill of 
self-congratulatory political correctness among 
upper-and middle-class white Britons - as though 
racism were an exclusively lower-class 
phenomenon. If anything, it is even more 
entrenched - because unacknowledged - in higher 
social echelons, even if it sounds different 
murmured over a glass of sherry. Gordon Brown 
joined the Game of National Mythologies, 
deploring the ways in which Jade and others did 
not represent that hackneyed British mantra: a 
"nation of tolerance and fairness".

Just as nauseating is the play-off between ugly 
white slags and beautiful Indian princesses - a 
familiar Orientalist male fantasy. An Independent 
editorial described a contest between "the 
low-life Ms Goody" and "a pampered Indian 
megastar of singular beauty" (that Shilpa is 
hardly a megastar is beside the point). Stuart 
Jeffries in the Guardian deplored "ugly, thick, 
white Britain" and "one imperturbably dignified 
Indian woman [displaying] the supposed British 
virtues of civility, articulacy and reserve". 
Shilpa does deftly combine Orientalist fantasy 
and Lord Macaulay's successfully realised 
Anglicist project of creating "a class of 
persons, Indian in blood and colour, but English" 
in other ways.

A national debate on race relations needs to take 
place. But it must be more complex than the 
simple binaries and easy scapegoating provided by 
such mud-wrestling idiocies. All of us must take 
a good, hard look at racist practices and our own 
complicity in them. Let's have done with the 
bullying on all sides.

· Priyamvada Gopal teaches in the English faculty 
at Cambridge University and is the author of 
Literary Radicalism in India.


______


[7]

Muslims for Secular Democracy
P.O. Box 28253, Juhu Post Office, Mumbai- 400 049
India

     YOU ARE INVITED

     Two-Day National Workshop

     Towards an All-India
     "Citizens Campaign: Implement Sachar Committee's Recommendations"

     Organised by
     Muslims for Secular Democracy (MSD) and Communalism Combat

     Venue: Islam Gymkhana, Marine Drive, Mumbai.

     Dates: January 27 (Saturday) and January 28 (Sunday), 2007.

     Ever since its release, the Sachar 
Committee's Report on the socio-economic status 
of the Muslim Community in India has generated a 
lot of discussion within the community as also 
among secular organisations and individuals.

     In a nutshell, on the basis of voluminous 
data collected by it, the Sachar Committee has 
conclusively established that:

     -- In the 60 years since Independence, 
India's Muslims have been sliding down even as 
other Socio-Religious Communities (SRCs) continue 
to climb up the development ladder.

     -- The community is falling behind not 
because of some inherent resistance to 
educational and economic progress on its part, 
but because it is a victim of neglect and/or 
in-built systemic bias both in governmental 
institutions and in the private sector.

     The Union Minister for Minority Affairs, Mr. 
A. R. Antulay, has publicly stated that his 
government is sincere in its intentions and 
committed to act on the findings and implement 
the recommendations of the Committee. Many 
Muslims however remain skeptical. They believe 
that with elections in the crucial state of UP 
around the corner, this is just another political 
ploy of the Congress to woo Muslim voters, that 
once elections are over the government would 
again do nothing. They rightly point out that 
even parties that call themselves secular have 
done next to nothing in the past in response to 
the recommendations of earlier such committees 
and commissions.

     We too believe that left to itself 
governments in fact would do little or nothing to 
address the problem of gross neglect and bias. 
But we also believe that an active citizenry 
could force governmental action.

     The success of Citizens for Justice and Peace 
in bringing justice to the victims of the Gujarat 
Genocide (2002), and the campaign of other social 
activists that culminated in the Right to 
Information Act are recent reminders that given 
commitment and tenacity on the part of civil 
society, remedial action is possible through 
judicial intervention and/or 
legislative/executive action.

     MSD and Communalism Combat have two 
objectives in mind in organising the proposed 
Two-Day workshop:

     -- The immediate objective is to increase 
public awareness about and promote informed 
discussion and debate on the findings and 
recommendations of the Sachar Committee;

     -- The broader objective is to make a modest 
contribution towards the launch of a national 
campaign for the implementation of the Sachar 
Report.

     Venue: Islam Gymkhana, Marine Drive, Mumbai.

     Dates: January 27 (Saturday) and January 28 (Sunday).

     Themes for the Workshop:

     1.     Affirmative Action:

     The Sachar Report has made a strong case for 
affirmative action (in the field of education, 
employment, access to credit, infrastructural 
facilities and political representation) as the 
only means of improving the socio-economic 
situation of Muslims. At the same time it points 
out that Muslims are not a homogeneous community 
but are stratified in three distinct groups: 
ashraf, ajlaf and arzals. The Report argues for 
the need for group-specific affirmative action 
plans for the three socio-economic groups among 
Muslims.

     While the need for affirmative action is 
widely recognised, opinion remains divided even 
among Muslims over the forms it should take. Some 
argue for religion-based reservation. Others are 
strongly opposed to this both on grounds of 
principle (you can't have religion-based 
reservations in a secular state) as also on 
strategic and tactical grounds (the 
relatively-better placed ashraf would corner all 
the benefits of reservation; religion-based 
reservation will fuel the hate politics of the 
sangh parivar wiping off any benefit that accrues 
to the community).

     What would be the most appropriate forms of 
affirmative action given the Indian reality?

     2.     The Gender question:

     It is unfortunate that there was no gender 
representation in the high-level committee 
appointed by the Prime Minister. For this reason 
or otherwise, the fact is that the 
gender-specific concerns of Muslim women are only 
cursorily dealt with by the Sachar Committee. We, 
therefore, propose to allot extra-time to this 
issue during the consultation. We are happy to be 
associated with Awaaz-e-Niswan, a Mumbai-based 
Muslim women's group, in conducting this 
particular session.

     3.     The Security Issue:

     In its report Sachar Committee observes that 
three issues dominate the concerns of a minority 
community in any society: identity issues, 
security issue, equity issues. While affirming 
that the three issues are closely linked to each 
other, the Committee has observed that given its 
mandate it has remained focussed on equity issues.

     Be that as it may, the fact is that 
particularly after the Mumbai and Gujarat 
carnage, security of life and property has 
emerged as the core concern of India's Muslims 
and other minorities. Should this not, therefore, 
form an integral part of any Muslim/secular 
initiative or campaign aimed at improving the lot 
of Muslims?

     4.     Solutions Within:

     There are several pointers in the findings 
and recommendations of the Committee that could 
be the starting point for discussions of 
initiatives within the Muslim community itself 
that could go a long way in improving the lot of 
the community as a whole. We propose a special 
session that will have intra-community initiative 
as its focus.

     5.     Towards a National Campaign:

     As stated above we believe that left to 
themselves, central and state governments, or the 
organised private sector are unlikely to 
pro-actively implement the Committee's 
recommendations. Citizens groups will have to 
consider ways and means of launching a sustained 
national campaign among other initiatives to see 
that action is taken on the Sachar Report.

     While a lot of groundwork would be needed 
before any effective national campaign can be 
launched, we see the proposed consultation as a 
part of that process.

     Workshop Schedule:

     Day One (January 27, 2006): Morning Session:
     Introduction

     10.00- 10.30: Registration of Participants.

     10.30 - 10.40: Welcome Speech, Mr. Gulam Mohd. Peshimam, Convenor, MSD.

     10.40 - 10.50: Introductory Remarks, Mr. Javed Akhtar, President, MSD.

     10.50 - 11.05: Highlights, Sachar Report, Mr. 
Javed Anand, General Secretary, MSD.

     11.05 - 11.30: Sachar Report: Vision and 
Intent, Dr. T.K. Ooman, Member, Sachar Committee.

     11.30 - 11.50: Comments and questions.

     11.50 - 12.05: Tea Break

     1. Affirmative Action: Education/Employment/Credit/Infrastructure

     12.05 - 12.25: Affirmative Action, Diversity 
Programmes: The American Experience, Aroosha Rana 
& Saad Bukhari, US Consulate Mumbai/Chennai.

     12.25 - 12.45: Comments and questions.

     12.45 - 1.05: "Reservations for SCs/STs in 
India: The Dalit Experience", 
Mr. Rajshekhar Vundru, I.A.S.

     1.05 - 1.25: Comments and questions.

     1.25 - 2.10: Lunch Break
     Day One (January 27, 2006): Afternoon Sessions

     2.10 - 2.30: "Affirmative Action & Indian Muslims: The Caste Dimension",
     Mr. Hasan Kamaal, Advisor, Muslim All Backward Classes (ABC) Association.

     2.30 - 2.50: Comments and questions.

     2. Leveraging Existing Institutional Provisions 

     2.50 - 3.10: Constitutional guarantees and 
Indian Muslims: How the 
National Commission for Minorities can help: Mr. 
Syed Hamid Ansari, Chairman, National Commission 
for Minorities.

     3.10 - 3.30: Comments and questions.
     3.30 - 3.45: Tea Break
      3.45 - 4.05: Muslim Educational Backwardness 
and Role of the State: Prof. Mushirul Hasan, V-C, 
Jamia Millia, Delhi.

     4.05 - 4.25: Comments and questions.

      3. Right To Life and Property: Paper Promises

      4.25 - 4.45: Violence (Mob/Bomb/State), Bill 
on Communal Violence: Ms.Teesta Setalvad, 
Co-editor, Communalism Combat, Secretary, 
Citizens for Justice and Peace.

      4.45 - 5.05: Wanted: An unbiased, 
representative police, Mr. Suresh Khopade, Police 
Commissioner (Railways), Mumbai, (Author and 
architect of Bhiwandi' Mohalla Committees); 
confirmation awaited from other senior police 
officials.

     5.05 - 5.30: Comments and questions.

     5.30 - 6.00: Open Forum.
     Day Two (January 28, 2006): Morning Sessions
     4. Muslim Women: The Hidden Dimension

     11.00 - 12.00:         Sub-Themes:

     State and Community: Seizing Citizenship;

     Muslim Women in Development and Rights Discourse;

     Participatory Solutions. Speakers (include): Ms. Azhra Razak,

     Ms. Shama Dalwai, Ms. Teesta Setalvad, Dr. 
Zeenat Shaukatali,  Awaaz-e-Niswan.

     12.00 - 12.15: Tea Break

     12.15 - 1.45: Muslim Women: The Hidden Dimension (Cont).

     1.45 - 2.05: Comments and questions.

     2.05 - 2.45: Lunch Break
     Day Two (January 28, 2006): Afternoon Sessions

     5. Solutions Within

     2.45 - 3.15: Muslim Education: Lessons from 
South India, Dr. Syed Iqbal Hasnain, former V-C, 
Calicut University.

     3.15 - 3.35: Comments and questions.

     3.35 - 4.00: Muslim Philanthropy (zakaat), 
Wakf Boards: Wasted Resources, 
Professor Imtiaz Ahmed.

     4.00 - 4.20: Comments and questions.

     4.20 - 4.35: Tea Break.

     4.35 - 4.55: The Right to Information: A Tool to Combat Discrimination,
     Mr. Shailesh Gandhi, Information Right activist. 

     4.50 - 5.00: Comments and questions.

     5.00 - 5.10: Jihad Against Terrorism: Citizens Campaign Against Violence
     (mob, bomb or state) Javed Anand, MSD.

     5.10 - 5.20: Comments and questions.

     6. Towards A National Citizens Campaign

     5.20 - 6.00: Open Session

     6.00 - 6.10: Concluding Remarks, Javed Akhtar, President, MSD.

     6.10 - 6.15: Vote of Thanks, Asif Khan, 
Secretary, 
MSD.                                     

     For further information:

     Javed Anand

     (M) 09870402556; Ph/Fax: 022-2660 22 88. 
e-mail: javedanand at gmail.com; 
secularmuslim at gmail.com


_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/

Buzz for secularism, on the dangers of fundamentalism(s), on
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