SACW | 29-30 Jul 2004
sacw
aiindex at mnet.fr
Thu Jul 29 20:25:41 CDT 2004
South Asia Citizens Wire | 29-30 July, 2004
via: www.sacw.net
[1] Pakistan - India: Heading for a rough patch? (Praful Bidwai)
[2] Kashmir Roadmap: Congress in Danger of Losing its Way (Balraj Puri)
[3] India: The AMAN Peace and Conflict Studies Course (New Delhi, Sept-Oct.)
[4] India: Panel Discussion on "The Unheard Scream" (New Delhi, Aug 2)
[5] India: Quiz Competition for National Integration Communal Harmony
[6] India: Protest rally + Cultural evening on AFSPA (New Delhi, 30 July)
[7] India: Sangh Parivar attack on poetess condemned
[8] India Pakistan Arms Race and Militarisation Watch Compilation # 145
--------------
[1]
The News International - July 29, 2004
HEADING FOR A ROUGH PATCH?
by Praful Bidwai
For the first time since India and Pakistan broke
the ice in January, a jarring tone is detectable
in official statements about their bilateral
dialogue. Foreign Minister Natwar Singh’s visit
to Islamabad only confirms that the euphoria and
exuberance evident only weeks ago are yielding to
anxiety and fear. Talks on the only
confidence-building measure (CBM) on the table -
a bus service between Srinagar and Muzaffarabad -
are deadlocked.
If things don’t improve before Singh and Khurshid
Mahmud Kasuri meet on September 5-6, the entire
dialogue process could unravel. To prevent this,
the apex political leadership in both countries
must give the process high priority and momentum.
Pakistani leaders must amend their negative view
of the Manmohan Singh government. And Singh must
personally take charge of the process.
We cannot afford a failure of the first
India-Pakistan comprehensive talks in over 30
years. This will mean losing a handsome peace
dividend, and worse, resuming hostility in a
bitter form. Failure is completely, categorically
unacceptable - no matter which side is
responsible for causing it.
By all informed accounts, Natwar Singh’s
exchanges in Pakistan produced no advance, no new
understanding. India on July 24 voiced its
"disappointment" over the "tone and substance" of
Pakistan’s comments about Singh’s discussion with
President Pervez Musharraf. It said the comment
don’t reflect the discussions’ "comprehensive
nature". It expressed discomfort with Musharraf’s
demand that "a final settlement" of Kashmir in
accordance with "the legitimate aspirations of
the Kashmiris" must be reached "within a
reasonable timeframe".
Similarly, Musharraf declared an "endless"
dialogue with India" neither "wise nor
desirable". He wants India to reciprocate
Pakistan’s "flexibility, sincerity, and courage",
which he believes, is lacking.
Indian officials are strongly sceptical about the
"timeframe" demand and Pakistan’s emphasis on
"legitimate [Kashmiri] aspirations", which they
say sits ill with the fact that it hasn’t allowed
elected assemblies in the Northern Areas. Many
Indian policy-makers are worried by Musharraf’s
recent speech: "while we are working both on
dialogue and CBMs with India, Kashmir is the main
dispute ... Until there is progress towards its
resolution, there can be no headway on CBMs or
other issues."
Whether or not this represents a major shift of
stance - away from simultaneous movement on CBMs
and the "2+6" issues, including Kashmir - it’s
clear that the Srinagar-Muzaffarabad bus is not
around the corner. No other CBMs are likely.
Pessimism seems to be crystallising among
Islamabad’s policy-makers.
From across the border, three factors appear to
have influenced this. First, many Pakistanis feel
uneasy about new government in India. They feel
Manmohan Singh won’t be as keen on peace, as was
Vajpayee - a "tall leader", "a man of peace"
uniquely committed to reconciliation with
Pakistan. They have a negative perception of the
Congress, which they associate with Partition,
"soft-Hindutva", anti-Muslim violence, and a hard
line on Kashmir.
This perception is largely mistaken. Vajpayee did
invest energies in the dialogue. But just two
years ago, he was talking of aar-paar ki ladai
(battle to the finish) - as he mobilised 700,000
troops at the border. Besides, the BJP believes
not in "soft-Hindutva", but hard-boiled,
aggressive, Islamophobic communalism. This is
integral to Vajpayee’s politics. To depict
Vajpayee as a "man of peace", while burdening
Singh with all the baggage from the Congress’s
past is wrong.
Pakistanis would be wrong to read too much into
Natwar Singh’s early pronouncement that the
dialogue would be conducted within the Shimla
Agreement framework. The statement was
unfortunate. But Singh has since admitted that
India and Pakistan have gone beyond Shimla, even
Lahore. In deference to Pakistani sensitivities,
he didn’t utter the S-word in Islamabad.
Second, Pakistani policy-makers prefer to deal
with one authority/power-centre-preferably, one
individual. Nobody fits that description in
post-NDA India. Is Singh really in charge? Or is
Sonia Gandhi? Who can take a high-level political
decision? This view underestimates the strong
Indian consensus on improving relations with
Pakistan and the existence of multiple sources of
decision-making in India’s fairly
institutionalised democracy.
Many Pakistanis regard Manmohan Singh a
"technocrat", an administrator - not a politician
who can take bold decisions on sensitive issues,
where he might be vulnerable to the charge of
"selling out" India’s interests. This is unfair.
It underestimates Singh’s tenacity. Whatever
one’s view of his 1991 neo-liberal policy turn -
and I admit to a largely negative view - it
polarised opinion and brought charges of "selling
out" (even from the BJP). That didn’t deter
Singh. Besides, his political personality is
still evolving.
Nostalgia for Vajpayee could become
counter-productive. Vajpayee is gone and may
never come back. Implicit in the pro-Vajpayee
obsession is the idea, rooted in the early 1970s
pact between Washington and Beijing, that only
the Right can take controversial decisions; the
Left cannot. This view is simplistic. Nixon’s
Right-wing proclivities and Kissinger’s
deviousness cannot explain the deal with China,
attributable to growing tensions with the USSR
over the sharing of military technologies, etc.
The analogy doesn’t apply to India-Pakistan or
BJP-Congress.
Many Pakistanis resent US deputy secretary of
state Richard Armitage’s statement that Pakistan
must do more to combat terrorism, in particular
dismantle the supporting infrastructure.
Pakistani observers believe the remark was made
at India’s behest and bears little relationship
to reality: Pakistan has cooperated with the US
in anti-al-Qaeda operations and reportedly lost
400 troops. Indian officials admit there has been
little cross-border infiltration since November
(barring this month). But Pakistani observers may
be overreacting to Armitage. Similar statements
were made by Colin Powell, Condoleezza Rice and
Paul Wolfowitz too.
The real issue is, should these perceptions, even
if legitimate, be allowed to change the course
and fate of the dialogue process, especially when
they can be corrected (partly because the reality
underlying them is itself changeable), and when
neither India nor Pakistan has evolved a
comprehensive policy on Kashmir which can be put
on the negotiating table?
My answer is no; there is a heavy risk of losing
a great opportunity for peace - and that too
before the two sides have fully explored each
other’s concerns. I say this, although I am
sensitive to Pakistani policy-makers’
apprehensions about the proposed
Srinagar-Muzaffarabad bus. Their fear is
two-fold. If they agree to allow its passengers
to carry national passports, as distinct from
United Nations documents or special
"for-Kashmiris-only" permits, they would
implicitly accept the LoC as the international
border, without proper negotiations. Secondly,
once the bus starts rolling, it will further
legitimise the LoC as the international border.
These fears must be addressed. But a mutually
acceptable solution can be found. It would be
premature to give up on it without trying - and
trying hard. The best way to try would be for
both Manmohan Singh and Musharraf to start making
formal/informal contacts with each other.
Musharraf has been part of the dialogue process.
Manmohan Singh has not. Singh must demonstrate a
visible, strong commitment to the dialogue,
including willingness to move away from stated
positions. He must appoint high-level
interlocutors to start exploratory talks on
Kashmir. Singh must personally take charge of the
process. He must be seen to own it. Musharraf
must be maximally flexible and keep the talks
going. Neither country can afford an impasse.
_____
[2]
The Times of India - July 30, 2004
KASHMIR ROADMAP: CONGRESS IN DANGER OF LOSING ITS WAY
by Balraj Puri
The Congress-led UPA government has certain
advantages over its political predecessor in
dealing with the situation in J&K state. Since
the Congress, unlike the BJP, not only has a
presence in Kashmir valley but also other
Muslim-majority parts of the state, it can
provide a far better link between the Muslims of
the state and the people elsewhere in the
country. The party has a similar advantage
vis-a-vis other regional Valley-based political
outfits, since it exists in all parts of the
state and can thus be a fit instrument of
emotional integration between its three regions.
However, the UPA government has somehow failed to
press home its obvious advantages. Instead, it
has managed to further strain its state-level
coalition with the PDP. While the Congress is
competing with the BJP in catering to the
populist sentiment in Jammu, the PDP is competing
with the National Conference in the Valley. Two
recent instances show how the coalition partners
are divided along regional lines. First, a PDP
minister supported the public protest against the
decision of the State Public Service Commission
to reduce the share of the Valley in state
administrative services.
Second, Congress ministers resigned in opposition
to the reduction of the period of Amarnath yatra
from two months to one.
Indeed, all recruitments, promotions and
development activities are now being viewed by
the coalition partners from the narrow viewpoint
of their respective regions. That the state
cabinet has not met for almost five months is an
eloquent commentary on the way the government is
functioning.
While Jammu's politics has always centred round
the issue of regional discrimination or 'Kashmiri
domination', such issues have received a fresh
impetus even in the Valley due to two factors.
First, as the role of militancy and secessionist
politics in articulating popular discontent
shrinks, the latter is getting diverted into
regional claims and complaints. Second, the
presence of the Congress-led government at the
Centre has enhanced the weight of the
predominantly Jammu-based party in the state
coalition.
The first task of the Congress is, therefore, to
restore normal governance, and ensure a cohesive
and smooth functioning of the cabinet as well as
the coordination committee. The latter end is
hardly possible in the current situation when a
non-resident PCC president also doubles up as
president of the coordination committee. Then
there is the need to replace the present highly
centralised and unitary constitution of the state
by a federal and decentralised system to remove
the root cause of regional tensions and
consequent misgovernance and other complications
in state politics.
Jawaharlal Nehru was the first national leader to
appreciate and accept my plea for regional
autonomy in the state, to prevent what I believed
was the explosive potential of regional tensions.
On July 24, 1952, he, in the presence - and with
the consent - of Sheikh Abdullah, declared at a
press conference that "the state government was
considering regional autonomies within the larger
state". The Praja Parishad, a Jana
Sangh-affiliate, rejected the suggestion with a
powerful agitation which instead sought the
solution of the Jammu problem in the abrogation
of Article 370.
Later, the outline of an internal constitution
for the state, drafted by me and unanimously
adopted by J&K People's Convention - called by
Sheikh Abdullah during his days of estrangement
with India in 1968 - provided for regional
autonomy and a further devolution of power to
districts, blocks and panchayats. This convention
had the representation of the entire political
spectrum in the Kashmir region. The idea of
regional autonomy was also backed by Nehru,
Jayaprakash Narayan and the Left parties. But the
Jana Sangh strongly denounced the move for "it
would benefit only the supporters of Sheikh
Abdullah and pro-Pakistan elements".
Before agreeing to handing over power to Sheikh
Abdullah in 1975, Indira Gandhi wanted to ensure
that he would be acceptable to the people of
Jammu. On his part, Abdullah reiterated his
commitment to regional auto-nomy at a convention
of representatives from Jammu and Ladakh. But
when Rajiv Gandhi moved the 73rd constitutional
amendment, aimed at ensuring the decentralisation
of power from district to the village level, it
was not made applicable to J&K state. The
Congress-led UPA government should pick up the
thread where Nehru, Indira and Rajiv left it; so
that power is shared among the three regions of
the state and is further devolved to districts,
blocks and panchayats.
By now, the people of Jammu are convinced that
the abrogation of the Article would not safeguard
their interests. Likewise, the people of Kashmir
have also learnt that their autonomy and identity
cannot be protected until the autonomy and
identity of Jammu and Ladakh are guaranteed.
The support in the NDA manifesto for the creation
of autonomous regional councils in J&K state, at
the obvious behest of the BJP, and the evasive
reference to Article 370 in the party's manifesto
- after vilifying the idea of regional autonomy
and its sponsors for over 50 years - should
facilitate the task of the Congress-led
government in federalising and decentralising the
state administration. The committed support of
the Left on the issue will, if anything, make
things easier. It's time for the Congress to act.
_____
[3]
The AMAN Peace and Conflict Studies Course
(In collaboration with Hamdard University)
Delhi, September 13 - October 13, 2004
Overview
This course on peace and conflict, organised by
the AMAN Trust, aims at developing and widening
intellectual discourse on the subject among
individuals working in NGOs, teachers,
journalists, students and other concerned
citizens. The course will make Indian and South
Asian reality a starting point for an
investigation of conflict, violence and its many
ramifications.
AMAN believes in the need for an integrated and
multi-disciplinary approach to conflict in this
region. Given the rapidly changing geo-political
environment, critical scholars have asked how far
the contours and mechanisms of the global system
are responsible for generating conflict. This
question requires us to explore the
inter-connections between ethnic, caste, class,
and communal issues in the origins and nature of
conflict. Aman will develop conceptual approaches
that connect, rather than compartmentalize themes
relevant to violence and conflict. We also
believe that philosophical and ethical inquiry is
a necessary element in such a study.. Our
lectures and seminars shall examine the
relationship between local and global issues,
competing histories and antagonistic polities;
and the functions that link ethnic identity,
gender, and symbols to political and economic
structures.
Duration
The course will be conducted from 13th September
to 13th October, 2004. It will be interactive and
residential, with two or three units being
conducted every day, two in the mornings and one
in the afternoon/early evening. Each unit will
consist of two hours, and will include a lecture
and a discussion.
Costs
The costs for arranging this course are
considerable. AMAN will charge a minimum
(subsidised) fee of Rs. 5,000/- (five thousand)
for an individual and Rs 15,000/- (fifteen
thousand) for participants sponsored by NGOs and
organisations. The costs are inclusive of
accomodation and food but do not include travel.
Sponsoring agencies are required to get in touch
with AMAN to discuss their proposed financial
support. Sponsored candidates will be subject to
the same criteria as the rest; and admitted on
the basis of their application
Application requirements
Participants ability to comprehend lectures and
other forms of discussion in English is
necessary, although the course is open to those
who wish to speak and submit their course work in
Hindi.
Prospective participants are required to send
following information by 20th July 2004.
Date of Birth
Educational qualification
Current Work Experience (100-200 words)
Other interests (100-200 words)
Why you want to attend the course (500-800 words)
Name and Contacts of two referees
Scholarships: A limited number of scholarships
are available. Those who wish to apply for this
should send us reasons for their request. (200
words)
Course Structure
The course will consist of the following six
rubrics, whose contents will be supplied in
greater detail to participants over the weeks
preceding the course. A certain number of
Seminars will also be arranged. Packets of
reading materials will be made available and
certain written work will be expected from
participants. Applicants need to be prepared for
intensive work. They will be awarded a
certificate of completion based upon this and
their contribution to the interactive sessions
and seminars.
Rubric 1: Ethical and Philosophical Perspectives on Violence
Lead Instructor: Purushottam Agrawal
The aim of this course will be to develop
informed ethical and philosophical perspectives
on violence and conflict. The lectures will
examine ideas of Justice and Compassion; the
concept of Evil; the idea of the fundamental
schism; in-groups and out-groups; love, hatred
and violence; how various religious traditions
relate with these issues; pagan and monotheistic
religions; the concept of sprituality without
religion; and psychoanalytical theories of
violence. We will employ insights from creative
literature to evaluate ethical stances. There
will be commentaries on scriptures, their
interpretation and relation to everyday
practices; literary creativity and issues of
violence/non-violence; and analyses of texts such
as the Shrimadbhagvadgita. There will be an
analysis of the Nirguna epistomolgy with
particular focus on Kabir. The following themes
will be discussed:
1.understanding 'violence in itself'.
2.the Spiritual and the religious.
3.theologies of violence and non-violence.
4.poetry as scripture- the case of the Mahabharta.
5.poetry, ethcis and epistomology- reading Kabir.
6.violence, non-violence and exclusion in religious traditions.
7.the concept of evil.
8.poetry after Auschwitz.
Rubric 2: Aspects of twentieth century world history
Lead Instructor: Dilip Simeon
This survey aims to introduce the formative political issues of the 20th
century, with a focus on basic facts as well as perspective. It will
begin with a session on the significance of history fromthe standpoint
of human evolution. An argument will be developed, to the effect that
the crises of the 20th century represent a turning point of immense
magnitude, with serious implications for human survival. Analytical
interests will include the history of the international labour movement,
democracy and social democracy; the Great War, the new world order and
the rise of nationalism; the global impact of the Bolshevik revolution;
the emergence and significance of fascism; the Second World War, the
Cold War and its long-term effects; the Vietnam war and its impact,
the global political crisis of 1968; the origins of the Palestine/ Israel
conflict, and the history of international peace movements.
Rubric 3: Gender, Armed Conflict and Political Violence
Lead Instructors: Urvashi Butalia
This module aims to provide an understanding of
the changing nature of wars and conflicts the
world over. More specifically, it looks at the
increasingly complex ways in which the gendered
impact of violent conflict plays itself out in
the lives of men and women. It looks particularly
at women as actors, agents, victims, perpetrators
and at the many other roles that lie in between
these definitions. It examines the economic,
political, cultural and historical contexts in
which conflicts are taking place the world over,
and at the different ways, in terms of treaties,
convenants, international courts, tribunals,
peace agreements that are being used to 'settle'
conflicts. How far do these take account of the
specific needs of women? Further, it contrasts
these with the more 'informal' attempts of
women's groups to work towards peace, asking why
these go unnoticed, particularly when they are
the ones that attempt to address the long
standing impact of conflict and political
violence in people's lives.
Rubric 4: Capitalism, late capitalism and concepts of conflict..
Lead Instructor: Jairus Banaji
This rubric will engage with conflict issues
through a series of seminal texts. These are:
1) Karl Marx's Capital
2) Sartre's Critique of Dialectical Reason
3) Duncan Kennedy's Critique of Adjudication
4) Arthur Rosenberg's Fascism as a mass movement
5) Steinfeld's Coercion, Contract and Free Labor
The instructor and his guest lecturers will also examine the following:
Business and regulation in India: finance
capital in the late twentieth century; the Indian
corporate sector in perspective; liberalisation,
corporate lobbies & government/business
'partnership' in the 1990s; the theory of
'regulatory capture' (business control of
regulation) and its relevance to the SEBI code of
corporate governance and the Takeover Code;
public policy and the abstentionism of the left.
Labour standards, the WTO and women workers
Nationalism, genocide and the alternatives
Organising workers: lessons from the past, perspectives for the future
[...]
Rubric 5 : Issues in the Contemporary History of India and South Asia
Lead Instructor: Sumit Sarkar
The rubric will cover conflict issues in 20th
century India and South Asia, including
independent Indian society and polity. The
following sessions are envisaged:
The 'hardening' of identities in late-colonial and postcolonial India ..
Alternative approaches to conflict in 20th century India .
The making of Indian democracy.
Communal politics in 20th century India :
ideologies, organizations , practices .
History, textbooks, Ayodhya .
New social movements and the politics of development .
Trends in Dalit and Tribal movements in Gujarat and Western India ..
The genesis of conflict in Jammu and Kashmir .
The course of conflict in Indiaís North-East .
The struggle for democracy in Pakistan and Bangladesh .
Civil war, authoritarianism , and democratic movements in Sri Lanka and Burma
Rubric 6: Human security, Citizenship and the Law
Lead Instructor: Nandita Haksar
[...]
International human rights standard setting - problems and difficulties.
Human rights and the Indian Constitution.
Collective rights, individual citizenship and representative democracy
Rights of non-citizens, refugees, migrants
Human rights and the transformation of sovereignty
Conflict between international human rights law and international trade laws
Human rights in conflict resolution within the United Nations
Human rights and conflict resolution in India
About Aman: The Aman Public Charitable Trust was
established in 2001 to render humanitarian
assistance and training to vulnerable sections of
Indian society, regardless of caste or creed, in
particular those rendered invisible by conflict.
The ongoing spiral of tension in South Asia has
bred fear and distrust, and undermined democratic
institutions. Aman believes that society's
neglect of people marginalised by violent
conflict will have unhealthy long-term
consequences. We envisage a pro-active role for
civil society in reducing conflict and mitigating
its effects. In keeping with these aims, we have
started a programme for comprehending and
reducing conflict in India. Our sensitisation and
legal-aid programmes aim at strengthening social
institutions and resources for non-violent
conflict resolution. Our educational work (of
which this course is a part), is intended to
develop and disseminate inter-disciplinary
approaches to conflict.
The course has been made possible by grants given
to Aman by Oxfam (India) Trust and the Ford
Foundation.
Please ask for more information on the Aman Trust
and the Peace Course from our office, via e-mail,
or ordinary mail. Address correspondence to:
Hassath
c/o The Aman Trust
D- 504, Nagarjuna Apartments,
Noida Road,
New Delhi - 110096
E-mail: peacecourse at amanpanchayat.org
_____
[4]
PANEL DISCUSSION ON THE UNHEARD SCREAM
To mark the publication of The Unheard Scream:
Reproductive Health and Women's Lives in India
(Edited by Mohan Rao), Zubaan and Panos are
pleased to invite you to a panel discussion on
Monday, 2nd August 2004 at Gulmohar Hall, India
Habitat Centre at 7 p.m. [New Delhi]
The panelists are Ms.Brinda Karat of the All
India Democratic Women's Association,
Mr.A.R.Nanda, former Secretary Ministry of Health
and Family Welfare, Ms.Mrinal Pande, noted
journalist. The session will be chaired by
Ms.Kalpana Sharma from The Hindu.
The Unheard Scream: Reproductive Health and
Women's Lives in India (Edited by Mohan Rao).
Publ. by Zubaan (2004). INR. 400. Hb.
The International Conference on Population and
Development (ICPD) at Cairo brought about a
"paradigm shift" in the way population is
conceptualised. This involves going beyond
maternal health and family planning, to the
broader framework of reproductive health and
rights. How has India fared with the paradigm
shift? Is this about population control by other
means? Is it about the social roots of illness,
disease and death among women? This revelatory
collection of essays by journalists explores a
range of issues – from the quinacrine
sterilization scandal, to the rip-off that is the
assisted reproduction industry, to the declining
age of marriage among Muslim girls in Malabar.
Winners of the Panos Reproductive Health Media
Fellowship, these journalists reveal how issues
in women’s health are deeply imbricated in the
lives of Indian women.
Essays by Rajashree Dasgupta (The Telegraph),
Rupa Chinai (Times of India), Sreelatha Menon
(Indian Express), K.P.M.Basheer (The Hindu),
Dhirendra K. Jha (The Pioneer), Sandhya
Srinivasan (Issues in Medical Ethics), Geetanjali
Gangoli (School of Policy Studies, University of
Bristol), Rupa Chinai, Lyla Bavadam (Frontline),
Annu Anand (Press Institute of India), T.K.
Rajalaxmi (Frontline), Swati Bhatacharjee (Ananda
Bazar Patrika), Vasant Bhosale (Pudahri Noe), and
Manisha Bhalla (Dainik Bhaskar).
MOHAN RAO teaches at the Centre of Social
Medicine and Community Health, Jawaharlal Nehru
University, New Delhi. He is the author of
Malthusian Arithmetic: From Population Control to
Reproductive Health (forthcoming) and has edited
Disinvesting in Health: The World Bank's
Prescriptions for Health (2000).
For any further information, please contact:
Jaya Bhattacharji, Zubaan. Off: 011-26521008 and 26864497
Panos. Off: 011-24333657 (Mitu) 24333628 (Padma) and 24333134 (George).
Please join us for tea and refreshments at 6:30pm
______
[5]
Date: Wed, 28 Jul 2004 12:25:24 +0530 (IST)
From: Ram Puniyani <bmrrpia at cc.iitb.ac.in>
To: Harsh Kapoor <aiindex at mnet.fr>
Subject: Info. about Quiz competion on Communal Harmony
QUIZ COMPETITION FOR NATIONAL INTEGRATION COMMUNAL HARMONY
This competition is designed especially for higher-class students and also
for social activist and teachers. Can be in the form of Oral quiz or
written test.
Themes covered
1. Problem of Communalism
2. Myths about Minorities, Syncretic traditions
3. Freedom Struggle-Rise of Communal Politics
4. Partition tragedy, Kashmir
5. Politics of Terrorism
6. Striving for communal harmony
These are covered in the booklet
Communalism What is True-What is false
Steps for the competition
1. Training of Trainers
2. Registration for the participants in competition-nominal fee- In
this we give them a copy of the booklet
3. Trainers give an introductory talk on the theme.
4. A fortnight or so later the competition is conducted-Certificate
for all and if possible prizes to first second third winners are given.
The booklet is available in English, Hindi, Marathi, Urdu, and Gujarati.
Master Question banks available in English and Hindi.
These competitions have been held in Ranchi last year. This year plans are
on way for competitions in Mumbai and Nagpur.
______
[6]
You are invited to a two-day protest programme to
demand repeal of the Armed Forces (Special
Powers) Act
The programme includes:
A day-long Convention on 29 July at the Constitution Club, Rafi Marg.
The first session would be addressed by K.G.
Kannabiran, President PUCL, Nandita Haksar,
lawyer and activist, and Siddharth Varadarajan,
journalist.
The second session would include reports on the
operation of the AFSPA presented by a number of
organizations from the North East.
Protest Rally from Mandi House to Parliament on 30 July starting at 1 p.m.
Cultural Evening at JNU City Centre, 35 Ferozeshah Road at 6 pm on 30 July
__________________________________________
COMMITTEE FOR THE REPEAL OF THE AFSPA
DELHI
Invitation
24-07-2004
Delhi
Dear ______________________
Warm greetings!
Since the first time the Armed Forces (Specials
Powers) Act was introduced and then amended (in
1972) there have been untold miseries in the
areas where it has been promulgated. Even the
Supreme Court in India could not do more than
recommend some dos and don’ts to the Indian Army,
and upheld the power to “shoot and kill” saying;
“the Act in itself is good”. There have been
numerous campaigns against the act in the past
and many important voices have raised their
concern over the existence of this draconian act.
We write this invitation with the belief that we
have a friend in you and that you would not
hesitate to give us your valuable support in the
initiative we have undertaken.
With the change of Government in India we have
seen the political parties in power supporting
the move to repeal POTA. This is good news to all
democratic and peace loving citizens, and yet for
many in the North Eastern parts of India, Jammu &
Kashmir, and several so-called “disturbed areas”,
the scenario will remain the same. For we know
and have been experiencing an act more crushing
and draconian in nature, among other acts, than
POTA, TADA etc.
Seizing this opportune moment, some of us have
taken the initiative to more vigorously continue
the campaign for the repeal of the Armed Forces
(Special Powers) Act of 1958. Many civil
liberties, democratic rights and human rights
organizations, including academicians and well
meaning individuals, elders and leaders of the
Indian civil society responded to the call of the
Naga Peoples Movement for Human Rights, the Naga
Students’ Federation and the Naga Mothers
Association to form a coordination committee to
campaign for the repeal of the AFSPA in the month
of June this year. Accordingly, a committee
called Committee for the Repeal of the AFSPA was
formed in June in Delhi.
In keeping with the nature of the issue it was
decided to keep the committee open to all those
who believes and supports the campaign for the
repeal of the AFSPA. We take this opportunity on
behalf of the co-ordination committee to extend
our invitation to you to join us in the campaign
against the AFSPA. To begin with, we have a
convention at Delhi with special focus on the
North East and in solidarity with all other
effected areas and suppressed communities on the
29th July 2004 and a protest rally followed by a
cultural program on the 30th July 2004. The
participants will include various human rights,
civil liberty, democratic rights groups from
Delhi and elsewhere and also the North East
Region human rights organizations and traditional
bodies like the Naga Hoho etc. will also be
participating in the program.
Please write to us with your comments and
suggestions, even as we anticipate your positive
support and participation.
Thanking you,
In Solidarity,
M Kikon
Sharmila Purkayastha
Convenor, NPMHR (Delhi) Secretary, PUDR
On behalf of the Committee for the Repeal of the AFSPA
Contact address: 1497, 2nd floor, Outram Lines, Delhi-9
Contact Number: 9810304001, 27658615.
______
[7]
The Hindu, July 27, 2004, Tuesday
SANGH PARIVAR ATTACK ON POETESS CONDEMNED
By Our Special Correspondent
KOZHIKODE, JULY 26, Prominent writers have
condemned the criticism voiced by Sangh Parivar
against the poem "Oozham" authored by
Vijayalakshmi.
(The poem, which was published in Mathrubhoomi,
raises human rights issues involved in death of
Izrat Jehan Sheik in Ahmedabad in a police
encounter).
The attack on the poetess and Mathrubhoomi weekly
has been condemned in a statement issued by Mr. T
K Ramachandran, secretary of "Secular Collective"
on behalf of Kamala Suraiyya, M. Leelavathy, Sara
Joseph, Sukumar Azhikkode, K.T. Mohammed, M.N.
Vijayan, K.N. Panikker, ONV Kurup, Kadammanitta
Ramakrishnan, Sachithanandan, Vaisakhan and K.G.
Sankara Pillai.
The statement said the criticism that the poetess
was unpatriotic mirrored the ugly face of
fascism, as it had not yet been proved in court
that Izrat was a militant. It also showed fascist
forces were determined to control art and culture
even though they suffered a serious setback on
the elections and caused anxiety about the fate
of creative writers if the sangh parivar returned
to power again, the statement said.
______
[8]
India Pakistan Arms Race and Militarisation Watch Compilation # 145
(July 30, 2004) is now available
URL: groups.yahoo.com/group/IPARMW/message/156
_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/
Buzz on the perils of fundamentalist politics, on
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Asia. SACW is an independent & non-profit
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