SACW | 22 July, 2003
Harsh Kapoor
aiindex at mnet.fr
Tue Jul 22 01:57:49 CDT 2003
South Asia Citizens Wire | 22 July, 2003
[1.] Sri Lanka: New Twists in East's Continuing Tragedy (University
Teachers for Human Rights -Jaffna)
[2.] Bangladesh: Attacks by fundamentalists on ethnic and religious minorities
[3.] India: June-July 2003 issue of Communalism Combat
[4.] Israel and India: Golwalkar, Savarkar ... and Jews (Zahir Janmohamed)
[5.] India: Andhra Pradesh: A rationalist's advice to Pushkaram pilgrims
[6.] Book review: Shared culture and its enemies (Dr Mubarak Ali)
[7.] Call for Papers - Special Issue of Patterns of Prejudice on
Religion and Extremism
[8.] Pakistan: Interview with Nadia Jamil and Ayesha Alam "So what
if you are in control of your own sexual pleasure?"
[9.] Diaspora: Call for Submissions - Saheli's Anthology Project on
South Asian American Women
--------------
[1.]
Sri Lanka : University Teachers for Human Rights (Jaffna)
UTHR(J)*
Date of Release: 20th July 2003
UTHR(J) Up Date :
New Twists in East's Continuing Tragedy
The LTTE's campaign of violence against its critics has driven many
Tamil political activists from their homes. Since P. Alahathurai, the
EPRLF (V)'s Porativu Local Council chairman, was abducted and killed
by the LTTE last December, a number of other local councillors
opposed to the LTTE have met a similar fate. As the danger became
clear, many families of political activists fled to the precincts of
Batticaloa to live close to security forces camps hoping this would
provide some safety. But even in such areas the LTTE has acted with
impunity. Those individuals under most direct threat left their
families and moved to party offices, which had police protection, and
visited their homes for short intervals. But this too turned out to
be hazardous, as was the case for Ponniah Ramachandran of the EPDP,
who was gunned down while returning to his Batticaloa office on 15th
June 2003.
As in Ponniah Ramachandran's case, PLOTE local councillor Vairamuthu
Meganathan (32) was gunned down by the LTTE while going home from his
party office in Pudur, off Batticaloa, on 4th July. He died while
being taken to Batticaloa Hospital. The following day on the way to
the cremation grounds, the relatives took Meganathan's body to the
Sri Lanka Monitoring Mission (SLMM) office and demanded assurances
from them that such attacks on opposition parties would be stopped.
The SLMM refused, saying that it is a matter for the Police. When the
SSP Police arrived, they asked him for an assurance that they would
act to stop these killings and would further launch a full
investigation into all cases of political abduction and murder. The
SSP gave some partial assurances. A news report a few days later said
that the SLMM office has been given police protection against further
protests!
In this context, where killings of the LTTE's Tamil political
opponents are occurring regularly (almost daily for several weeks in
June 2003) and they receive little or no active investigation by the
Police or the SLMM, the task of identifying perpetrators is left to
the community itself, and justice is unlikely to be served.
Eventually, as embattled as they are, the LTTE's opponents may start
fighting back.
On 11 July, Vellupillai Paraneetharan, a young member of the LTTE was
shot dead, again in Pudur. It is suspected that he was killed by a
member of PLOTE, although first indications were that he was punished
by the LTTE itself for misbehavior.
According to sources in the area, Paraneetharan, though an active
member of the LTTE using the freedom under the MoU to the full, also
had problems with his group. These included, reportedly, misbehaviour
with a female recruit, suspicion that he had divulged sensitive
information under recent police custody and embezzling money extorted
for the group. These sources also said that Paraneetharan had been
taken to the Tharavai LTTE base and questioned two weeks earlier.
These gave rise to the suspicion that it was an inside job.
Notable among Paraneethanran's recent activities was aiding the
killers of Navasooriyan of Military Intelligence on 19th May, who,
after being pointed out by Paraneetharan while having a haircut in a
Batticaloa saloon, was shot by two gun men. The latter escaped
reportedly leaving the weapon with Paraneetharan. The following day
Paraneetharan was involved in an attempt to abduct the 12-year-old
son of the deceased for their army. The attempt was foiled by
relatives who screamed and later identified Paraneetharan to the
Police. It was for this that he spent some time in police custody.
Paraneetharan had also been seen acting as pointer when LTTE gunmen
shot PLOTE local councillor Meganathan. UTHR(J) now has reliable
information that Paraneetharan was killed by a member of the PLOTE.
However, the PLOTE leadership has been very timid in confronting the
LTTE politically and the incident may point to other forces at work.
While Meganathan was the first member of the PLOTE to be killed under
the MoU, there have been several murders and abductions of Military
Intelligence personnel. With the MoU almost in tatters, we may be
seeing the beginnings of another dangerous twist.
Attacks on the families of Tamil opposition group members
The two incidents that follow are the first we know of the LTTE
deliberately targeting family members of opposition groups since
February 2002:
Murugamoorthy Thushyanthini, wife of Arafat, PLOTE
Arafat is a member of the PLOTE who now lives in the Batticaloa party
office. His wife Murugamoorthy Thushyanthini lived close to the army
camp in Chenkalady with her one year old child. Five members of the
LTTE went to her home on 14th July. While three waited outside, two
men, Vithya and Uma, went in and assaulted Thushanthini brutally.
Sivapunniam Rathirani, wife of Murugesu Varatharajah (37) of the EPRLF(V)
Murugesu Varatharajah (38) of the EPRLF(V) was vice chairman of the
Porativu local council. After the chairman Alahathurai was killed by
the LTTE, he left Mandur with his family and went to live in Kallady
close to an Army presence. His neighbour was Thangarasa Ramachandran
of Mankadu, Chettipalayam, another member of the EPRLF(V) who had to
flee his village. Just after 8.00 PM on 5th May, LTTE men from the
Kallady intelligence (but so-called 'political') office came into the
area on 4 motor cycles and 2 push bikes as though going to the beach.
Some women in the area recognized them, and, guessing their purpose,
screamed. Varatharajan and Thangarasa escaped through the back fence
to the Batticaloa EPRLF(V) office. Varatharajan now lives in the
Chenkalady office of the EPRLF(V).
Varatharajan's wife Sivapunniam Rathirani (37) continued living in
Beach Road, Kallady with her two children Kishuthan (10) and
Tharaniyan (9). On 15th July she went by bus to her husband's office
in Chenkalady to collect his salary for her household expenses. She
left the Chenkalady EPRLF office for the bus stand at 3:00 PM. The
following morning Rathirani's mother came looking for her and
reported her missing. It was feared that she had been abducted by the
LTTE. Under the MoU the LTTE has an office in Chekalady for
'political work'.
At the bus stand Rathirani was accosted by members of the LTTE who
came on 7 bicycles and a motorbike. They ordered Rathirani to get on
to the pillion of a bicycle. Being a tough woman, she argued back and
refused. Meanwhile the Batticaloa bus arrived and she ran into it.
She went to the middle of the bus and sat with some women. Some of
the LTTE men followed her and dragged her off the bus by her dress,
while the others blocked the bus from both sides.
Once outside, another bus arrived. Rathirani ran and got into a
second bus, but she was again dragged out and forced onto a bicycle.
She was taken to the LTTE's Chenkalady 'political office' that is
under government control and detained there until after nightfall. In
order to avoid the Black Bridge army check point, they then took her
towards the sea, crossed the main road again near Eastern University,
then across the lagoon by an unguarded bridge to a women's camp near
the LTTE check point on Badulla Road. Up to this time she had been
beaten, but not badly.
The following day (16th July) she was taken further into the
interior, beaten and interrogated by LTTE women. They asked for
details about her husband, children, herself, and her connections in
Pandirippu, Mandur and Kallady where she had resided.
She was told:
1. Her husband must leave the EPRLF(V)
2. She must bring a photograph of her husband
3. She must report to the LTTE camp in Karadian Aru and sign a
register every Monday
4. She must follow their instructions and work for the LTTE.
Should she fail to meet these conditions, she was told, they would
come home and kill her. She was advised to send her husband abroad.
On 18 July at 2:00 PM the LTTE put Rathirani in a Chenkalady bus. At
Chenkalady she collected her identity card and passport from the LTTE
office and went home. Earlier, persons who approached LTTE
representative Kausalyan about the abduction were not given an
answer, whether they had her or not.
What are the SLMM Monitors doing?
The Monitors have claimed that their weapon is not the gun, but
persuasion. If that is so they have failed. They have not had any
influence over 17 months in bringing about a substantive change in
the LTTE's behaviour through their persuasion. The have failed to
achieve even the appearance of impartiality. When violations by the
LTTE have been reported to the SLMM by other Tamil parties,
representatives have sometimes refused to go to the place of the
incident altogether, or delayed their visit for many hours.
We learn that when known members of the LTTE threw a grenade which
exploded after striking the boundary wall of EPRLF(V) Batticaloa
leader Thurairatnam's house early this year, it took the SLMM nearly
a day, until the following evening, to go the house about 200 yards
from their office.
By comparison, when the LTTE complained to the SLMM of an unexploded
grenade thrown at their Batticaloa Arasady Road office, the SLMM, we
understand, alerted the Police and took them there. The others have
been told that attacks on them are Police and not SLMM matters.
On 2nd July, some members of the EPDP were distributing leaflets near
the Vavuniya bus stand. They were surrounded by a group of LTTE
members who tore up the leaflets, burnt them and assaulted the EPDP
members. The EPDP informed the SLMM, who said that they would come to
the EPDP office, but not to the place of the incident. The following
day's Tamil daily, Virakesari, carried an item by Sri Gajan headlined
'Quarrel between the LTTE and EPDP, People Burn EPDP Leaflets'. The
report claimed that the 'people' destroyed the leaflets and beat up
two EPDP members. At the end the report indicated, as it were in the
small print, that this is the LTTE's version. The SLMM, the report
said, spoke to both sides and solved the problem.
.The SLMM's biased and contradictory position of disowning their
responsibility for violations committed against non-LTTE groups and
civilians by dubbing these violations of the MoU as law and order
matters meant for the Police to handle, discredits their role.
After all they are very interested in being taken to the scene when
the Navy intercepts gunrunning by the LTTE - no less a law and order
issue.
No one expects the Monitors to use guns, but as the term indicates,
one expects them to be vigilant, to provide judgment of the true
state of affairs, apply pressure on violators and restore some
sanity. What we are seeing instead is the systematic suffocation of
truth For instance, the impression is being created that the problem
of child conscription is under control. But the reality is that in
recent months people have been made very conscious of the LTTE's
apparatus of terror through a spate of political killings, and in
areas where significant child conscription is being reported,
community leaders are afraid even to hint at it.
No Peace Without Political Normalization
UNICEF's strategy for dealing with child conscription by the LTTE, by
treating it as a separate issue from democracy and political
normalization, is looking increasingly hollow. It would amount to a
humbug that simply pours money into the coffers of the TRO. We have
reports that a significant number of minors have recently been
conscripted in the Valaichenai area. On the night of 5th July, up to
25 conscripts were being driven in a tractor-trailer to Vaharai, when
some of them escaped. A number of other reports too have appeared in
the Press. One was of Ramupillai Subramaniam, father of 14-year-old
Vijayanandini from Mutur, who committed suicide after he failed to
obtain the release of his daughter who was abducted by the LTTE on
1st July.
* The University Teachers for Human Rights (Jaffna) (UTHR(J)) was
formed in 1988 at the University of Jaffna, as part of the national
organisation University Teachers for Human Rights. Its public
activities as a constituent part of university life came to a
standstill following the murder of Dr. Rajani Thiranagama, a key
founding member, on 21st September 1989. During the course of 1990
the others who identified openly with the UTHR(J) were forced to
leave Jaffna. It continues to function as an organisation upholding
the founding spirit of the UTHR(J) with it original aims: to
challenge the external and internal terror engulfing the Tamil
community as a whole through making the perpetrators accountable, and
to create space for humanising the social & political spheres
relating to the life of our community. The UTHR(J) is not at present
functioning in the University of Jaffna in the manner it did in its
early life for reasons well understood.
_____
[2.]
The Guardian [UK} July 21, 2003
Rape and torture empties the villages
John Vidal
Purnima Rani, a 12-year-old Hindu girl, is terrified and breaks down
frequently as she describes what happened 18 months ago in the
village of Perba Delua in Bangladesh.
"Nearly 30 people came to our house. I recognised many of them as my
neighbours. They beat my mother almost senseless. I begged them to
stop. They dragged me outside. I resisted but they hit me with
sticks. I shouted to my sister to save me but they beat her too. I
cannot tell you what happened next."
Purnima was gang-raped and her family found her unconscious three
hours later in a field a mile from the village. Four young men, all
supporters of the government and its coalition partner, the
fundamentalist Jamaati-e-Islami party, were arrested but have not
been charged.
But the ordeal did not stop there. The family's hairdressing business
was twice looted, her elder brother was beaten and is expected to
lose his sight, and they have now all fled the village after threats
that they would be killed.
Her father has been offered bribes to drop the case and Purnima, one
of the few victims of Bangladeshi sectarian violence who is prepared
to talk openly, is now in hiding. "I want justice, not money," she
says.
Serious attacks on and persecution of religious minorities by Islamic
fundamentalists are increasing, and despite a detailed dossier on 18
months of persecution of religious minorities, and women in
particular, the British government calls Bangladesh a "generally
safe" country. Amnesty International says this makes "no sense".
Thousands of Bangladeshis are fleeing, a few wealthy ones applying to
go to Britain and continental Europe. Those who arrive in Britain
will almost certainly be sent back. But the Guardian has uncovered
compelling evidence that in declaring Bangladesh in effect free of
internal problems Britain is turning a blind eye to atrocities
committed by fundamentalists.
Evidence is emerging that the oppression of minorities is becoming
systematic. Bangladesh, which is 85% Muslim but has a long tradition
of tolerance to religious minorities, is, say local organisations,
being pushed towards fundamentalism by the Jamaat-e-Islami, which is
growing rapidly in rural areas with the deepest poverty and runs two
key ministries.
"This is like a silent revolution. We are returning to the dark
ages," a leading lawyer said, asking not to be named.
"I think the backdrop is being created for the introduction of strict
sharia laws. You see extremist rightwing fundamentalists infiltrating
every professional area, in the appointment of the judiciary, the
law, medicine and in education. They are capturing key positions in
government, the universities and institutions."
Britain has seen the dossier of human rights abuses, which is backed
by evidence from local and international development groups.
In the village of Fhainjana, a mob of 200 fundamentalists recently
looted 10 Christian houses, allegedly assaulting many women and
children. Christians were seriously beaten and others molested after
refusing to give money to thugs in the village of Kamalapur, near
Dhaka. In Deuatala Bazaar, gangs of young men with knives told Hindus
to leave. Hundreds fled.
Many villages are said to be now empty of minorities. Elsewhere,
Hindus have been burned alive and gangs have desecrated temples.
Rosaline Costa, director of the human rights group Hotline
Bangladesh, says that the British government is well aware of the
situation. "They must think we are stupid. It says there is communal
harmony, but this is a lie. Documents showing the scale of the
atrocities on minorities have been sent to all governments. There are
many genuine asylum seekers."
Thousands of Bangladeshis are thought to have crossed the border to
India in the past two years. It is impossible to verify numbers
because New Delhi will not release records, but Dhaka's statistics
show the Muslim majority increasing dramatically and the Hindu,
Buddhist, Christian and other minorities declining.
In western Bangladesh, where the Jamaat-e-Islami is particularly
strong, many villages have been deserted by minorities. "In my
village of Sri Rumpur, near Khulna, there are no Hindus left," said a
man who asked not to be named. "They have all been driven out by
people threatening to torture them or demanding money. People who
raise their voices are threatened. It's a kind of systematic ethnic
cleansing."
Toab Khan, editor of the independent newspaper the Daily Janakantha,
said: "Repression of people who publicise human rights violations is
growing. We have reported communal violence from the beginning. Our
head office has been bombed, our agents have been threatened and
beaten up. The government has withdrawn all its advertising and is
pressurising and harassing reporters and the owner."
Attacks on press
Last month three newspaper editors were arrested after publishing a
letter critical of the government's human rights record. BBC and
Channel 4 film-makers have been detained. Shariar Kabir, a film-maker
and human rights activist, was charged with treason and jailed for 59
days for writing about torture and interviewing Hindu families who
told him they were fleeing the country.
The Bangladeshi government, which has admitted that some atrocities
have taken place, argues that the violence is not religiously
motivated. But it has directly attacked western-funded NGOs working
to increase women's rights and strengthen the voice of the poor in
minority communities.
In the past 18 months British and European aid to five main NGOs has
been frozen, ostensibly pending an investigation but almost certainly
because they have worked with the poor to strengthen women's rights.
The UK Department for International Development's office in
Bangladesh has protested.
"Up to £40m in grants directed at relieving poverty for 2.8m families
is affected. Millions of the poor are being denied help for ulterior
motives," Kabir Choudhury, president of the South-East Asia Union
against Fundamentalism, said.
Leading Islamic scholars are appalled by the repression and the rise
of fundamentalism. "What we are seeing is the Talibanisation of
Bangladesh," Maolama Abdul Awal, former director of the Bangladesh
Islamic Foundation, said. "If we allow them to continue ...
[minorities] will be eliminated. Bangladesh will become a fascist
country."
An NGO director said: "I am being called a terrorist. They telephone
me personally demanding money, saying they will push me out of the
country and that my children will be killed ... They intend to wipe
us out. I do not understand why the British government is turning a
blind eye to what is happening."
o o o
The Guardian [UK] July 21, 2003
Britain ignores Bangladeshi persecution
John Vidal in Dhaka
The British government has effectively closed the door on asylum
seekers from Bangladesh despite having seen a dossier which detailed
more than 700 attacks by fundamentalists on ethnic and religious
minorities in the country.
The document offers compelling evidence that serious attacks and
persecution of Hindu, Christian and other minorities are rising.
Backed by evidence from local and international development groups
sent to the government several months ago, it includes reports on
tortures, extra-judicial killings, gang rapes, the looting and
burning of temples and churches, evictions, beatings, the theft of
land, destruction of property, financial extortion and threats of
physical violence. All the cases have been reported to the police.
Yet the Home Office apparently ignored the dossier when it announced
last month that Bangladesh, along with five other countries, was
being added to the "white list" of 24 countries from where asylum
applications are presumed from the outset to be unlikely to succeed.
"The countries that we are adding to the list today are generally
safe - individuals from these countries are not routinely fleeing for
their lives and do not routinely need our protection under the Geneva
convention," the Home Office minister, Beverley Hughes, said.
The Home Office has reiterated that position. "Bangladesh is a
parliamentary democracy with a constitution that allows for an
independent judiciary. We maintain our commitment to providing a safe
haven for asylum seekers," a spokeswoman said, adding that
Bangladeshis would still be able to seek asylum here.
But the Guardian has uncovered evidence that Bangladesh is sliding
into a situation in which oppression of minorities is becoming
systematic.
The country, which is 85% Muslim but has a long tradition of
tolerance to religious minorities, is being pushed towards
fundamentalism by the Jamaat-e-Islami party, which is growing rapidly
in the poorest rural areas, according to organisations on the ground.
It now shares power with the majority Bangladesh National party and
effectively runs two key ministries.
"The British government knows what is happening. They have been sent
the information," said Rosaline Costa, director of the human rights
group, Hotline Bangladesh. "It says there is communal harmony, but
this is a lie ... There are many genuine asylum seekers."
The present wave of attacks was triggered by the 2001 elections when
violence flared across Bangladesh. The Human Rights Congress for
Bangladeshi Minorities estimated that dozens of people were killed,
more than 1,000 women from minority groups were raped and several
thousand people lost their land in the three months around the
election.
"We have not seen human rights violations like this before. It has
never been so bad," says Sultana Kamal, director of the legal aid
group ASK. "The assaults are taking place every day. The oppression
is continuous now."
Amnesty International, which has expressed grave concern to the
Bangladeshi government about mounting human rights abuses, said
Britain's decision to put Bangladesh on the white list "made no
sense".
The Bangladeshi government has admitted that some atrocities have
taken place, but insists that the violence is not religiously
motivated.
_____
[3.]
Communalism Combat [India]
June-July 2003
Cover Story
messengers of peace
Kind Kadam follows his dharm
Dr. Surekha: True to her oath
Madhukar Hiray: Risks his life to save others
Pardhuman Thakur: Man against the mob
To Deshmukh Guruji, Ahire Sir, With Love!
Dashrath Nikam: 'Over my dead body'
Kila Jhopadpatti's Muslims: Standing tall
and many more..........
Editorial
Hope amidst despair
Special Report
1) Zahira Shaik: A case for retrial
2) Not guilty
3) Sangh politics in Assam
Agenda
Ayodhya is not the problem
Neighbours
Talibanising Pakistan?
Saffronisation
Warped history
Militarisation
Enter 'Hero Hitler!'
Reservations
The Constitution, equality and reservations
http://www.sabrang.com/cc/archive/2003/july03/index.html
_____
[4.]
Outlookindia.com - Web [India] | Jul 17, 2003
CONTENTION
Gowalkar, Savarkar ... And Jews
Indeed establishing relations and engaging in dialogue between Jews
and Indians is crucial. But given global awareness and concern over
anti-Semitism, shouldn't leaders like Advani distance themselves from
ideologues like Gowalkar and Savarkar?
ZAHIR JANMOHAMED
http://www.outlookindia.com/full.asp?fodname=20030717&fname=jews&sid=1
_____
[5.]
The Hindu [India] July 22, 2003
Andhra Pradesh: A rationalist's advice to Pushkaram pilgrims
HYDERABAD July 21. The Jana Vignana Vedika has cautioned pregnant
women and children below five years of age not to have a dip in the
Godavari river during the `Pushkarams' as there was every chance of
their being affected by waterborne diseases. [...].
http://www.thehindu.com/2003/07/22/stories/2003072206060400.htm
_____
[6.]
DAWN [Pakistan]
20 July 2003
REVIEW: Shared culture and its enemies
Reviewed by Dr Mubarak Ali
In the Indian subcontinent the existence of a number of religions,
sects, and sufi orders makes society multicultural and
multi-religious. There was a time when all of these lived together
peacefully, notwithstanding their differences and contradictions.
This was the result of movements that emerged from time to time and
challenged religious rigidity and extremism. They denounced the caste
system and protested against the exploitation of the weakest and
downtrodden people.
For example, in the 13th century, in north India the Bhakti movement
challenged Brahmanism and its exclusion of the lower castes. The
ulema's version of Islam with no space for tolerance was also
questioned. Rejecting this exclusionism, the leaders of the movement
preached shared culture, love, harmony and equality.
The sufi saints of wahdat al wujud (God is in everything) made an
attempt to eliminate the difference between the believers and the
non-believers and eased the tension between Islam and other
religions. Akbar was the first to initiate a dialogue between the
faiths in India. He established the Ibadatkhana or house of worship
at Fatehpursikri where he invited scholars of different religions to
come and explain their teachings. The result of these discussions was
the formation of his Sulh-i-kul or peace with all policy that treated
all people equally irrespective of their religion.
Those individuals who played a significant and crucial role in
maintaining harmony among the people of different faiths were the
sufi saints and their shrines that became sacred places for their
devotees who visited them regularly in quest of solace. In a society
where there is no security, no cure for common ailments, no
accessibility to centres of power for the solution of the problems of
citizens while there is plenty of ambition for success in worldly
life and an intense desire for male heirs to continue the name of
family, the shrines of holy men became centres of pilgrimage.
The fame of their miraculous powers spread far and wide and desperate
people of all faiths flocked to them seeking fulfilment of their
wishes. As one of the devotees who was visiting the shrine of the
lady of Vailankanni" in south India told Yoginder Sikand: "As long as
I get my foot cured, what does it matter? ...No reasonable person
asks a doctor what is his caste or religion before deciding to go to
him." Therefore, it appears that the devotees' main motive is to get
their wishes fulfilled. They are not concerned whether a shrine is of
a Muslim sufi or of a Christian saint.
Yoginder Sikand in this book studies those shrines that are scattered
in South India, Andhra Pradesh, Madhya Pradesh, Rajasthan, and Jammu
and Kashmir. He travelled to all these places and observed minutely
the relationship and devotion between the shrines and the people. The
disturbing element that he notices is that slowly and gradually the
character of these shrines is changing as a result of communalism and
the spread of the Hindutva ideology.
The Muslim sufis who preached love and peace among the followers of
different religions and whose shrines were visited by all
irrespective of caste and creed are now being Hinduized. Under the
influence of the BJP and Hindutva a new history is being constructed
which has converted them into Hindu holy men. Hence the mosque like
structure of their shrine is also being altered and reshaped on the
pattern of Hindu temples.
On the grave of these sufis, idols have been placed for the devotees
to worship. Joginder Sikand points out that such changes have been
made in the shrines of Hunchi, Hadagil, Jiroli, and Halgi. The same
has happened to a sufi known as Sai Baba whose shrine has become
"samadhi mandir. An idol has been placed on his grave. In Madhya
Pradesh, Imam Mahdi Budhan was also converted to Hinduism. In
Rajasthan Goga Medhi who was till now known as Goga pir has become
Goga vir.
These changes are taking place in small villages and towns, which are
removed, from big cities and attempts are systematically being made
to eliminate shared culture and convert these shrines exclusively for
the Hindus.
What Sikand observes in Jammu and Kashmir in respect of the change in
people's attitude towards sufis and their shrines is depressing. The
move for secession and the presence of the Indian army and its
atrocities in the state have made the people indifferent to sufism
and its teachings. How can they believe in love and brotherhood in an
atmosphere of killing and terrorism? Their faith in shared culture
has been lost. Instead there is hatred and prejudice. Moreover, the
Wahabi or revivalist and puritan ideology opposes visits to the
shrines and rejects their miraculous powers. There is skepticism and
suspicion about the spiritual power of the sufis who have failed to
maintain peace and harmony in the valley.
When I finished the book it made me sad and depressed. Here is a
shared culture which for centuries kept people of different faith
together and gave them hope to sustain hardships of daily life,
slowly giving way to religious extremism and exclusion. Yoginder
Sikand rightly says that "shared religious traditions seem to have
little power to resist the growing might of organized religious
fascism".
However, in spite of this depressing scenario, Yoginder Sikand has
some hope that inter-religious dialogues and social liberation would
release people from religious extremism. "In this, I believe, the
inspiration and insights of the men of God whom I have 'met' in the
course of my journey have a crucial role to play," he writes. Having
no other option, I reluctantly share his optimism.
------------------------------------------------------------------------
Sacred Spaces: Exploring Traditions of Shared Faith in India
By Yoginder Sikand
Penguin India.
For more information log on to www.penguinbooksindia.com
ISBN 0143029312
273pp. Indian Rs250
______
[7.]
Special Issue of Patterns of Prejudice on Religion and Extremism
Call for Papers Deadline: 2003-11-30
Dr Stella Rock, co-ordinator of the Religion and Extremism seminars
at the University of Sussex, will edit a special issue of Patterns of
Prejudice to be published in June 2004 that will explore the
relationship between religion and political extremism and conflicts.
In the contemporary world, for the first time in over a century, most
of the ongoing international conflicts are religiously inflected.
And, from the Crusades of the Middle Ages to the contemporary
political Islamist perpetrators of 9/11, religions have played a role
in inspiring, legitimating and facilitating extremist organizations
and violent conflict. This special issue will attempt to explore the
complex relationship between religion and the historical, cultural
and political context of such organizations and conflicts. As we have
received proposals concerning both Christianity and Islam, we would
like to encourage proposals that address forms of fundamentalism or
extremism in other religions, particularly Judaism. Contributors
might address the following questions:
* what role does religion, or a religious organization, play in
ethnic conflict?
* what use do extremist or radical groups make of religion or
religious institutions?
* what is the relationship between religion and aggressive
nationalism, antisemitism, racism, xenophobia or Islamophobia?
* to what extent do religions rely on the construction of an
unbelieving or heretical Other?
* what is the relationship between national identity and
religion in ethnic conflict?
* what is the significance of the re-emergence of religiously
inflected conflicts in the twenty-first century?
Dr Stella Rock
Arts B
University of Sussex
Falmer
Brighton BN1 9QN
UK
Email: stellarock at btopenworld.com
_____
[8.]
Newsline [Pakistan] July 2003
Interview
"So what if you are in control of your own sexual pleasure?"
By Shimaila Matri
Q: One of the main themes of The V Monologues is women
taking control of their own sexual pleasure, in a very permissive
sense. How do you think The V Monologues applies to a country like
Pakistan where there is a very strict code of morality, and where
most people believe in sex only within the bounds of a heterosexual
marriage?
Nadia Jamil: Well, I don't know if this society believes
in sex only within the parameters of marriage. Everyone in Pakistan
has sex - let's face it, not necessarily only if they are married.
Marriage is an institution that exists all over the world, but it
does have more importance in Pakistan.
This play, however, is not just about taking control of
one's sexual pleasure - although why that should be less important
because we are in Pakistan, is something we should think about.
Whether or not you are married, or whether or not you are in
Pakistan, taking charge of one's own desire and sexual needs is a
great step to take. Also important is identifying your own sexuality
and being comfortable with it, whatever gender you would like to have
sex with. For me, The V Monologues is a funny play. It is about being
able to sit down and laugh about things that are painful, to talk
about them. This only happens when one is comfortable with the issues
and comfortable with oneself.
Ayesha Alam: A friend of mine, who comes from a
conservative family, told me that this play should be called
"breaking the silence." So what if you are in control of your own
sexual pleasure? If you are married or not, this is your own choice.
The point is that the sexual aspect is a very important part of
womanhood. Sexual molestation is an occurence that is very common in
Pakistan. It has happened to most people I know, including myself,
and I am very open and honest about it. I know a girl who told her
mother about being molested by a maulvi and her mother said, "So
what, so was I, it happens to everyone." So it is treated as the norm
and no one says anything. Why? Because sexuality is something people
think they should be ashamed of, especially women. Forget having fun
- although this too is important - I feel getting people to talk
about it in an open atmosphere is a liberating experience.
Q: But the play does not deal simply with issues of
sexual molestation. It also deals with very controversial topics: the
message is that lesbianism, under-age sex, multiple sexual partners,
prostitution, etc. is nothing to be ashamed of. What do you say to
the critic who is strongly against sexual violence, but believes that
the context of The Monologues prompts promiscuity and perversion?
AA: No, this is missing the point, it is not so at all.
NJ: There is not a single piece in The V Monologues that
encourages promiscuity and only one piece is clearly about a woman
with multiple partners. A lot of the pieces are about rape, how a
woman is perceived by her husband within a marriage, about the
clothes that she wears etc. Monologues in which the woman was not
married to the man aren't about sex, but about how the woman
perceives her own body. The play is a celebration of womanhood. I
suppose some people will see this play as immoral. Some people still
think that Shakespeare is immoral. It depends on who you are. I think
censorship on PTV is immoral.
AA: It would have been very easy to sell this play out,
run it for over two weeks and make oodles of money. But we didn't do
it. Why? Because we didn't want people to think it is an
exhibitionist piece. We are not promoting promiscuity or free sex. I
didn't invite a lot of people I knew to the play, because I knew they
would see it as sleazebag act. There are certain parts of The
Monologues that one might not agree with. But at least I am clear
about my choices, which is something not everybody can say about
themselves. If this play opens the door and makes people realise that
they do have choices, the play's objective has been achieved.
Q:Think about their sexual choices in a religious society
that discourages all non-heterosexual sex or sexual activity outside
the bounds of marriage?
AA: Look, the play makes people aware of sexual
repression and encourages them not to feel ashamed.
Q: If this was the aim, would it not have been better to
rewrite the monologues to apply more to the sensibilities of this
society?
AA: That would have entailed writing a whole new play for
Pakistan. We were performing Eve Ensler's The Vagina Monologues. We
did use some local words in the script. It is important to remember
that this play is not just for Pakistan, but for women everywhere.
NJ: The only step we can take is to translate the play
into the venacular. Those would be different monologues that deal
with different sensibilities. But Ensler's play is written for an
audience that understands certain sensibilities and a certain
language. The play puts a finger on the pulse of issues that affect
women.
AA: A lot of men came over to me and said I had given
them something to think about - a new perspective on women. I was
scared of performing this play in front of men. In Islamabad, we did
it just for an all-woman audience. Nighat Rizvi was the driving force
behind this venture; she is responsible for bringing the play to
Pakistan. She saw the play in New York, registered with V-Day and
that is how the process started. A lot of the women there encouraged
us to open up the play to men, as they felt it was something they
needed to hear.
Q: Did their reaction surprise you? The V Monologues is a
play that is not very pro-men. Sexual repression of women, using
women as a weapon of warfare, and men not understanding women are
major themes. The elite male audience that watched the VM, however,
are probably not like the stereotype in the play.
AA: No, I don't think the play bashes men at all. The
only aggressive piece is 'my angry vagina' - and it has nothing to do
with men. It is about consumer products and about public perception.
NJ: It is true that men do control women by their
sexuality. But, there is one piece in which the man is the one who
sexually appreciates the woman in a way that makes her realise her
sexual potential. This play is not about women screaming out their
sexuality. It is not aggressive and it does not promote a clash of
sexes. It is about women being comfortable with themselves first.
Even in the lesbian monologue, nowhere is the man blamed. The girl
does not say she did not enjoy sex with men or that she was a lesbian
because they were cruel to her. She only says that men were
intimidated by her.
AA: The piece on Afghanistan was specific to that
country. Focus on the 'my short skirt monologue,' in which the woman
says, "My short skirt has nothing to do with you." I love that
statement.
NJ: Even in the Afghanistan piece, nowhere does the woman
blame the man for putting her in purdah. She only talks about what it
feels like in there.
Q: The V Monologues also incorporate certain statistics
of genital mutiliation, circumcision and rape. Don't you feel this is
a rather cursory treatment of the issue, and aren't these statistics
about sexual politics - the repression of women at the hands of men?
AA: Well, we do mention that this happens mostly in
Africa. These are facts. Nothing is being done to stop it. Why?
Because we don't talk about sexuality.
NJ: It is important to expose this play to a certain sort
of man who is interested in understanding women. The majority of men
are not interested in this. They would just come to the play to get
sexual kicks. There is no point exposing this play to such people. It
is important for the monologues to not be sensationalist. It is very
easy for that to happen - even the name The Vagina Monologues is
controversial. We don't want to sensationalise sex or the vagina. We
have to think ten times before we have this play in Lahore. Lahore is
a very provincial place. Even billboards with women on it, are being
splashed with paint. So if one wrong person comes to this play, we
might be in danger. It is not a risk worth taking.
Q: You don't think a woman having mutiple orgasms on
stage is sensationalistic?
NJ: It is in the context of women talking to women.
Before we staged this play I made a mental note of the worst thing
that could possibly happen. My biggest fear was that while I was
orgasming on stage, someone would pull out a gun and shoot me! Women
have been mutilated and shot for a lot less in this country. There
were two men at one of the performances, that were overheard saying
"tauba tauba..." and walking out. I laughed when I heard this, but I
was so relieved that the only thing they did was walk out. The way
some men think here is very tribal.
AA: Yes, I felt the fear too. Every time the door would
open, I'd think, this might be someone with a gun.
Q: What motivated you to stage this play? What is the
message you want to get across?
AA: Sexuality is a part of who you are. Until you are
comfortable with yourself, you cannot be comfortable. Women's own
personal empowerment is very important to me. I think this was a step
to start dialogue, to face the demons that have been haunting you. It
is amazing how much is hidden in the closet.
NJ: A friend of mine hated this play. But as she spoke, I
realised she was not comfortable with her own sexuality. I felt bad
for her. Abroad you have support groups to help you. Our women are
encouraged to hide things considered "shameful" - whether they have
been molested or raped, or if they are lesbians etc. Over here, women
do not have this support system. I feel the monologues provide this
space to feel comfortable with yourself.
Q: But this play was staged for Pakistan's 'elite crowd.'
You are not reaching the people you profess to want to help.
NJ: Yes, that's true, not yet. But it is a slow process.
Right now we are honouring the true stories of women who went through
these experiences. The second reason why we performed this play is
because it is fun! It's a celebration - a party. Try to understand, I
was always told as a child to sit properly, cross my legs, make sure
I was dressed decently. I always felt this was unfair, why couldn't I
sit the way I wanted to without having to worry about a man looking
at me in an indecent way. This is unfair as it is men who are known
to be rather vulgar. A lot of them even scratch their genitals in
public.
Q: So a large part of the motivation to stage this in
Pakistan was defiance.
NJ: To a certain degree it was about a teeny bopper sort
of defiance. I am not going to hide myself. I put out the most
intimate thing possible - orgasming - on stage. Acting this very
private thing on stage is a statement: I am not ashamed of my body, I
am not ashamed of the fact that I know how to please myself, or that
I love sex. I don't want to tone down. I don't want to sit with my
legs crossed! Why can't I just be comfortable. A man sits any way he
wants to, after all.
Another thing that annoys me is the hypocrisy of society.
People's minds are very closed to homosexuality. If two women are in
love with each other and want to live their lives together, that is
their choice. Even very liberal people freak out when they realise
that their daughter might be bi-sexual or if their son wants to marry
a prostitute. It is pseudo-liberalism and one has to expose these
people. We have to realise that people have a right to live and love
the way they want to. These arguments are a very long way off for
this country, because of its religious stance.
Q: These are not ideas that are necessarily accepted in
the west either.
NJ: Exactly, this is why such thoughts are a very long
way off for this country. But we have to realise that such people
should not be treated like freaks. I am sad, because of the religious
perspective that this country takes on sexuality, where everything is
controlled by religion, especially one's sexuality. I think this is a
patriarchal control issue. So any attempt to bring such ideas to the
fore will always have to be underground or insiduous.
AA: Who knows what will happen with The Monologues. We
might take it further. There are a lot of angry women out there,
unable to deal with their issues, and this play gives them a forum to
do just that.
Q: Was it difficult to find actors willing to take part
in The V Monologues?
AA: Well, when Nighat called me up with the idea, I
jumped at it right away. I knew Nadia would do it because she has
courage.
Q: The older cast members, Samina Ahmed and Shahnaz
Ismail, did not seem at all comfortable during their performances.
AA: Shahnaz wanted to be a part of it. As for Samina, she
warmed to it slowly. She took it on as a professional actress. I
asked her on numerous occasions if she was sure she wanted to go
through with it. I think it is very courageous for someone who is not
completely comfortable with something to go ahead with it, especially
if they don't necessarily agree with the concept.
Q: Did your family support you?
NJ: Yes. I have been waiting to do The Monologues
forever. I had a ball performing it. My mother and sister-in-law came
down from Lahore to watch me. My parents are very bohemian, but my
sister-in-law is conservative. Her coming to watch meant a lot to me
because she doesn't believe in a lot of issues that the play deals
with. My husband was there on all the days. He sat at the back, and
while I was acting, I looked right into his eyes. That gave me an
incredible energy. I have known him for 17 years, and he has evolved
into the sort of man who can understand the space I need.
Q: The V Monologues have raised millions in charity funds
internationally. If your aim is to empower women, why was this not a
charity event, especially as the tickets were very expensive?
AA: It would have attracted a lot of media attention that
way. So I decided to restrict it to a private performance. I wanted
to keep it low profile. I was nervous about the fact that it was
being staged for a mixed audience.
Q: Are there any plans to take your message to the masses
rather than continue to restrict it to an elite audience?
AA: Next month we are performing in Lahore. After this,
we will look into some workshops. We want to have V-Day workshops:
one for men and one for women. Each group will write a monologue and
it will be performed. That will give it a local touch.
NJ: I want to take it to women's colleges. This would be
distinct from the performance in Lahore. I am nervous about the
Punjab, so I wouldn't want to sensationalise The V Monologues there.
The possibilities are endless. For certain colleges, the play could
be adapted. For example the monologue 'My Short Skirt' could be
omitted for a performance at the Islamia or Government College. We
need to be very careful how this happens, as we do not want to be
misconstrued as people "corrupting the youth of the nation." But I
feel it is very important for young girls to be exposed to this sort
of openness and understand that it is ok for them to talk about these
issues.
_____
[9.]
---------- Forwarded message ----------
Date: Fri, 18 Jul 2003 13:52:05 -0700
From: Shivani Sethi <shivani_sethi at hotmail.com>
Subject: ANNOUNCEMENT: Call for Submissions
CALL FOR SUBMISSIONS
Saheli's Anthology Project
SAHELI, a Bay Area, California based alliance for South Asian-American
women, announces an anthology project aimed at expressing the essence of
biculturalism in South Asian-American women ages 15-25. The anthology will
be a collection of personal essays, short stories, and poetry reflecting the
issues that young South Asian women face in America while struggling to
establish their individual identities. This collection of writing will focus
on the experiences of young South Asian women in high school, in their
undergraduate years in college, and in their early to mid-twenties.
For more information, please contact:
Shivani Sethi (510) 207 1785
Simran Tagore (510) 910 6074
_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/
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run since 1998 by
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