SACW | 24 Sept. 2003 (Bangadesh; India; Terror; Temple;
censorship)
Harsh Kapoor
aiindex at mnet.fr
Wed Sep 24 02:56:18 CDT 2003
South Asia Citizens Wire | 24 September, 2003
[1] Bangladesh is being Pakistanised: Shahriar Kabir (Amitabh Shukla)
[2] The Struggle For A Pluralist Society: Lessons
from near & far (Praful Bidwai)
[3] A Game of their own: Indian and Pakistani
students set aside their differences and play a
weekly game of cricket (Pratul Thaker)
[4] Terrorism as Revenge (Ram Puniyani)
[5] Warning from Rae Bareli : V.K. Singh's
judgement should give a fillip to secularism
(Kuldip Nayar)
[6] Justice, before we move on (Pamela Philipose)
[7] Terror temple in Ayodhya: Singhal, Togadia jam in new Ram temple cassette
(Pradeep Kaushal)
[8] Mapping the Enemy: Images of Islam (Shubh Mathur)
[9] Blood on our hands (Nanditha Krishna)
[10] Upcoming public Discussion: The City, Mental
Health and Women (27 Sept, Bombay)
[11] Upcoming public meeting The Terror of POTA (25 Sept. Delhi University)
[12] Durable Disorder in the North East of India (Sanjib Baruah)
(See Also: India Pakistan Arms Race and Militarisation Watch Compilation # 137)
[13] More On The Internet Censorship Underway In
India: All Yahoo groups remain blocked
--------------
[1.]
The Hindustan Times, September 24, 2003
Bangladesh is being Pakistanised: Shahriar Kabir
Amitabh Shukla
September 23
Journalist, film-maker, writer and human rights
activist Shahriar Kabir was in India recently to
mobilise support for the South Asian Coalition
Against Communalism and Fundamentalism. In and
out of jail, Kabir spoke to Amitabh Shukla on the
conditions prevailing in his country and need for
a platform to fight fundamentalism. Excerpts from
the interview:
How strong is fundamentalism in Bangladesh?
Under the present regime, fundamentalists of all
hues have become quite strong. Global Islamic
terrorist groups have also spread their tentacles
in the country and this is disturbing for the
civil society in South Asia. Around 15 such
groups operate from Bangladesh, including the
Jaish-e-Mohammad of Maulana Azhar Masood. They
have the tacit support of the government and are
spreading the message of intolerance and violence.
What kind of support do you see for South Asian
Coalition Against Communalism and Fundamentalism?
We held the first conference of the group in
Dhaka in 2001 and the next conference will be in
Delhi in end-2003-early 2004. The support has
been from all sections, including several
politicians, journalists, activists and
intellectuals from India and neighbouring
countries. It was formed because the people who
are fighting fundamentalism do not have a
platform of their own while fundamentalist groups
are organised.
What is the condition of the Hindu minority in Bangladesh?
Their condition is deteriorating by the day. The
percentage of Hindus in Bangladesh is decreasing
due to migration. Secularism has been wiped out
from the Constitution and the extremist groups
are having a sway. The Hindus are increasingly
finding it difficult to live in the country as
the government is looking the other way and
political parties are shy of supporting their
cause.
How could this trend be reversed?
We are creating awareness in the country and
countering the propaganda of the fundamentalists.
We are getting support from various quarters. If
secularism becomes the mainstay of Bangla-deshi
polity, things would turn for the better. The
government is to blame for the growth of the
undemocratic forces.
How do the people of Bangladesh see India?
In general, the image of India is quite good.
They see it as a friend who helped the country in
the struggle for independence. However, over the
years, some flawed policy on the part of India
has distanced the two countries. Ironically,
Pakistan is now becoming closer to the ruling
groups. This happened because Bangladesh was
ruled by the military rulers for a long time and
the fundamentalists gained control. Bangladesh is
undergoing an Islamisation and Pakistanisation
at present. This is violating human rights and
the spirit of secularism.
______
[2.]
The Praful Bidwai Column
September 22, 2003
The Struggle For A Pluralist Society: Lessons from near & far
By Praful Bidwai
Britain's Conservative Party has done something
remarkably, indeed dramatically, refreshing. It
has selected Ms Sandip Verma, a 44-year-old woman
of Indian origin, to contest the next general
election from a seat that was held for a long 24
years by Enoch Powell, the notorious xenophobe,
advocate of "Little England"-style insularity and
isolation, and a fierce opponent of immigration.
Powell's infamous warning in 1968 that growing
immigration and racial tension would ultimately
turn Britain's streets into "rivers of blood" is
probably the single most obnoxious-and
best-remembered-anti-immigrant remark made by
anyone in the West. It so shocked the British
public, and even the Tories, then led by Mr
Edward Heath, that Mr Powell was sacked from
their front benches. (He ended up joining the
even more British-chauvinist Ulster Unionists
until he died five years ago.)
It is irrelevant whether Ms Verma wins or loses
from Wolverhampton Southwest. What matters is
that the Tories have followed Labour and the
Liberal Democrats in projecting a "modern"
self-image. Putting up an Indian woman whom they
describe as "a candidate of our times", and who
contrasts sharply with Powell's racist profile is
their chosen way of reflecting the multiracial
nature of today's Britain in their party's
parliamentary slate.
This is a handsome tribute to the notion of a
multicultural or pluralist Britain, which takes
pride in its ethnic diversity, its varied customs
and practices, and its ability to assimilate
different cultures, languages, modes of conduct,
or of attire and food. It is a sign of the
enormous distance the United Kingdom has
travelled since the 1970s when white-racist
Skinheads would roam its streets, and immigrants,
especially from South Asia and the West Indies,
would run for cover. Most Third World immigrants
then lived in fear-or in ghettoes. It was hard
for them to be recognised as White people's
equals. Books like Dilip Hiro's White British,
Black British document the systematic
discrimination that immigrants experienced in the
1960s and 1970s.
Things have changed greatly in Britain. But it's
not as if racism is dead or xenophobia extinct.
There is, of course, "institutionalised racism"
in state and society, including important organs
like the police, as recent official reports by
the police and the Commission on Racial Equality
confirm. There are entrenched rivalries and
occasional clashes between extreme right-wing
neo-Nazi groups like the British National Party
and immigrants of colour in certain depressed
areas too. There is Home Secretary David
Blunkett's proposal to give immigrants compulsory
lessons in British history and citizens'
rights/duties. Periodically, the media carry
deeply prejudiced stories about "asylum-seekers".
But what has changed is the content of mainstream
public discourse. It's no longer permissible to
air one's ethnic or racial prejudices or to
demand the exclusion of minority groups from
social or political life.
This has not happened overnight or because
dominant groups in British society have suddenly
become tolerant and munificent. The change is,
above all, the result of a long and bitter
struggle by the immigrants for equal rights and
for citizenship, and against racism. When the
racists would show placards saying "Go home", the
immigrants would turn around and shout: "We are
HERE because you were THERE". Later, they became
even less defensive, and took the bull by the
horns. They declared: "Our home is London (or
Birmingham or Bradford)". This was a frontal
attempt to redefine the meaning of Britishness.
As novelist Amit Chaudhuri puts it: "It was a
simple irrefutable argument. 'I'm British,' they
said, and demanded the inalienable right of the
British citizen to live in his or her own country
in peace. The 'Britishness' that was thrown at
them as a challenge became, redefined, an
extremely potent counter-reply to the racist."
This struggle had two other important components.
One was the assertion by South Asians of their
identity as working class people employed in the
post office, schools, hospitals and factories.
Their fights were hard and long. Among the most
heroic struggles was a two-year-long strike at
the Grunwick film-processing factory in northwest
London, begun in 1976, and led by a diminutive
saree-clad Indian woman, Jayaben Desai. These
struggles solidly grounded South Asian immigrants
in Britain's social reality. A second component
was solidarity with other immigrants, from Asia,
Africa and the Caribbean, in their fight for full
citizenship rights. It is through such struggles
that new bonds and new identities emerged.
That process has not occurred in the United
States, home to a much larger number of Indians.
The reason is that the bulk of American NRIs are
upper middle-class professionals, not working
people. They are not unionised; indeed most tend
to be anti-union. Being better off than the
average White American, they won't fight for
equality. American NRIs are not particularly
interested in active participatory citizenship-as
distinct from the Green Card-unlike their
second-generation British counterparts. A
majority of them are content to pursue
individualistic-and one might say, narcissistic
and even mercenary-agendas, without a collective
sense of commitment.
In Britain, the anti-racist struggle has
gradually reshaped the main political parties'
attitudes. Labour was the first to respond to it
by promoting multiculturalism within its
membership and work culture. Asians are a major
source of recent Labour victories. Labour has
created a number of Asian Lords, including
Meghnad Desai, Bhiku Parekh and Nazir Ahmed. Last
year, Ghanaian-origin Paul Boateng became
Britain's first-ever Black Cabinet Minister,
under Labour. Last year, Pakistan-born Michael
Nazir Ali, the Bishop of Rochester, narrowly
missed becoming the Archbishop of Canterbury, the
top leader of the Anglican Church worldwide. He
was nevertheless the leading contender.
The Tories have changed too. Now they officially
say they "celebrate immigration and cultural
diversity". Last year, the party dismissed MP Ann
Winterton for narrating a racist joke at a rugby
club. The "Tebbit Test" of loyalty, about which
side you cheered in an England vs India or
England vs Pakistan cricket match, has now become
a complete joke. Former Tory chairman Norman
Tebbit's remarks were roundly criticised in the
1980s too. For instance, The Observer described
them as "infinitely depressing". But today,
everyone accepts that Indians settled in Britain
will "naturally" cheer the Indian side in
cricket: you can be both politically British and
culturally Indian.
Britons of South Asian origin are now on average
better off and perform better at school than
Whites. Their cultural distinctiveness is
respected. Diwali parties have become more hip
and more important in Britain than in India.
Tandoori chicken and tikka masala have been
declared Britain's national dishes. (It must be
noted that they, like "Balti" cuisine, are not
copies of Indian originals, but have their own
identity). Stodgy Englishmen, who once used to
complain of "curry odour" from Indian kitchens,
now gorge on the very same curries. Although
Indian participation in Britain's armed forces is
minuscule, it is growing and accounts for over
five percent of new recruitment. Britain's first
state-supported Sikh school opened two years ago.
Gujarati cultural bodies receive significant
local council support.
The good news here is not that ethnic Indians
produce numerous success stories, or that
Selfridges recently hosted a Bollywood-theme
shopping festival, but rather that Britain has
become a relatively successful multicultural,
plural society. This is a healthy sign of an
inclusive, relaxed sense of nationhood. It is
particularly welcome when some people in India
are still obsessed with false debates about how
"Indian" Ms Sonia Gandhi is although she has made
this country her home for decades.
There is a larger lesson here for us. Britain's
success lies in universalising citizens' rights
and encouraging active citizenship, through
participation in public life-regardless of ethnic
origin or religious belief. Implicit here is also
a democratic concept of culture and the equality
of different traditions as regards their claims
to authenticity. It is only when the bulk of the
White British, led by the most literate and
liberal elements in the community, made a break
with belief in their cultural superiority that
British society became accommodative and open-and
less insecure and insular. Multiculturalism is a
worthy ideal to fight for. It's the best way to
tap all our people's human potential.
In India, the greatest obstacle to
multiculturalism is Hindutva and Hindu
majoritarianism, which places a premium on
Hinduness and holds Hindu culture to be superior
to all others. It holds that Hindus must prevail
by virtue of being a numerical majority. This is
a repulsively hierarchical and supremely arrogant
idea, which subverts the spirit of the
Constitution and the liberal and humane
principles underlying it. It rationalises the
exclusion of other groups as if they were
worthless. And it suppresses the fact that there
are as many divisions or fault-lines among Hindus
as, if not more than, between them and others.
Majoritarianism is profoundly undemocratic and
wantonly destructive of equality and social
cohesion. It can only breed hubris or a false
sense of pride while negating all that's valid
and valuable in India's many plural traditions.
It will arrest and reverse this society's
evolution and turn it into a cultural backwater,
an intellectual swamp, a spiritual cesspool. We
must not allow ourselves to be impoverished by
it.-end-
______
[3.]
Daily Trojan, September 23, 2003
A Game of their own: Indian and Pakistani
students set aside their differences and play a
weekly game of cricket
By PRATUL THAKER
Although tensions between Indian Muslims and
Hindus have erupted in recent years, some USC
students have found a solution to India's
conflict in their favorite pastime - cricket.
[...]
http://www.dailytrojan.com/article.do?issue=/V150/N20&id=02-game.20c.html
(This article was published in Vol. 150, No. 20
(Tuesday, September 23, 2003), beginning on page
1 and ending on page 13.)
______
[4.]
(From Meantime)
Terrorism as Revenge
Ram Puniyani
The recent bomb blasts in Mumbai (August 25, 2003)
shook the whole city. It has been a long series,
Mulund, Ghatkopar and culminating in the worst one at
Jhaveri Bazar and Cuffe Parade. The reaction to these
dastardly acts has been diverse. While the City of
Mumbai kept moving with some hiccups, the opinion and
reactions of politicians revealed a lot about their
mind set. The Shiv Sena supremo Bal Thckeray called
for the help of LTTE in tackling terrorism, while Mr.
Advani, came up with his oft repeated convenient
accusation that Pakistan is responsible for these
acts. In this simplistic explanation one can
effortlessly conceal the causes of genesis of
terrorism, which his own brand of politics has
unleashed.
In a related event the Muslims of Ahnmadabad went on
for a dayís Bandh in response to the simple leaflet,
which stated the truth that the Muslims are being
regarded as terrorists. The simple leaflet was
innocuous but the hurt psyche of Muslim community
found an expression of their anguish. They suffered
pain and sorrow not only during the carnage but their
misery continues in various forms as the ëHindu stateí
of Gujarat is on the way to fascisisation with
abolition of the citizenship rights for minorities.
The Best Bakery case has transcended all the limits of
democracy and there is nothing an average person of
minorities can look forward to for oneís rights of
living as a decent citizen.
The investigations of the Mumbai blasts have been
starkly revealing. In contrast to Advaniís attempts to
hide the real reasons of the terrorism, the truth
seems to be coming out. The Gujarat carnage, which led
to the loss of lives of around 2000 innocent victims,
which resulted in thousands families being rendered
homeless, which witnessed the violation of the being
of hundreds of women and on the top of that which saw
the child in motherís womb being subject to brutality,
did result in the anger which has taken illogical
directions. One understands the existence of Gujarat
Muslim Revenge group, one is shocked to learn that
many a Muslim youth battered by the inhumanity
perpetrated on their community have been recruited in
large numbers by the existing terrorist outfits.
Just a decade ago the Mumbai riots in the wake of
Babri demolition had seen the bloodshed, which was
coordinated by Bal Thackeray, a close ally of Advani
and Co. During the bloodshed it became clear that the
victims are mainly from the minority community,
despite Congress rule the then Chief Minister of
Maharashtra surrendered to Thavkeray (incidentally he
later joined Thackerayís party also) and let the Shiv
Sena goons go on rampage. This one sided cruelty kept
going on and on. Than one bad afternoon a series of
bombs exploded killing a large number of innocents.
And it seems that after this incident the simmering
violence took some respite.
During the Gujarat genocide many a perceptive
commentators did point out that this violence will
also give birth to terrorists. Of hundred of youth who
see their kith being killed for the only crime of
being a Muslim at least a couple may take this insane
path. Of the hundred of young children who saw their
sisters and mothers being molested some may grow to be
the terrorists, goes without saying. In Mumbai blasts
the new feature is involvement of women, in the
blasts. One knows that when millions of Palestinians
were exiled due to the by the highhanded tactics of
Israel duly supported by United States. The terrorism
sprung up. And one name, which sticks in the memory,
is that of Liala Khalid, a young Muslim girl who took
to this insane path. One also recalls a girl named
Dhanu, a part of LTTE set up, who blew up Rajiv Gandhi
for his supporting the Sri Lankan govt. in restraining
the LTTE.
So who is responsible for the genesis of terrorism? Is
terrorism a religious phenomenon? Is it due to the
members of a single community? How come some people
come to take the steps, which surely are suicidal for
them? Terrorism is basically a political phenomenon.
People belonging to different religious communities
have resorted to it. The prerequisite of this is of
course an intense injustice perpetrated by the
dominant group. Be it Israel, or Sinhala ethnic
politics or the sense of alienation felt by the people
in Kashmir or North East. The sustaing factor for this
phenomenon is the abuse of democratic norms. Terrorism
is an act of extreme desperation where the victims do
not see any light at the end of the tunnel. One
remembers the plight of Kashmiri Pundits at this
point. Comparing the miseries of Kashmiri Pundits with
Palestinian refugees will not be fair. Both are
sipping their own cups of woes and these are not of
the same quality or quantity. The three major points
due to which Islam and Muslims are demonized are
scattered all over. The problem of Palestine is the
major one. It is a mere coincidence that the regions,
which are rich in oil wealth, also happen to be the
regions where followers of Islam are more. These are
also the areas where American Imperialism wants to
control the oil wealth and prop up despotic rulers in
these countries who have nothing whatsoever do with
democracy. The issue of Kashmir has been a matter of
great anguish for the country at large. The initial
policies due to which the dictum of Do Pradhan Do
Vidhan (Two Prime Ministers-Two Constitutions) was
violated resulted in the alienation of large sections
of Kashmiri youth, making them fertile ground for
terrorist ideas and actions.
The rise of Hidnutva, the communal violence has again
resulted in the violence in which Minorities are the
big victims. The lack of justice mechanism, the
failure to implement the inquiry committee reports and
the communalization of civic society has given a deep
sense of hurt to the Muslim minorities. The
demonization of minorities is by now complete due to
the continuous efforts of RSS and its progeny. the
doctoring of mass consciousness has gone to the extent
that average person has come to believe that Islam is
the religion, which promotes violence, and that
Muslims are devils incarnate.
In a way the Islam worldwide is demonized in pursuit
of the Imperialist ambitions of US, more so after the
demise of Soviet Union. Islam has been projected to be
the backward religion. This has been backed up by the
ideologues of Imperialism like Samuel Huntington who
see the present obstacles to Americaís ambitions to
control the worldís oil wealth as a clash between the
advanced Western civilization and the backward Islamic
civilization. Can any civilization be totally dictated
by religion in the current times? What is the
similarity between the civilization of an Islamic
country like Indonesia and Saudi Arabia? What is
common between the Muslim population of Japan or US
and the believers in the cult of Osama bin Laden?
Kashmir is another sore point but it is hardly an
issue related to Islam or for that matters to the
Indian Muslims. Hindutva surely has made great strides
and the original proclamation of the RSS
Sarsanghchalak that Muslim and Christians donít
deserve even the citizenís rights is being implemented
by the saffron eyed boy of Sangh Parivar, Narendra
Modi, with great admiration from the top rulers of the
country as a whole.
So what is primary-does terrorism give rise to
Israel-US policies or US-Israel atrocities result in
Osama bin Laden and his clan? Has Kashmir terrorism
its roots in Islam or in the unresolved Indo-Pakistani
relations and using the people of Kashmir as the
hostages to two supra-nationalisms of Pakistan and
India, is the cause of problem in the valley? Does
terrorism give rise to Gujarat carnage or Gujarat
carnage gives rise to Gujarat Muslim Revenge Group? In
this case theyíre an interesting twist. Mr. Modi will
like us to believe that Godhra ëterrorismí gave rise
to Gujarat carnage. A deeper analysis will show that
Godhra was projected as the terrorist offense to
legitimize in advance the carnage which was planned
much in advance. The Hidnutva and for that matter all
narrow nationalisms do create an enemy to ensure that
their planned actions are projected as revenges to the
original acts. And thatís where the evil genius of Bal
Thackeray and Modi comes in handy to implement the
anti-minority pogroms.
Today the reality has been inverted fully. The causes
remain hidden, subtly glorified, presented as the
solution of their own effects. The victim being
projected as the culprit is the key of those
perpetrating the cult of violence for their narrow
goals of power, social privileges and accompanying
hegemony?
______
[5.]
The Indian Express, September 23, 2003
Warning from Rae Bareli
V.K. Singh's judgement should give a fillip to secularism
Kuldip Nayar
The right or wrong of an action is all that
morality is. It is how you perceive it. Human
Resource Development Minister Murli Manohar Joshi
felt that the right thing for him to do was to
quit if the special court at Rae Bareli decided
in favour of framing charges against him. True to
his word, he did so when the judge chargesheeted
him for his involvement in the demolition of the
Babri masjid. But then came his party to his
rescue. As if it has the power to determine the
dividing line between right and wrong, moral and
immoral, the BJP put pressure on him to take back
his resignation because there was no legal
compulsion for him to do so.
Of course, there was none. When he said he would
go, it was even before the judgement was
delivered. It was a tug of conscience. He vowed
to do what any normal person occupying a high
position should do. Joshi should, in fact, have
sent his resignation straight to the president of
India after the court ruling and gone home. This
was what Lal Bahadur Shastri did once, when he
had resigned as the country's railway minister.
The then prime minister, Jawaharlal Nehru, when
he looked for him was told that Shastri had left
for his home town, Allahabad.
It's strange, therefore, that Joshi should appear
to be open to entertaining the request by Prime
Minister Atal Bihari Vajpayee or Party President
Venkaiah Naidu that he should stay on; it's as if
he wants them to prevail upon him to take back
his resignation. Really speaking, Joshi should
have resigned soon after the CBI had filed a case
against him. How does he compensate for the five
years he has continued to stay in office and
given decisions which he was not justified to
make? The matter is no more in the domain of
moral obligation. It has entered the domain of
crime because the judge has asked the CBI to
frame charges by October 10.
Why Deputy Prime Minister L.K. Advani has been
let off is, of course, a matter of great
conjecture. As he has said himself, he is
clueless about why this has happened. The judge's
argument is that charges against Advani could not
be sustained because of conflicting viewpoints by
witnesses. Moreover, the CBI is, however, yet to
explain why it withdrew the 'conspiracy' charges.
Still, it has done a commendable job despite the
handicaps it has faced in being a wing of the
government. Recent developments only strengthen
the case that the CBI should enjoy the same
autonomy as the Election Commission does. The CBI
should be made to report to Parliament directly.
The Babri masjid was not demolished on December
6, 1992. The process of demolition began many
months earlier when Advani started the rath yatra
from the Somnath temple to Ayodhya in late-1990.
He created an atmosphere which made the masjid's
demolition inevitable. Whether he urged the crowd
to demolish the masjid at Ayodhya on December 6,
or did not do so, is irrelevant.
Having always had an eye to communal politics,
Advani had criticised the "perverse secularism"
that ran down the movement to build a Hindu
temple on the site. Conceiving of ways to deepen
the Hindu-Muslim divide is no movement. As many
as 2,000 people were killed. It was a diabolical
plan to hit at India's ethos of pluralism. Advani
still compares the rath yatra to Mahatma Gandhi's
Dandi salt march. Whenever he repeated this in
the Rajya Sabha, I would say: "This is like
comparing the ridiculous with the sublime".
Advani should have risen above communal biases
after becoming India's home minister. But he did
not. How can he be timber for the prime
ministership then?
Sessions Judge V.K. Singh of Rae Bareli deserves
congratulations. His judgement may not be as
epoch-making as R.K. Sinha's was when he unseated
Indira Gandhi on a poll offence. Yet V.K. Singh's
judgement may give birth to a new fervour in the
country to save secularism from the growing
onslaught of the comunalists. Just as the
emergency had awakened people to the ills of
authoritarianism and made them fight for
democracy, this judgement may make the Hindu
intelligentsia in India and abroad sit up and
take note of the fundamentalism that has
contaminated the top leaders in the BJP, the
party which many NRIs based in America and Great
Britain are today supporting and financing. If
they have not been woken up by Gujarat, which has
besmirched our reputation as a tolerant country
all over the world, the judgement at Rae Bareli
should serve as a warning bell.
Like the Congress Party which "organised" crowds
to run down the judgement of Sinha against Indira
Gandhi, the BJP is whipping up criticism on the
V.K. Singh judgement. Party leaders are in fact
making most irresponsible observations. For
instance, Party President Naidu has said that
"the case involved political persecution, not
moral turpitude". By saying so, he does not
change the gravity of the ruling. What is true is
that the BJP reaped a political harvest by
demolishing the masjid and misleading thousands
of gullible Hindus. The identity of those who
were persecuted, politically and socially, is no
secret. They were not Hindus.
It is a pity that the Sangh Parivar will use the
judgement as grist to its propaganda mill, making
the atmosphere even more polluted and communal.
There is already a call for an agitation over
building the mandir slated for October 15. The
BJP has no agenda other than the mandir or its
fallout in the shape of Hindu-Muslim tension. The
scenario, then, for the next 12 months - with
state assembly elections in some states followed
by the Lok Sabha elections - is dismal. It looks
as if the nation is in for more tribulations.
That it should happen when the economy is doing
well and needs peace and stability to grow, makes
the situation even more tragic.
______
[6.]
Indian Express, September 24, 2003
Justice, before we move on
Or why our Constitution gives the promise of justice top billing
PAMELA PHILIPOSE
: Cancun conqueror, Union Law Minister Arun
Jaitley, seized the moment with characteristic
legal panache. Dismissing the charges made
against Union HRD Minister Murli Manohar Joshi
and six others by the Rae Bareli court, he
pronounced that it was "only a case of an
unlawful assembly and Section 153 and not a case
of moral turpitude or corruption".
He makes the crimes committed by the sangh
parivar's Seven Samurai - the Eighth having
ridden into the sunset to the music of the
spheres after having escaped the noose of the law
for now - sound like minor traffic offences.
Jaitley is, of course, entitled to his point of
view but perhaps he should be reminded that this
case of "unlawful assembly" is not about a group
of picnickers raising anti-social slogans. It was
the end result of years of hate politics that
caused deep social fissures.
This "unlawful assembly" did not just bring down
an old mosque, it caused the deaths of some 1,000
people, forced 2 lakh to flee their homes,
resulted in the destruction of 10,000 homes and
led to a loss of over Rs 1,700 crore in terms of
economic activity, as the Mumbai-based Urban
Development Institute has documented. As for the
damage done to India's secular democracy, that
would be impossible to compute because we
continue to pay the price for it to this day.
Perhaps Jaitley would like us to forget all this
and move on. Mass amnesia is useful for two
reasons. Not only does it blunt the shards of
public shock, anger and despair, it makes
individual culpability so much fuzzier.
Incidentally, Jaitley's good friend, Gujarat
Chief Minister Narendra Modi, also wants his
state to move on, make lots of money and become
"vibrant" once again. The Shiv Sena-BJP
government made a similar plea when it scuttled
the Srikrishna Commission on the Mumbai
riots/blasts in 1996: Hindus and Muslims are
living in peace and the Commission is only
reopening old wounds, so let's wind it up and get
on with life, it argued.
Interestingly, the "let's move on" school of
thought hinges its argument on the inevitability
of pogroms and riots, ending up ultimately in
justifying them. Shiv Sena henchman and
riot-accused, Madhukar Sarpotdar, argued before
the Srikrishna Commission that "the killing of
innocents in a remote area in retaliation for the
killing of innocents elsewhere was justified and
natural".
It was the same logic Narendra Modi had advanced
last March, even as the killings in his state
went on apace. Then there is that quotable quote
from Rajiv Gandhi, with regard to the anti-Sikh
riots that followed his mother's death: When a
big tree falls there are bound to be some tremors.
In other words, so what if 2,733 people got
killed? Let's move on. There would be many who
find the "let's move on" line of reasoning
compelling, even if they find riots in themselves
appalling. What has happened, has happened, they
will say. Now that there is peace, let's forget
the past and move on, because there are so many
important things to do. Memory is, indeed, an
encumbrance in this "distracted globe".
But there are crucial reasons why the law should
take its course, why the judicial process must
not become a casualty of politics or executive
will. For one, it plays a pivotal role in a
democracy.
The late American philosopher John Rawls in his
work entitled, A Theory of Justice, believed that
a shared conception of justice and equality was
the basis of social cooperation. It would be
impossible, he argued, for people from diverse
backgrounds and with different aims and purposes,
to exist together in a society if they were not
endowed with "two moral powers" - the capacity
for a sense of "justice" and an idea of the
"good".
These together make "fair cooperation" within
society possible. Rawls considers a "well-ordered
society" as one that is not only designed to
advance the good of its members but one that is
regulated by a public conception of justice. This
conception of justice goes beyond individuals to
inform the working of social institutions.
The framers of the Indian Constitution may not
have read Rawls, but they nevertheless gave
justice top billing. Justice - "social, economic
and political" - was the first promise made to
the citizens of this country in the Preamble to
the Constitution.
Animating that promise has become Indian
democracy's single biggest challenge. The Sixth
Report of the National Police Commission
recognised the enormity of the task: "Once the
law-abiding citizen doubts the capability of the
law to protect him, he is likely to seek other
avenues for protection and thus a person who
should
normally be a counter rioter is pushed by
injudicious action into the very vortex of the
riot... The investigation and successful
prosecution of a crime prevents further crimes
and discourages potential criminals. It also
restores the confidence of the people in the rule
of law."
The abyss stares us in the face. Every time, a
minister of law undermines a judicial verdict and
defends a guilty party colleague, every time the
counsel of a state government justifies its
failure to deliver justice, we come closer to
that abyss.
Some ten days ago, the counsel for the Gujarat
state government actually argued before the
Supreme Court that what happened in the Best
Bakery Case should cause no surprise given the
"shortcomings" in India's criminal justice system
which have resulted in rioters being let off the
hook over the last 40 years.
Fortunately, Chief Justice V.N. Khare was quick
to catch the drift of his argument. "Do you mean
to say the rioters in Gujarat should also be
acquitted?" he asked. That was exactly what the
counsel had meant but the chief justice would, of
course, have none of it. As he reminded the
unfortunate man: "You have to protect the people
and punish the guilty. What else is rajdharma?
You quit if you cannot prosecute the guilty."
In this season of judicial interventions
involving a whole battery of communal crimes,
whether it is the Supreme Court's observations in
the Best Bakery Case, or the Khurda district
court's sentencing of Dara Singh and his
accomplices in the killing of Graham Staines and
his two sons, or indeed the Rae Bareli verdict on
Ayodhya, it would be useful to reiterate a basic
principle. That in a democracy, justice is
non-negotiable.
______
[7.]
The Indian Express, September 23, 2003
Best way to tackle terror is to build temple: Sangh's new Ayodhya line
Singhal, Togadia jam in new Ram temple cassette
Pradeep Kaushal
New Delhi, September 22: What was so far off the
record is now on tape and a folder set to be
distributed across the country: the Sangh Parivar
has linked the fight against terror with the
construction of the Ram temple.
It has said that the only way to fight terrorism
is to build a temple in Ayodhya. For, that would
be a tribute to Ram who annihilated ''Aatankvadi
Ravan,'' (Ravan, the terrorist).
This forms the key theme of the VHP's current
temple campaign-openly supported by both the RSS
and the BJP-as it builds up towards the Ayodhya
march on October 15.
This theme is packaged in an audio cassette of
songs and speeches, a 4-page leaflet, a sampark
sutra (a thread to be tied to the wrist) and the
soil of Ramjanmabhoomi called Ayodhya ki
rajj-meant to adorn the foreheads of those who
vow to join in.
VHP leaders say they have targeted 2 crore people
to receive this package. Already, VHP campaigners
have fanned out in villages and towns to enlist
supporters for the march.
The cassette contains speeches of VHP working
president Ashok Singhal and general secretary
Pravin Togadia, a speech by Swami Satyamitranand
Giri of Bharat Mata Mandir and a song written
specifically for the campaign. In true spirit of
the temple-terror blend, part-A of the cassette
has Singhal's discourse on the temple, while
Togadia holds forth on Islamic terrorism in
part-B.
The speech by the Swami and the song are the same
on both sides. The campaigners can play whichever
side they wish to suit a particular locality and
audience. Singhal is his familiar self: calling
for mass mobilisation to build the temple;
arguing against a court settlement.
Togadia, who has traditionally kept a low profile
on the Ayodhya issue, minces few words on the
tape: ''Do you want to be bombed with your child
in your home while you are asleep? Do you want
AK-47 bullets instead of prasad when you go to a
temple? Do you want your bodies to reach
hospitals when you go to a railway station to
catch a train?''
He says thanks to ''Islamic jehad, Gandhari's
Gandhar is Afghanistan of one-eyed Mullah Omar,''
and ''Hindus are as unsafe in India today as in
Aurangzeb's rule.''
There is a call from Togadia to Hindus to fight
''secularists and Tableegh activists.'' He gives
them tips to identify Tableegh activists. ''They
would be wearing their elder brother's kurtas,
reaching up to their feet, and younger brothers'
pyjamas.''
If Togadia is there for his hate speech, Giri has
been fielded for a more sophisticated task: to
take a swipe at BJP. He says: ''Those who had
awakened the Hindus and has said that if they
win, they will protect Sanskrit, impose a ban on
cow-slaughter, build a Ram temple and remove the
blots on Kashi and Mathura, seem to be drifting
away from us.''
He goes on to say that ''some of our own revered
great men are being influenced by power and
individual gains.'' He calls for a mass
mobilisation for the cause of the Ram temple and
underlines that ''gau (cow), Ganga and gayatri
(hymn) are our sources of inspiration.''
The chorus is just appropriate: Utho Jawano bela
aayi mandir ke nirman ki, Awadhpuri ko chalna hai
ab baazi hai samman ki.
The VHP has divided the country into 8,000 blocks
for the campaign. It has made a special effort to
rope in all shades of sadhus and ascetics in the
drive. They plan to step up the campaign from
October 6 when 85 groups of sadhus will cover 100
villages each in districts adjacent to Ayodhya in
a span of seven days.
______
[8.]
The Economic and Political Weekly, September 13, 2003
Commentary
Mapping the Enemy
Images of Islam
The images of Islam which inform the RSS and its
carefully nurtured and directed hatred are not
limited to the Hindu right alone but are found in
popular and academic discourses both in India and
the west. They bear little relation to the
reality of Islam as lived by Muslims in India and
around the world where faithful adherence to the
tradition coexists with tolerance of other
faiths. But this reality exists outside the
Orientalist grids which inform our understanding
of Islam.
Shubh Mathur
[Full text of the above article is available to
all interested. Should your require a copy sen a
request to <aiindex at mnet.fr>
______
[9.]
newindexpress, September 21, 2003
Blood on our hands
Nanditha Krishna
The Tamil Nadu Animal and Bird Sacrifices
Prohibition Act of 1950 clearly prohibits
sacrifice in temples, as do similar laws in many
other states. The State Government wants to
enforce the prohibition - and rightly so. The
response has been shocking. One section of the
media has opposed the government directive
because they oppose Chief Minister Jayalalithaa.
The opportunistic communists have come out in
support of animal sacrifice - whatever happened
to Marxist rationalism and atheism? Someone else
has filed a PIL. A former minister, also a
well-known lawyer, has objected. Do we really
want to go back to our primitive past?
Blood sacrifice was common to all ancient
cultures and religions. Ancient Hindus and Jews
did it; Muslims continue to do it (during Id).
There are scenes of human and animal sacrifice on
Harappan seals. The first to speak out against
bloody sacrifices were the rishis of the
Upanishads. The chief message of the Buddha and
Mahavira was to stop the killing of innocent
animals. In time, the sacrifice of people and
animals came to be regarded as primitive and
cruel. Interestingly, scenes of animal sacrifice
are rare in classical temple sculpture or
painting.
Till the 20th century, human beings - especially
the unwanted girl child - were regularly
sacrificed in India. Education resulted in a
public outcry against the practice and the
government responded by banning human sacrifice,
although we still hear of occasional lapses. But
mere banning is never sufficient, and any change
in attitude and action owes much to individuals
such as the late Krishna Iyer in Tamil Nadu and
Peela Ramakrishna in Andhra Pradesh. The former
went around persuading people to "break" a
pumpkin instead of killing an animal or bird. The
latter took the police to the remotest villages
to stop sacrifices. Such was the commitment of
these men.
Animal sacrifice is particularly brutal.
Buffaloes, goat and roosters are queued up as in
a slaughterhouse, crying as they watch the others
die and await their turn. Blood flows everywhere.
Sometimes the worshippers anoint themselves with
it; most times, they drink it even as it flows
out. After the sacrifice, the priest may garland
himself with the entrails. After beheading the
buffalo, the chopped-off legs may be placed in
its mouth, the fat spread over its eyes. The
worst form of sacrifice is live impalement. It is
altogether too gory. Is this what the Gods want?
Blood sacrifice was regarded as magic, a tool to
propitiate or please a god, to fulfil a vow and
as a sacrament. The animal (and, formerly,
person) could be a scapegoat for human sins or
inexplicable natural phenomena, or a vehicle to
carry away the collected demons or ills of an
entire community. It seems very unfair that a
little goat or a peaceful buffalo should be made
responsible for events beyond their comprehension
or control. Ancient peoples performed sacrifices
to control negative forces, particularly disease,
in the belief that any blood would satisfy the
bloodthirsty spirit. The animal was sacrificed to
"save" a human life. Today, medicine performs the
task more efficiently.
Animal sacrifices continue in villages all over
India. The beginning of the planting season and
Navaratri are particularly bad periods, when
large numbers of animals, particularly buffaloes,
are killed to propitiate local goddesses and thus
ensure fertility. In the Himalayan states and the
East, animals are sold by weight to be sacrificed
to Devi during Navaratri, to re-enact the killing
of the buffalo-demon Mahisha. The confrontation
between the Goddess and the buffalo goes back to
a totemic period when the worshippers of the
former defeated the worshippers of the latter.
Unfortunately the memory of that confrontation
lives on in the brutality of buffalo sacrifice.
There is a distinct gender bias in sacrifice. The
male god - generally an aspect of Shiva or Vishnu
- is regarded as benign and peaceful, an austere
yogi or a benevolent provider. The female - a
form of Shakti - is blood-thirsty, violent and
cruel. She may be Kali, with sharp, protruding
canine teeth, or Mari, the smallpox goddess, or
anyone else. Every village in South and Eastern
India, has bloodthirsty village goddesses who
reinforce the myth of the wicked witch, always a
woman. The former is controlled by blood, the
latter by society.
Women are potentially evil, according to this
belief, and must be kept under control. They are
drinkers of blood and consumers of human and
animal flesh, and any insufficiency in their
propitiation will, it is believed, invite their
wrath and inflame their cruel natures. The Sapta
Matrikas (seven mothers/sisters/virgins), the
various forms of Kali and Mari and all village
goddesses have a longing for blood and a
reputation for cruelty. Their images are ugly and
frightening, both in appearance and behaviour.
What an awful image of women, which is ingrained
in the Indian psyche! Surely the mother who
procreates and nurtures deserves a better
reputation? While the temples to the male Gods
are beautiful, majestic buildings that inspire
awe and serenity, Devi temples are small, dark
and dingy, situated outside the city in a sacred
grove that is the haunt of dead spirits. Thus
supporting animal sacrifice is supporting both
gender inequity and perpetuating myths about the
evil that is woman. Male spirits who demand
sacrifice are generally the Goddess' lieutenants,
who have developed a taste for blood. This image
was created to justify the suppression of women.
Another little-known aspect is economic. Animal
sacrifices are promoted by moneylenders, who
freely give loans for the occasion and thus get
illiterate villagers into their clutches. The
wielders of the knife are often butchers who
officiate as priests and charge for their
services. The cost of a buffalo runs into
thousands, a goat, sheep or rooster into
hundreds. Add the cost of the feast and the
poojari's fees, and the result is a hole in the
pocket. There is a mafia that benefits from the
conduct of animal sacrifices, which keeps the
lower strata in permanent bondage. This becomes a
vicious cycle. The animal sacrifices purport to
improve their situation. But they tie the
votaries, who generally belong to the lowest
classes and castes, in economic chains, where
they remain forever. Obviously, the gods are not
pleased.
Sacrifice means giving up something precious to
oneself. Thus Abraham was asked by God to
sacrifice his son, while Shunahshepas offered
himself to be sacrificed. Buying and killing an
innocent animal does not fit the bill. The
sacrifice probably originated among totemic
tribes who sacrificed the animal totem to acquire
its strength or wisdom. Conquering tribes would
sacrifice the animal totem of the defeated tribe
to signify victory. In the choice of the buffalo
to be killed, there is an obvious racial message:
that the dark-coloured, slothful and ugly animal
deserves to die.
Animal sacrifice is cruel, disgusting and
primitive. Bloody sacrifices brutalise the
viewer, confusing the distinction between right
and wrong. If one man supports animal sacrifice,
another will support human sacrifice, the killing
of children and sati. How can any of these be
permitted in a civilised society? All cultures
and religions evolve, discarding ugly practices.
Over the years, we have learned to identify and
repudiate negative aspects of Hinduism, such as
sati and the caste system. Animal sacrifice is
another cruelty that must be rejected and
discarded. It is surprising to hear educated
people talk of "customary practice". Religion
should be value-based and ennobling. Sacrifice is
neither: It is cruel and disgusting. We need to
rise above petty political differences to support
the implementation of a good law.
The author can be contacted at nankrishna at vsnl.com
______
[10.]
"The City, Mental Health and Women"
A Discussion organised by Akshara, Womens'
Resource Centre and PUKAR (Partners for Urban
Knowledge, Action and Research).
Participants: Bhargavi Daavar-BapuTrust,Pune. Aparna Sathe-Aarohi,Mumbai.
Date- Saturday, 27th September 2003 Time- 2 p.m. to 5 p.m.
Venue- Akshara Womens' Resource Centre,
2nd Floor, Gokhale Road Municipal School,
Near Oriental Bank of Commerce, Gokhale
Road, Dadar (W), Mumbai 28 Phone-24309676
The talks and discussion will take place in Marathi and Hindi
There is an increasing visibility of issues
related to psychology and mental health in the
media and other fora, in Indian cities. This has
somewhat alleviated the stigma that used to be
associated with seeking help or counseling for
psychological problems. However, even this is
restricted to small pockets of awareness. Mental
health largely continues to be neglected and is
rarely recognized as an integral part of holistic
health. A fact particularly true in relation to
women, who are, in certain cultural contexts,
often conditioned to hold their own well being in
low esteem. Gender discrimination in various ways
combined with the stresses of urban living allows
for the emergence of particular kinds of mental
health problems for women. However, apart from a
few small areas of affluence these are largely
un-noticed until they manifest themselves in
visible symptoms.
This discussion addresses issues related to
gender and mental health in the context of the
city, exploring spaces for professional help,
support groups and coping skills.
______
[11.]
In solidarity with the current campaign by the
Delhi University Teachers in Defence of S. A.
Geelani (See : the webpage
<www.mnet.fr/aiindex/new/indefenceofJilani092003.html),
The Delhi University Forum for Democracy has convened a public meeting
THE TERROR OF POTA
At Room no.22, Arts Faculty, Delhi University
campus, on 25 September at 2.00 P.M.
The speakers are:
ARUNDHATI ROY, GAUTAM NAVLAKHA, NANDITA HAKSAR,
PRABHAT PATNAIK and UJWAL K. SINGH
A range of issues from the trial of Geelani, the
use of POTA in Gujrat, to the nature of
democracy, and use of terror in the current world
order will be discussed.
A statement from PROF. NOAM CHOMSKY in support of
the current campaign by Delhi University Teachers
in Defence of S. A. R. Gilani will also be read
out at the meeting.
Javed Malik
Svati Joshi
CONVENORS
_____
[12.]
The Telegraph (Kolkata) September 22 2003.
DURABLE DISORDER
Sanjib Baruah
In the absence of a sovereign authority, the
people of the Northeast form ethnic militias to
provide for their own security through self-help,
argues Sanjib Baruah
Sanjib Baruah is senior fellow, Omeo Kumar Das
Institute of Social Change and Development,
Guwahati
In the Northeast, it might seem that any
determined young man of one of the numerous
ethnic groups of the region could proclaim the
birth of a new militia, raise funds to buy
weapons or procure them by aligning with another
militia and quickly become an important political
player. According to last yearís count by the
Institute of Conflict Management, Manipur tops
the list of militias with 35, Assam is second
with 34 and Tripura has 30, Nagaland has 4 and
Meghalaya checks in with 3 militias. While there
are no militias in Arunachal Pradesh and Mizoram
on this list, these states are not free from
militancy originating elsewhere.
[Full Text @ : www.telegraphindia.com/1030922/asp/opinion/story_2374744.asp ]
o o o
[See Also the latest issue of:
India Pakistan Arms Race and Militarisation Watch Compilation # 137
(24 September 2003)
URL: groups.yahoo.com/group/IPARMW/message/148 ]
_____
[13]
MORE ON THE INTERNET CENSORSHIP UNDERWAY IN
INDIA: Access to ALL yahoo groups have been
blocked to internet users in India. (SACW readers
confirm that SACW and related list arcives are
not currently accessible in India. All wishing to
consult the archives on yahoo groups are invited
to browse via www.anonymizer.com....
Newindpress, September 24, 2003
Yahoo refuses to remove anti-India content, site blocked
This is the first time a website has been blocked under Cert-IN since it came
into being in July this year. Representatives of Yahoo in India had been
http://www.newindpress.com/Newsitems.asp?ID=IEH20030923005101&Title=Top+Stories&rLink=0
o o o
Editorial, Hindustan Times, September 24, 2003
No net gain for Big Brother
http://www.hindustantimes.com/news/181_387920,0012.htm
o o o
News Today, September 24, 2003
Yahoo Groups continue to be blocked
http://newstodaynet.com/23sep/ld1.htm
o o o
Rediff, September 24, 2003
Government bans Yahoo! group
http://www.rediff.com/netguide/2003/sep/23yahoo.htm
o o o
Business Line, India - 19 Sep 2003
Govt issues orders to ISPs - ` Block separatist outfit's e - ...
http://www.thehindubusinessline.com/2003/09/20/stories/2003092002890100.htm
o o o
Business Standard, India - 26 Aug 2003
IT and political parties - a clash of cultures
http://www.business-standard.com/ice/story.asp?Menu=8&story=21575
_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/
Buzz on the perils of fundamentalist politics, on
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Asia. SACW is an independent & non-profit
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