SACW | Sep 14, 2006 | Pakistan: Appeasing the Mullahs; India: Vande Mataram controversy; Malegaon on the brink
Harsh Kapoor
aiindex at mnet.fr
Wed Sep 13 20:54:50 CDT 2006
South Asia Citizens Wire | September 14, 2006 | Dispatch No. 2287
[1] Pakistan:
-- Women activists deplore rape law compromise (Reuters))
-- Appeasing the Mullahs: Protection of Women
(Criminal Laws Amendment) Bill 2006 of Pakistan
(ACHR)
[2] Sri Lanka: V. Anadasangaree, awarded the
2006 UNESCO-Madanjeet Singh Prize for the
Promotion of Tolerance and Non-Violence
[3] India: Hindutva Noise about Vande Mataram
-- Loyalty test (Rajeev Dhavan)
-- Wrong Chord (Seema Mustafa)
-- The song and the non-singer (J Sri Raman)
-- Garbled history and out of tune too (Jawed Naqvi)
-- Song For The Nation - Vande Matram Controversy (Ram Puniyani)
-- Five lives of Vande Mataram (Sabyasachi Bhattacharya)
[4] India: Malegaon - An Unexploded Bomb (Smruti Koppikar)
___
[1]
Gulf News
13 September 2006
PAKISTAN: WOMEN ACTIVISTS DEPLORE RAPE LAW COMPROMISE
Reuters
Islamabad: Pakistani women activists deplored
yesterday a government decision to give in to
religious conservatives opposed to the amendment
of Islamic laws dealing with rape and adultery.
The laws, which make a rape victim liable for
prosecution for adultery if she cannot produce
four male witnesses, were introduced in 1979 by
military ruler Mohammad Zia-ul-Haq and have drawn
widespread criticism both at home and abroad.
Human rights campaigners have long pressed for
the repeal of the laws, known as the Hudood
Ordinances, but nevertheless welcomed government
efforts to amend them, including taking rape out
of the sphere of religious law.
Threat
But an opposition alliance of religious parties
objected to the changes, saying they were a
danger to society, and threatened to withdraw
from the national and provincial parliaments if
they were passed.
In the face of the protests, the government said
on Monday it was accepting three of the
conservatives' demands, including one keeping
rape under the Islamic law, although it will also
be a crime under the penal code.
Adultery
The government also accepted adultery being made
a crime under the penal code, subject to up to
five years in prison.
Rights activists said the concessions would water
down the impact of the changes and would be
confusing, with rape and adultery being crimes
under both Islamic law and the penal code.
Asma Jahangir, chairwoman of the Human Rights
Commission of Pakistan, said: "Last night was the
nail in the coffin."
"They have hoodwinked women into believing that
this is a law for the protection of women. It is
a law for the protection of religious
extremists," she said.
o o o
Asian Centre for Human Rights
APPEASING THE MULLAHS:
Protection of Women (Criminal Laws Amendment) Bill 2006 of Pakistan
Today, 13th September 2006, the government of
Pakistan is scheduled to present the revised
draft of the Protection of Women (Criminal Laws
Amendment) Bill, 2006 before the Parliament. On
11 September 2006, the government had to defer a
vote on the proposed bill, which seeks to amend
the Offence of Zina (Enforcement Of Hudood)
Ordinance, 1979 following stiff opposition from
the hard-line Islamic lawmakers belonging to the
Muttahida Majlis-i-Amal (MMA) and Pakistan Muslim
League (Nawaz). The Hudood Ordinance introduced
by then military general Zia-ul-Huq in 1979 to
appease the fundamentalists in order to
consolidate his rule has victimized thousands of
women of Pakistan.
Apart from vehement opposition from the MMA and
the PML (Nawaz), President Pravez Musharraf did
not have any intention to repeal the Hudood
ordinance. The government only sought to amend
the requirements under the Hudood Ordinance to
prove rape, while silencing the likes of Mukthar
Mai by making disclosure of the identity of any
alleged raped woman or her family member a
punishable offence under the proposed law.
Therefore, it is not surprising that government
has already given in to the MMA and the PML
(Nawaz) and proposed to keep both the Hudood
Ordinance and Penal Code to try rape and adultery
cases. It is the judge, not the victim, who will
decide whether to try the rape and adultery cases
under Hudood Laws or Criminal Laws.
Plight of women under Hudood Law:
The Hudood Ordinance, among others, criminalizes
adultery and non-marital sex, including rape. It
further victimizes the women victims by providing
virtual impunity to the rapists and prosecuting
the victims instead.
Under section 8 of the Ordinance, a rape victim
is required to produce at least four adult male
Muslim eyewitnesses, who have physically seen the
act of rape against the victim, in order to prove
her case. Section 8(b) further provides that in
order to testify as witnesses, the Court must be
satisfied that the witnesses are truthful persons
and abstain from major sins (kabair). The
four-witness requirement makes it virtually
impossible to prosecute the rapists. It places
the onus of proof on women in the most
discriminatory manner. But if a woman who claims
she was raped fails to prove her claims she can
be convicted of adultery, which is punishable by
death in the most stringent circumstances.
The Hudood Ordinance also considers sexual
intercourse as adultery whether it is with or
without the consent of a woman, who is not
married with the man. As a result, thousands of
victimized women face conviction. According to
the National Commission on the Status of Women,
80 % of the 6500 women prisoners in the jails are
victims of the Hudood Ordinance. The Hudood
Ordinance does not allow the women's release on
bail.
According to a 2002 report by the Human Rights
Commission of Pakistan, a woman was raped every
two hours and gang raped every eight hours.
However, because of social taboos, discriminatory
laws and victimisation of victims by police, many
were not willing to reveal the crimes committed
against them.
Half hearted reforms:
On 7 July 2006 President General Musharaff
promulgated an ordinance called "Law Reform
Ordinance 2006" to facilitate release of women
detained on various charges, including violation
of the Hudood laws. As many as 1,300 women
prisoners out of the total 6,500 languishing in
jails were expected to have been released.
On 21 August 2006, the proposed Protection of
Women (Criminal Laws Amendment) Bill 2006 was
tabled in the National Assembly. The Bill inter
alia seeks to bring rape under the purview of the
Pakistan Penal Code, to repeal the requirement of
four-witnesses to prove a rape, and to make
adultery a bailable offence.
While these measures are welcome, Pakistan
government also sought to silence Mukthar Mais.
The proposed Bill introduced a new offence under
Section 502 B of the Pakistan Penal Code which
provides that "Whoever publicises any case of
zina or rape whereby the identity of any woman or
her family member is disclosed shall be punished
with imprisonment which may extend to six months
or fine or with both".
This has been opposed by Pakistan Peoples Party
which proposed the victim must have the right to
speak to the press.
General caves in before the Mullahs:
When the Protection of Women (Criminal Laws
Amendment) Bill 2006 Bill was tabled in the
National Assembly on 21 August 2006, it was
promptly rejected by the opposition Muttahida
Majlis-i-Amal. Pakistan Muslim League (Nawaz)
joined the MMA which accused the government of
"following a Western agenda to secularise
Pakistan". The bill was then referred to a
special committee of the National Assembly for a
review and evolving a consensus before being
debated. However, the MMA and Pakistan Muslim
League (Nawaz) boycotted the committee.
On 4 September 2006, the parliamentary select
committee approved the Protection of Women
(Criminal Laws Amendment) Bill 2006 and presented
it before the National Assembly. However, the MMA
threatened to quit Parliament and provincial
governments if the government did not withdraw
the proposed bill. This forced the government to
defer debate on the bill.
But on 11 September 2006, the government
virtually withdrew the original bill when it
agreed to review and revise the bill.
The government has reportedly reached an
agreement with the MMA over the changes in the
proposed bill. Under the agreement reached with
the MMA, rape will remain under the purview of
the Hudood Ordinance, but judges can also choose
to use secular evidentiary procedures and
standards such as DNA tests or other medical
means, to establish rape under the Pakistan's
Penal Code if the circumstances of evidence and
witnesses call for it.
President General Musharraf, who drew
international condemnation by his remark that
rape was a "money-making concern" in Pakistan in
reference to gang rape of Mukhtar Mai, is
unlikely to get any kudos for caving in to the
fundamentalists.
_____
[2]
UNESCO
UNESCOPRESS
7, Place de Fontenoy
75352 PARIS 07 SP, France
V. ANADASANGAREE, WINNER OF THE 2006
UNESCO-MADANJEET SINGH PRIZE FOR THE PROMOTION OF
TOLERANCE AND NON-VIOLENCE
12-09-2006 4:00 pm The Director-General of
UNESCO, Koïchiro Matsuura has designated
President of the Tamil United Liberation Front
(TULF) Veerasingham Anadasangaree as the laureate
of the 2006 UNESCO-Madanjeet Singh Prize for the
Promotion of Tolerance and Non-Violence. The
Prize was attributed on the recommendation of an
international jury. The members of the jury are:
Andrés Pastrana Arango, former President of
Colombia; Bahia Hariri, President of the
Commission for Education, Science and Culture of
the Lebanese Parliament; Inder Kumar Gujral,
former Prime Minister of India; Sergei Markarov
and Manu Dibango, both UNESCO Artists for Peace.
Born in Sri Lanka in 1933, Mr Anadasangaree
became the President of the Tamil United
Liberation Front in 2002, after working as a
teacher and lawyer. As an indefatigable advocate
of democracy and peaceful conflict resolution, he
has contributed to raising awareness of the Tamil
cause in a spirit of dialogue, while seeking to
promote non-violent solutions to Sri Lanka and
opposing terrorism.
The $100,000 UNESCO-Madanjeet Singh Prize was
created in 1995 on the occasion of the 125th
anniversary of the birth of the Mahatma Gandhi,
thanks to the generosity of the Indian writer and
diplomat Madanjeet Singh, who is also a UNESCO
Goodwill Ambassador.
Dedicated to advancing the spirit of tolerance in
the arts, education, culture, science and
communication, the Prize is awarded every two
years to an individual or an institution for
exceptional contributions in the promotion of
tolerance and non-violence.
In 2004, the UNESCO-Madanjeet Singh Prize for the
Promotion of Tolerance and Non-Violence was
attributed to the Bangladeshi writer and
journalist Taslima Nasreen.
The Prize-giving ceremony will be held on
International Day for Tolerance celebrated every
year on 16 November.
------------------------------
Source: Press Release N°2006-113
Author(s) UNESCOPRESS
Updated: 12-09-2006
_____
[3] Hindutva Noise about Vande Mataram
The Times of India
13 September 2006
LOYALTY TEST
by Rajeev Dhavan
Indians are being cajoled to fight for a song.
Atal Bihari Vajpayee now wants the controversy
closed. For him, the song is no more than a
symbol of devotion. But, that is precisely what
the controversy is about. The converse
proposition is that those who do not sing Vande
Mataram are not devoted to India.
So, singing Vande Mataram is not a symbol, but
emerges as a test. Those who do not agree to
being forced to sing the song are branded as
opposed to Bharat Mata.
Devotion is a matter of inner feeling. You can
persuade but not force people to have inner
feelings. Symbolism is another matter. In our
context, national symbols such as flags and songs
were 19th century inventions to coalesce and
promote what Benedict Anderson called 'imagined
nations'.
Perhaps, what the BJP is really saying is that
their idea of India is only 'imagined' and they
need to put it together through songs and appeals
to Bharat Mata. The upshot is that I cannot love
my India for what it is worth, but I must accept
and propagate the BJP symbols of nationhood to
prove my worth.
But, why should a song like Vande Mataram, which
was a song of liberation, be transformed into a
song of oppression? Why should it become a
devotional litmus test of Indian nationalism?
That is what it has become. Its divisiveness is
as prominent as the controversy that fuels it.
Newspapers and magazines are full of news and
pictures on Muslims agreeing to and singing the
Vande Mataram with gusto. Do they have to be
coerced into demonstrating their national
fervour? Sonia Gandhi is attacked for missing a
Vande Mataram function.
Not to sing Vande Mataram may put us in peril.
We may not be attacked, but we may be subjected
to public obloquy. Equally, we may be socially
targeted and challenged.
The Constitution's guaranteed freedom of speech,
which includes the right not to speak or sing, is
based on the good common sense that restrictions
to free speech must be (a) reasonable and (b)
clearly related to certain aspects of public
interest.
Being forced to comply with the BJP's symbolism
of India is not one of them. Although in the
Jehovah's Witnesses case (1986), the Supreme
Court struck down Kerala's compulsory order to
sing the national anthem on technical grounds,
there was much wisdom in not forcing singing the
national anthem but simply ensuring that it was
respected.
Americans remain so even if they claim the right
not to salute the national symbols of flag and
anthem. Even during the Second World War their
supreme court declared in 1943 that compulsory
flag salutes were not necessary.
In 1990, the court invalidated laws which
punished the mere desecration of the American
flag. India's Prevention of Insults to National
Honour Act, 1971 does not force compulsory honour
but indicts deliberate dishonour.
But why this fight over symbols now? Whose
symbols are these? Who contrived them for
contemporary consumption? Why exactly are they
being forced down as loyalty tests? It is not
necessary to get drawn into controversies over
the historical or even historic role of Vande
Mataram.
The real question is the reason for the revival
of Vande Mataram as a symbol and test for
nationalist loyalty. The revival comes from the
BJP and sangh parivar. Their goals are not the
goals of a secular India.
BJP's policy of revivalism is entirely political
for the purpose of inciting social sentiments to
create vote banks based on divisiveness. BJP's
rise to power through the anti-Babri masjid
movement and by directly and indirectly targeting
minorities is well known even to a point of
destroying libraries and paintings.
But we must get to the root of what the sangh
parivar is trying to do. What the BJP has tried
to construct is a new pseudo-religion. The title
of this faith is Hindutva. Its colour is saffron.
Its credentials are aggressively coercive.
But the BJP obviously feels that its newly
devised Hindutva faith needs something more. For
them, the faith needs a song. The revival of
Vande Mataram now provides a song to support
their new faith. Vande Mataram deserves better
treatment than to become the instrument of
communal politics.
It does not seem to matter if Vande Mataram,
which was meant to unite people, is now used to
divide them. During colonial rule, Vande Mataram
was appropriated as a counterblast to the British
making 'God Save the Queen' compulsory. The
effect of Vande Mataram was electric. The
constituent assembly honoured the song.
No one wants to dishonour Vande Mataram. It has
its place in history. But advocating the
compulsory singing of Vande Mataram is not to
honour the song but to add fuel to a new Hindutva
and to target minorities, especially Muslims,
with a loyalty test.
The parivar creates communal tension and then
pretends to complain about its creation. To
create provocative friction by coercive
compulsion is destructive. It is targeting
besieged minorities that is anti-national.
The writer is a senior Supreme Court advocate.
o o o
Asian Age
September 8, 2006
WRONG CHORD
by Seema Mustafa
I am not a Muslim, so while I will not pray in a
mosque, I will respect the religion and those who
practise it. I am not a Hindu, so while I will
not visit a temple, I will certainly respect the
religion and those who practise it. I am not a
Christian but I will visit a church as it is so
peaceful and spiritual, I will respect the
religion and the believers. I am an atheist, but
I am content not to thrust this on those who
believe in God and their faith. I do not want to
sing Vande Mataram, so I will not, but I will not
take away the others' right to sing it with
passion every day of the year. I will respect
what they believe, but I will ask them not to try
and force me to do something that is against my
belief.
I will not allow anyone to force me to do
something against my will. I will resist those
who try to convert me by force, and embrace those
who have persuaded me to agree with logic and
argument. I will fight those who question my
patriotism on the basis of arguments they have
forged and symbols they have created. I will
fight those who insult our national anthem and
defile the Constitution of India and the rule of
law that is not just mine but the nation's Holy
Book. And that includes those who are becoming
ugly in their demand that every single citizen of
India sing Vande Mataram to prove his patriotism,
for this demand in itself is against the Indian
Constitution that does not endorse force and
bigotry.
The BJP, a rudderless divided force, has no
issues and hence seized upon Vande Mataram to
create division and discord. Of course, as always
these fanatics were helped by a bunch of Muslim
clerics who jumped into the controversy with
their stupid remarks and their regressive
ideology. That was all the BJP leadership needed,
and on Thursday they were all out wearing their
brand of patriotism and nationalism on their
sleeves as they sang Vande Mataram with the
warning: if you do not you are not a patriot. The
spotlights were placed effectively by the
television channels and the Hindutva brigade on
the Muslims for not being patriotic enough to
sing Vande Mataram as a community. Muslim leaders
never known for a progressive idea were brought
out of the woodwork by the television anchors who
grilled them incessantly on their patriotism as
defined by Vande Mataram.
Absurd. Totally absurd. And as if to highlight
the differences, the Congress leadership, always
confused and disoriented on such matters,
organised a big rally in Delhi and all the
worthies queued up to sing Vande Mataram. The
result was predictable: the BJP immediately
zeroed in on Congress president Sonia Gandhi for
her failure to publicly mouth the words. The
Congress reaction was defensive as always. She
was not well, said her spokespersons, implying
that if she was, she would not have hesitated to
climb atop the dais set up by Arjun Singh and
Ambika Soni and sing the song. But why? Why could
they not say that while she has full respect for
Vande Mataram, she did not see the need to stand
on a public platform and sing it to convince the
BJP of her nationalism?
After all, the Left leaders, the regional
leaders, scores of legislators, the Dalit
organisations, the Christian organisations, the
Muslims, the Sikhs did not see the sense of
making a mockery of a belief. All respected the
song, but many did not want to sing it. No one
ridiculed those who decided to publicly
demonstrate their so-called nationalism, but many
made it clear - Sikhs included - that they
reserved their right to sing or not sing Vande
Mataram. For they know that nationalism has
little to do with singing a song, but everything
to do with respecting and maintaining India as a
secular democracy. That can only be if we respect
each other's freedoms, and while demanding our
rights, perform our duties. So just as no one
should usurp the mandate to compel others to sing
a song that is not the national anthem, no one
should prevail upon a community not to sing it
either. It is an individual's choice and should
be left to the citizens without interference from
the maulanas or the Sangh Parivar. After all,
A.R. Rehman sang Vande Mataram with passion, and
I do not think he has received a message from his
God that he is no longer a Muslim. Just as there
are many in the BJP - one will not name them -
who might find it difficult to enter Heaven's
door despite standing for hours to sing all the
patriotic songs they know!
Of course I am not God, but then as an atheist I
have given to myself the freedom to interpret
God's will. The ringing of bells at the temples,
and the sounding of azaan five times a day,
become meaningless when the devout insist on
placing signs outside their places of worship,
"Dalits not allowed" and "Women not allowed"
respectively, and then insist that this is true
religion and true faith. What is the point of a
patriotic song if it is used to divide and spread
hate? What is the point of a religion if it kills
and maims and seeks to establish the supposed
superiority of one over the other? What is the
point of a religion if it discriminates against
castes and women and humanity at large? What is
the point of a patriotism that divides the nation
into a majority and a minority, and seeks to
create second class citizens?
The BJP is clearly a party without issues. It has
spent days and weeks over Vande Mataram, with the
singing or not singing of the song preoccupying
its national executive at Dehra Dun, that should
instead have been discussing a strategy to
effectively address the plethora of problems
facing the nation. It is so torn apart by
factionalism that real issues have ceased to
matter. For the maulanas, of course, these have
never mattered. They cannot look beyond their
limited constituency. The Congress, instead of
opting out of an engineered controversy, again
tried to compete with the BJP and ended up
falling on its face. As it always does when it
seeks to fight with the extreme right-wing
parties for their platform of nationalism and
communalism, instead of clearing its own mind of
the gathered cobwebs, and speaking out for true
secularism and pluralism.
There are few countries as diverse and as rich in
culture as India. There are few countries with
such huge problems and difficulties either. In
one state people are dying of drought, in another
they have been consumed by floods. In one
community an uncle can marry his niece, in
another a cousin can marry cousin, in yet a third
both relationships are taboo. Some tribals in
Jharkhand eat rats, others do not touch meat,
still others refuse to touch garlic and onions:
the diversity of India is visible in her
dialects, customs and food habits. And instead of
soaring high on the ability of a nation to manage
her contradictions, to tolerate and accommodate,
we have political parties seeking to push the
people into a monolithic structure of hate and
intolerance. This is anti-nationalism, this has
to be fought and countered.
Left to themselves, the people will not spew hate
and communalism. Vande Mataram would not have
become such a gigantic issue if the politicians
had left it to the people to take a decision to
sing or not sing it. Rehman had secularised the
song, others would have followed. But to force a
view down peoples' throat, to ban a movie, to
burn movie halls, to burn books, to attack people
because they wear jeans, is to take on the role
of a self-seeking cultural police force, to
become the Taliban. This will invite resistance
from democratic India that loves her freedom and
will not easily allow anyone to take it away.
o o o
Daily Times
September 05, 2006
THE SONG AND THE NON-SINGER
by J Sri Raman
http://communalism.blogspot.com/2006/09/vande-mataram-song-and-non-singer.html
o o o
Dawn
September 4, 2006
GARBLED HISTORY AND OUT OF TUNE TOO
by Jawed Naqvi
TWO essential components of any song are its tune
and words. Vande Mataram is a 19th century
Sanskrit song that celebrates a utopian
motherland which, to those who understand the
meaning, is an allusion to India of their dream.
There are references in an adapted version of the
song to Durga, the Hindu goddess of power.
Durga is a multi-faceted deity who excels in
putting erring men-folk in their place, if
necessary by violent means. In Gujarat and other
parts of western India, Durga rides the lion but
by the time she is deified in Bengalshe switches
over to the tiger as her mythical vehicle. Her
visage thus changes according to geography. The
talents of the calendar artist also play a role
in this calibrated mutation. There are a few
other variants to Durga.
She is known as Parvati, Shakti, Uma, Kaali,
Mahishasura Mardini and by several other names.
Some time after independence, the Indian
parliament after considerable debate decided to
make Vande Mataram a national song, nearly at par
with the national anthem. That the national
anthem was also written in the ancient Indian
classical language of Sanskrit is perhaps a
factor in the inability of a vast majority of
Indians in failing to comprehend its meaning.
At some point, however, during the anti-colonial
movement, Vande Mataram became a battle-cry
against British rule. It was used to campaign
against the communal partition of Bengal by Lord
Curzon in 1905. Some Indian Muslim leaders feel
the decision to give the song parliamentary
sanction was incorrect. The government of the day
however decreed that the first two stanzas be
accepted as the complete song since they
contained no reference to Durga.
Ever since it was adapted by the Bengali novelist
Bankimchandra Chatterjee in the late 19th
century, the song was understood mainly by the
Brahminical elite. But today others in the
Hindutva stable of the RSS, and some of their
clones in the Congress, claim to be competent to
speak and divine the essentially Sanskrit verses.
Poet and secular activist Javed Akhtar spelled
out a possible way out for himself from the moral
quandary. "If a narrow-minded Muslim preacher
asks me not to sing it, I will most certainly
make sure that I sing the entire song to my
heart's content. But if someone from the RSS
presses me to sing it I will refuse to comply
with even a single line."
Historian Sabyasachi Bhattacharya, author of a
book on the song, is incensed by a current
controversy whereby the federal government wants
that the song be sung in all schools on September
7. The order has given the votaries of Hindutva
as well as orthodox Muslims a field day on TV. "I
find it highly objectionable to see the song
being used as a litmus test of one's patriotism,"
says Mr Bhattacharya.
After the song was sung at the Congress party
session in Varanasi in December, 1905 to protest
the partition of Bengal, it became the
front-runner to be India's national anthem. But
it lost out to Rabindranath Tagore's more secular
Jana Gana Mana following opposition from Muslim
groups.
There is another problem with the singing of
Vande Mataram, particularly when the requirement
is mandated by the state itself. Which tune of
Vande Mataram is one to sing if sing it we must?
The classiest composition was rendered in 1920 by
a not so widely known Maharashtrian singer
Vishnupant Pagnis. His Vande Mataram in Raag
Miyan ki Sarang is by far the most captivating
tune ever recorded. Only trained singers can
attempt to make a worthwhile attempt to try it
out. A 78 rpm version is still around,
fortunately, for those who want to compare it
with a tardier composition in Raag Desh played
now a days in parliament. Or are we to sing the
rabble-rousing Lata Mangeshkar version performed
for the communal film, Anand Math? Or is the
yuppy version the better choice, the one in which
the Sanskrit mother is replaced by the more
western Mama by Muslim composer A.R. Rahman?
At any rate, why does a secular country like
India, which boasts of a scientific temper and a
liberal constitution allow itself to be caught in
non-essential quarrels between religious groups?
It is difficult to guess the answer straightaway.
But it is curious that the country spends quite a
lot of time and effort in cultivating religious
constituencies by strange acts of omission and
commission. The Indian army, for example, is
deployed to help conduct a Hindu pilgrimage in
strife-torn Kashmir every year. The country's
foreign ministry is directly engaged in
supporting pilgrims to visit Mansarovar and Mount
Kailash in Tibet. The snow-clad mountain is the
mythical abode of Shiva, the god of destruction,
Durga's consort. The home ministry on its part
spends a fortune in sending Muslim contingents
for Haj to Saudi Arabia every year. It would be
impossible to find another nation state in this
age that colludes with religious groups with the
taxpayer's money, to perpetuate its garbled sense
of secularism.
There is some garble also in the Indian state's
perception of its own recent history. The
ineptitude looms like a social menace as the
country progresses to next year when 150 years of
the 1857 uprising against British rule will be
celebrated nationwide, in tandem perhaps with
other South Asian countries. The problem presents
itself in various layered and nuanced ways. In a
subtle way, almost imperceptibly the essential
difference is sought to be obliterated among the
so-called national heroes. Ask a school child to
name a few national heroes he or she is likely to
throw up names like Shivaji, Rana Pratap, Rani of
Jhansi and Bhagat Singh. If the school is very
secular they would add the name of anti-British
Ashfaqullah or even Company Quarter Master
Havildar Abdul Hamid, who the legend has it
single-handedly destroyed Pakistani Patton tanks
with an assault rifle and some hand grenades in
1965.
Thus in one slide we are saddled with frames from
idolised men and women who fought the British
occupiers alongside those who fought the Mughals
(read Muslims) and even those who fought
Pakistan. This garble sometimes seems deliberate
and is of a piece with the historiography
patronised by both the Congress and the
opposition Hindutva groups. Sometimes there are
feeble protests, like the recent one against the
chief minister of Rajasthan Vasundhara Raje
Scinida, a Hindutva activist. Her forebears sided
with the British when the rebel Rani of Jhansi
was being hunted by colonial troops. They
declined to help the Rani. She was booed recently
when she unveiled a statue of the rebel Rani.
The great ruler of Mysore, Tipu Sultan, was
similarly let down by the Marathas and the Nizam
of Hyderabad alike when he single-handedly took
on the British in epic battles. Tipu's heirs are
today believed to be roaming the streets of
Kolkata, unsung while the votaries of the
Marathas and the erstwhile 'razakaar' supporters
of the Nizam have found a place in parliament
where they all sing -- occasionally out of tune
-- Vande Mataram.
o o o
31 August, 2006
SONG FOR THE NATION - VANDE MATRAM CONTROVERSY
by Ram Puniyani
After Arjun Singh, MHRD Minister clarified that
singing of the (August 2006) of Vande Matram is
voluntary, on 7th September, the supposed
centenary year of this song, BJP went hammer and
tongs blaming Congress for this 'appeasement' of
minorities. In the meanwhile a section of Muslims
had protested that the song is asking for worship
of deities other than Allah, and that is
something, which Islam does not permit.
One could see the charged BJP members shouting
Vande Matram in the upper house of the
parliament, led by Mukhtar Abbas Naqvi. Various
Hindutva ideologues gave a threat that those who
do not want to sing this song should leave the
country. BJP is planning to sing the song on its
party head offices on that day. Chattisgarh has
already issued the circular to all the schools,
including the madrasas to sing this song on that
day, and other BJP ruled states, MP, Gujarat, and
Rajasthan are on the way to issue the same. In MP
the singing of Vande Matram in the offices on
every Monday has been implemented. One recalls
that in the aftermath of the Mumbai riots, the
Shiv Sainiks had asserted to the peace marchers
that it is mandatory to sing Vande Matram.
A section of Muslim clerics including Shahi Imam
of Jama Masjid, have raised the objection to it
saying that Islam being monotheistic does not
regard any other object as god or goddess. It is
likely that same may be the opinion of followers
of other monotheistic religions. For that matter
all Muslims have not opposed it. Also it should
be clear that the later parts of the song where
the mother land is compared to Hindu goddesses
was not accepted as the part of national song, by
the committee, which said that only first two
stanzas should be accepted as national song.
This is what constitutional position is, and that
too it was made clear that the singing of the
first two stanzas of the song is voluntary, not a
compulsory one. Hinduism being polytheistic,
there is a plethora of gods and goddesses, though
the traditional 33 crore of them may be difficult
to name, motherland has been projected to be
Durga in this song. One of the reasons for the
section of Muslims' opposing the singing of the
song may be the fact that so far Hindu right has
been presenting the full song and not just the
first two stanzas which has the recognition as
the national song.
It is noteworthy that all the Muslims may not
hold similar opinion. Surely A. R. Rahman, the
music maestro has got this song into a beautiful
catchy and popular tune. Shahi Imam, who has
opposed the move, has been very close to BJP and
has been repeatedly wooed by this party for
electoral purposes to the extent that in the last
Lok Sabha elections, he went to issue the Fatwa
for the Muslims to vote for BJP. There is a
reasonable deal of argument not to accept to sing
the full song by a section of Muslim population
due to its Hindu imagery. But if the matters are
clarified that the circular is only for the first
two stanzas, the situation may be different.
The double standards of Hindutva lobby are very
clear in this controversy. In 1998, when UP Govt
wanted to make it compulsory the then Prime
minister, Mr. Vajpayee opined against this move
of UP Government.
RSS and the Hindutva family are strongly hung up
on this song, more so than the Jana Gana Mana,
the national anthem. After writing the first to
stanzas of Vande matram, Bankim Chndra Chatterjee
expanded it in his novel Anand Math. Large part
of it is in Sanskrit, Devbhasha, and few stanzas
are in Bengalee. This has strong anti British and
also pro Hindu over tones, due to which it became
popular in a section of population. The large
secular movement looked at it as for its anti
British sentiments, while Hindutva sections
upheld it for the Hindu undertones and they used
it as a battle cry against the Muslims in the
communal violence, who in turn resorted to
Allah-o-Akbar. It matched with the requirements
of Hindutva movement as here the nation is
projected as a monolithic being, in the image of
Durga. The diversity and plurality, the core
identity of the Indian nation is no where visible
in the song.
Jana Gana Mana, Vande matram and Saare Jahan Se
Achchha were the three national songs in the
running for the national anthem. Jana Gana Mana
conveyed the rich diversity and was acceptable to
most states, due to which it was selected as
national anthem while Vande Matram, first two
stanzas, was given the status of national song.
RSS family is using it to browbeat the
minorities. By now apart from its anti colonial
stance it has been made as a weapon to convey the
anti minority sentiments. It is because of this
reason that RSS affiliates are pushing it with
vehemence. It seems, after the fatigue, which
temple issue has acquired, that Vande matram may
be the major plank of RSS affiliates in their
social and electoral battles. Here it does not
matter that even the national anthem cannot be
imposed on those who do not wish to sing that, as
per the judgment of the court. But surely for
BJP, which is built around the identity issues,
Ram Temple, Civil code etc. it is a golden
opportunity to latch on to Vande Matram to see
that maximum electoral mileage is achieved by
pushing it forward.
Jana Gana Mana, which is more acceptable to all,
is purposely pushed back by these elements. They
are projecting it as having been written by
Rabindranath Tagore in praise of George V. This
myth was created by the English media. In 1911
when GeorgeV visited India, Congress wanted to
thank him for retracting the British decision to
partition Bengal. This was the first success of
swadeshi movement, the first modern anti colonial
movement, which had begun in 1905. On the same
day two songs were sung, one written by Tagore,
Jana Gana Mana and the other that of one
Ramanuj Choudhary, who had composed the song
especially for George V. The English media was
neither accurate nor serious about properly
reporting such events. So what got reported by
the British media was that Tagore song was sung
in praise of George V.! As such, the intent and
meaning of what Rabindranth Tagore is referring
to was correctly described by a commentator in
vernacular press that his song was in "Praise of
the Dispenser of human Destiny, who appears
in every age."
When Tagore was asked by a friend, who was loyal
to British, to write a song in praise of George
V, Tagore felt angered as he was opposed to the
British rule. Instead of one for George he wrote
a song devoted to the dispenser of Human destiny.
When faced with/British media projection and RSS
type criticism, Tagore wrote "That great
Charioteer of man's destiny in age after age
could not by any means be George V or George VI
or any George. Even my 'loyal' friend realized
this; because, however powerful his loyalty to
the King, he was not wanting in intelligence." The
song gained wide popularity all over and its
English translation, 'Morning song of India' also
picked in different parts. Netaji's Azad Hind
Fauz adopted it as national anthem and Gandhiji
went on to say, "the song has found a place in
our national life." It is precisely for this
reason that RSS affiliates are uncomfortable with
Jana Gana Mana and want to assert Vande Matram in
an aggressive way.
o o o
Indian Express
August 24, 2006
FIVE LIVES OF VANDE MATARAM
by Sabyasachi Bhattacharya
The history of the national song has imbued it with diverse symbolism
The appropriation of cultural creations for
political purposes may be inevitable, but it
should not happen in a state of arrogant
ignorance. The low level of knowledge now on
display in the statements and actions of many
political parties in respect of the song, Vande
Mataram, is surprising. It is surprising because
the song has been part of the language of Indian
politics for over a century. At this moment we
see a rerun of an old series of actions and
reactions intended to stage an enactment of
identity assertions.
The traditional appeal of the captivating lyric,
celebrating the beauty of the motherland, remains
as strong as ever so far as the general public is
concerned. One evidence of this is its popularity
set to music composed by A.R. Rahman. And yet
political squabbles over the song continue.
Coverage in the electronic media provides
entertainment in juxtaposing the so-called Hindu
and Muslim points of view, a mode of presentation
which allows no other reading of the song.
Actually the meanings read into the poem have
differed widely in the 130 years since it was
written. In terms of the meanings thus attributed
there are about five different phases.
In the beginning were just the words. Reportedly
one of the leading defenders of the song and of
Hindutva has said that the song was written by
Bankim Chandra Chatterjee to honour those who
sacrificed their lives for the country. To defend
the truth about the song from such defenders it
needs to be said that when Bankim first wrote it
in the early 1870s it was just a beautiful hymn
to the motherland, richly-watered,
richly-fruited, dark with the crops of the
harvests, sweet of laughter, sweet of speech, the
giver of bliss. For several years these first two
stanzas remained unpublished. In 1881 this poem
was included by Bankim in the novel, Anandamath,
and now it was expanded to endow the motherland
with militant religious symbolism as the context
of the narrative demanded.
However, the icon of the motherland, "terrible
with the clamour of seventy million throats",
likened to "Durga holding ten weapons of war"
etc, entered the public imagination much later.
This was from the beginning of Bengal's Swadeshi
agitation in 1905. It was sung in the Congress
session in Benaras in 1905 (music composed by
Tagore), in anti-Partition processions in
Calcutta led by Tagore, in meetings addressed by
Aurobindo Ghose. The latter hailed Bankim as the
rishi of nationalism and translated the poem into
English. Many translations were made, including
one by Subramaniya Bharathi in 1905. Likewise,
far away from Bengal, Mahatma Gandhi took note of
the song as early as 1905. What is more, Vande
Mataram became a slogan for the common man, to
the extent he participated in anti-British
agitations. Many of the militant nationalists
faced bullets or the gallows with that slogan on
their lips. Thus Vande Mataram became sanctified
as an intrinsic part of the memories of the fight
for freedom.
A third phase in the life of the song began in
the 1930s when objections began to be raised
against the song on two grounds: first, its
association with Anandamath, which depicted the
Muslims of the Nawabi era of the 1770s in Bengal
in a poor light; second, the religious imagery
and idolatry implicit in the stanzas of the poem
following the first two. (Today those innocent of
any knowledge of the song and the novel probably
mistake the part for the whole). M.A. Jinnah, as
well as a number of Muslim legislators in the
provincial assemblies elected in 1937, became
vociferous against the recitation or singing of
Vande Mataram, a practice introduced by
provincial Congress governments. In response to
this, as well as pressure of Congress members,
Jawaharlal Nehru in October 1937 wrote to Tagore
asking for his opinion regarding the suitability
of the song as a national anthem. The judgement
Nehru received was that the first two stanzas of
Vande Mataram should be accepted; as for the
later part of the verse, Tagore thought it might
offend monotheists, but the song was inextricably
associated with the freedom movement and "the
sacrifices of the best of our youths" since 1905.
Acting upon this advice the Congress Working
Committee recommended that "wherever the Vande
Mataram is sung at national gatherings, only the
first two stanzas should be sung". Jinnah wrote
to Nehru in March 1938 that the decision was not
to his satisfaction but the Congress stuck to it;
in any event, there was a proviso that any one
who wished not to participate was free to do so.
From then on the song was a dividing line between
those who doubted the wisdom of this compromise
(C. Rajgopalachari) and those, led by Nehru, who
were opposed to making the song obligatory. In
1939 some provincial governments - like Bihar and
Central Provinces - issued specific instructions
to education departments clarifying that the song
was not obligatory. A fallout was that the slogan
'Vande Mataram' acquired special connotation to
those who valued the Hindu symbolism in the song
and by 1946-47 in some parts of India it became
in inter-communal conflicts the battle cry of the
Hindu community. The earliest instance of Hindu
Mahasabha support to the sanctification of the
song is perhaps the 'Vande Mataram Day' organised
by the party in 1937.
The fifth and most recent phase in the life of
the song commenced in the Constituent Assembly on
January 24, 1950, when it was sung at the end of
its deliberations. It was resolved that while
Jana Gana Mana was identified as the national
anthem, equally with it Vande Mataram was to be
recognised. It was a motion from the chair, moved
by Rajendra Prasad himself, and unlike other
parts of the Constitution it was never debated
upon in the Constituent Assembly. But the matter
continues to be debated until today. This is not
unexpected, given the eventful history of this
song. Judging by various erroneous statements
which are now being made, it is vitally important
to bear in mind what happened in the past. That
is because the memories of the past, rightly or
wrongly, constitute our present.
The writer, a former VC of Visva Bharati
University, Santiniketan, is the author of 'Vande
Mataram: The Biography of a Song' (Penguin)
_____
[4]
Outlook - web only
13 September 2006
MALEGAON - AN UNEXPLODED BOMB
The bomb-scare on Wednesday may have been
defused, but Malegaon is a town waiting to
explode as victims demand concrete clues about
the identity of perpetrators. Updates
by Smruti Koppikar
Many in the law and order establishment both in
Mumbai and New Delhi heaved a collective sigh of
relief that Malegaon had not erupted into
communal violence after four bombs went off near
the Hamidiya Mosque-Bada Kabristan and at
Mushavirat Chowk last Friday. The immediate 48
hours were crucial; if peace could be maintained
in the immediate aftermath while families buried
their dead and tended to the injured, there was
hope.
Six days on, Malegaon has kept its peace but only
just. That a 'bomb' was found today at a busy
shopping complex near the Mohammedia Madrasa
Centre and mosque only underlined the fact that
somebody for sure doesn't like this peace to
prevail. News of the bomb sparked fresh panic, as
the area was cordoned off and National Security
Guard (NSG) bomb squad was immediately summoned
to defuse the device that was inside an unclaimed
red box found in a staircase.
Police claim that the law and order situation in
the town is under control - but the "anxiety
level" among people has perceptibly gone up. The
deployment of Rapid Action Force (RAF) wasn't
enough to assuage these fears. Police kept people
away from the shopping complex while the media
too were advised to stay out. Residents were
asked to switch off cell-phones to rule out the
possibility of remote detonation of any explosive
device. The box with the 'bomb' was taken to a
nearby school ground where the experts worked to
defuse the device.
"The confusion increased as sniffer dogs which
were rushed to the spot gave a positive
indication after smelling the miniscule level of
explosive in the box, Inspector General of Police
(Nasik range) PK Jain was to state much later,
when he clarified that the device found contained
only "a miniscule amount of the explosive
substance used in firecrackers mixed with soil
and stones and a pair of batteries". It was
clear, as he said, that "it was an attempt to
create communal tension". Actually, it only
exacerbated the already tense town as a large
contingent of the RAF was deployed in the
vicinity while police and religious leaders made
announcements on the public address system,
calling for calm as people ran in fear out of the
shopping complex.
But even before today's bomb-scare, you just had
to scratch the surface to know that Malegaon is a
town waiting to explode. A special company of the
RAF comprising 150-odd jawans, backed by the Riot
Control Police sent from Mumbai assist the local
police in keeping order; lasting peace is a
different ballgame. Locals in the powerloom town
with 7.5 lakh population, 70 per cent of it
Muslim, are filled with outrage and rage -
outrage at the fact that someone could actually
detonate RDX-laden bombs at the holiest of their
places on a day of significance Shab-e-Barat when
they gather to remember their dead, compounded by
today's incident, and rage at the fact that the
police seem not to have moved an inch in
investigating the blasts that claimed 31 lives
and left more than 200 injured.
The average Malegaonkar has kept his counsel. In
fact, when news of bombs going off had spread in
the town, Hindus queued up at hospitals to donate
blood, some of them were Shiv Sainiks led by
local leader Dada Bhuse who had been previously
charged with rioting against Muslims.
The police failure now stares everyone in the
face and may well be responsible for breaking the
fragile peace. Since that fateful Friday
afternoon, all that the police have got are some
suspects (at the last count on Tuesday evening,
there were ten) rounded up for questioning,
sketches of three men based on eye-witness
accounts, one of the two damaged cycles that were
strapped with the deadly bombs, some statements
from cycle dealers who sold the two bicycles
earlier that day and a host of suspicions.
"We have no made no concrete progress and do not
any substantial clues yet," an officer told
Outlook on Monday. Whatever little they chanced
upon, they do not wish to share with citizens for
fear of sparking a backlash. The dilemma for the
police is doubled by the communal arithmetic in
Malegaon.
All investigations in the first few days did not
help zero in on possible suspects, which is in
stark contrast to the alacrity with which the
needle of suspicion was pointed towards the
Lashkar-e-Toiba (LeT) barely hours after the
Mumbai train blasts on July 11. "They may be
doing their job but it's a fact that we are still
not told who the perpetrators could possibly be.
And this gives rise to our belief that the cops
are hiding something," remarked a cloth merchant
Mohammed Khan Ibrahim Khan, coming out of one of
the many mass prayers for the departed held at
various locations across the town on Monday and
Tuesday. The unwillingness of the investigators -
local police helped by the Anti Terrorist Squad
of the Maharashtra police - to even offer routine
guesses about the bombers' identity has not gone
down well with citizens here.
Some investigators offered a view that parallels
could be drawn with the July 11 blasts in Mumbai
and that Malegaon blasts "resembled the
handiwork" of Islamic terrorist organizations
like the LeT working with SIMI. It doesn't answer
the question: why would Muslim terrorists want to
harm Muslims and place bombs in and around a
masjid? Point the finger of suspicion at
right-wing Hindutva groups so as to trigger off a
communal conflagration? But then security experts
were too quick to rule out any involvement of
Hindutva outfits like the Bajrang Dal whose
members were found dead while handling explosives
in an activists' home at Nanded earlier this
year. If investigators suggest Muslim involvement
in the blasts, they fear a backlash against the
force itself. Already, two police jeeps were set
on fire within hours of the blasts, the SP
(Nashik) Mr Rajvardhan was almost beaten up when
he reached the affected area the next day to calm
a mob, and men in khakhi are treated with
derision and taunts across the town. If
investigators suggest Hindutva involvement, cops
fear an eruption of communal violence against
Hindus. So, suggestive references like the ones
made in Mumbai or Varanasi or Delhi last Diwali
cannot be hazarded, but there are no concrete
clues to offer either.
That the investigators should so blatantly rule
out involvement of any Hindutva outfit is cause
for concern. It's one thing for people like Bhuse
and other Hindutva leaders to assert that "no one
from this side of the river will go across and
dare do something like this" but the fact remains
that the cops are not chasing some clues. Take
the case of "fake beard" as it has come to be
known here. A tailor Aqeel Ahmed Ansari who works
near the Bada Kabristan told cops and bystanders
that he had picked up a body from near one of the
bicycles and handed it over to volunteers in the
ambulance, that this body did not have the lower
part of the torso and it's beard had come off in
the ambulance. The suggestion being that it was a
fake beard and therefore the body of a
perpetrator. Coincidentally, the two hospitals
that conducted post-mortems said that they had
together handled 30 bodies and none was without
the lower half. Besides, this body could not be
found in the morgue hours later that very day.
The "fake beard" part perhaps reveals something,
especially when against the backdrop of several
fake beards, typical Muslim and Sikh clothes, and
relevant headgear were recovered from the house
of a Bajrang Dal activist in the Nanded blast
case.
Also significant is the Prime Minister's
statement on Tuesday that the role of right-wing
Hindutva organizations must also be probed.
In Malegaon, it now takes two men to start off a
debate on the blasts for a mob of 50-70 to gather
in less than five minutes, then arguments get out
of hand, tempers run high and there's the
possibility of violence right there. "Some of my
friends and I have been playing peace-keepers at
so many nukkads all the time in the last four
days," said a loom worker Ayaz Ahmed who calmed
down a mob near Kapda Bazaar simply by shouting
at them to disperse. There are people who believe
that their children died so that Islam could be
cleansed of the stain that it harbours terrorism
and terrorists, in a sense making their dead into
martyrs to a cause. Then, there are people like
Shakeel Ahmed Mohammed Saleem and his brother
Shafeeque Ahmed, each of who lost a teenage son
in the Mushvirat Chowk blast, but who dared to
return the compensation cheque back to Sonia
Gandhi. Says Shakeel Ahmed: "Within 18 hours,
they were handing out cheques calling the names
of the deceased without a word of sympathy or
condolence. What kind of behaviour was it? We are
not beggars. Humne haath failaya nahin tha, humne
haath badaya tha." The brothers offered to donate
Rs 5 lakh each if it could help nab the
terrorists.
Their sense of insult and rage is finding support
across Malegaon, a bustling town that was brought
to near-collapse by machinations of politicians
including JD's Nihal Ahmed, five-time MLA now
touching 80 years. No one has a good word for
Ahmed, many see him and the current MLA Sheikh
Rashid (Congress) as self-serving politicians,
taking advantage of communal polarization in the
town. The town's demand for a fully-equipped
civil hospital, okayed by the state government in
2001 after a round of riots, did not get the push
until the brothers pointed it out that day to
Gandhi. Maharashtra Chief Minister Vilasrao
Deshmukh has only excuses to offer. "This is a
town that governments have hated, still hate, and
brand as a communal pariah. Why should we then
honour anyone who comes here, however big he or
she may be? People of Malegaon have been branded
and insulted, now is the time to rise and show
the stuff we are made of. No one had refused to
take a cheque from Gandhi," says Abdul Qayyum,
former corporator. Even so, he counsels his
people to keep peace.
It is, indeed, a very fragile peace.
Smruti Koppikar in Malegaon, with agency reports for today's unexploded bomb.
_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/
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