[sacw] SACW | 8 Feb. 03

[Harsh Kapoor]

South Asia Citizens Wire | February 8, 2003

#1. Letter from Bangladesh - The Prisoner's Tale (Saleem Samad)
#2. A New Twist in the Gujarat "Conspiracy"? (Arvind Rajagopal)
#3. Muslims in India: Communalism vs Backwardness-Minority Syndrome=20
(Zafar H. Anjum)
#4. Behind the veil in Kerala (MP Basheer)
#5. India's Founding Foreigners: Gandhi and Nehru are as foreign in=20
Hindu India as Lenin in capitalist Russia (Rukun Advani)
#6. Which Mrs. Iyer? (Rahul De)
#7. Basanti Biscope : Screening of Documentary Films on The Themes of=20
Basant, Sufism and Music (New Delhi)

__________________________

#1.

Time Asia
Feburary 10, 2003 / Vol. 161 No. 5
http://www.time.com/time/asia/magazine/article/0,13673,501030210-419422,00.=
html

Letter from Bangladesh
The Prisoner's Tale
A journalist recounts his personal story of police abuse and state=20
repression in Bangladesh
BY SALEEM SAMAD/DHAKA

"I should kill you," the high-ranking Dhaka policeman said. He drew=20
his pistol from his holster, shoved me to the floor and pressed the=20
muzzle to my temple. "You are a traitor. You have betrayed your=20
country. How dare you describe the nation as a haven for al-Qaeda and=20
the Taliban?"

My troubles began last November when Britain's Channel 4 asked me to=20
set up interviews and translate for a crew it was sending to=20
Bangladesh to make a documentary on the state of the country. As a=20
long-time reporter in Bangladesh, I was delighted to take the job.=20
But these are perilous times in my homeland. The government holds=20
power with the help of fundamentalist Islamic groups that are=20
changing Bangladesh's secular character; local Hindus and Christians=20
are fleeing to neighboring India in the thousands, and the=20
authorities are furious at media reports that Bangladesh is playing=20
host to jihadis from Afghanistan and beyond. Rather than address=20
these concerns, the government has systematically muzzled journalists=20
and opposition leaders who try to get the story out. Since October,=20
more than 4,000 people have been arrested and 44 have died in custody=20
during a government crackdown supposedly directed at organized crime=20
and euphemistically called Operation Clean Heart.

In this environment, foreign reporters are routinely denied visas to=20
Bangladesh. So Channel 4's crew-British reporter Zaiba Malik and=20
Italian cameraman Bruno Sorrentino-entered as tourists. The=20
authorities were tipped off by a pro-Islamic daily, and we were=20
tailed by police intelligence agents. On Nov. 25, Malik, Sorrentino=20
and Bangladeshi interpreter Priscilla Raj were arrested at the border=20
with India and charged with sedition. I wasn't with them that day.=20
Hearing of their arrest, I decided to lay low. I slept at a friend's=20
home and instructed my 18-year-old son to empty our house of my=20
papers and to hide my hard drive. But the police were tapping my=20
brother's phone, and they heard me tell him where I was. They showed=20
up at my friend's flat at 3 a.m., and I went peacefully. The=20
government charged me with sedition and conspiracy to defame the=20
country.

At the police station, I was held in a 3-meter-by-4.5-meter cell with=20
up to 15 other detainees. The conditions were foul. There was one=20
squat toilet in the floor of the cell and neither soap nor drinking=20
water. We were told to drink from the toilet tank. On the third day I=20
got dysentery. We slept without blankets on the bare concrete floor.=20
The mosquitoes were relentless.

We were given sodden rice and plain dhal to eat. Every few hours I=20
would be woken up and pulled from the cell to answer questions. The=20
same high-ranking officer who brandished his pistol would force me to=20
sit on the floor with my legs extended so he could thrash my left=20
kneecap with his baton. The police wanted a full accounting of the=20
time I spent with the Channel 4 crew: the places we went, the sources=20
we met. I had done nothing to be ashamed of, so I told them=20
everything I knew.

A military intelligence agent present at these interrogations=20
demanded to know where my hard drive was hidden. He threatened to=20
hurt my son and wife. But I would not give up my life's work.

Finally, after five days of interrogation, I was loaded into a police=20
van and driven to a prison in Dhaka, where I was given a cell to=20
myself with a sink and enough blankets to make a mattress. The prison=20
hospital gave me painkillers for the throbbing in my knee. Compared=20
to my treatment at the police station, this was luxurious. Then,=20
after 50 days in custody, I was finally released on bail on Jan. 18,=20
thanks in large part to pressure from Paris-based Reporters Without=20
Borders and New York's Center to Protect Journalists. But the police=20
have yet to return my passport, credit cards, ATM card, mobile phone=20
or address book. And I must still go before the courts to face the=20
charges against me, which carry a maximum penalty of life=20
imprisonment. I am confident the High Court will acquit me of all=20
charges.

The Channel 4 crew was deported back to Britain before Christmas=20
without suffering physical abuse. But Raj has told me that her=20
interrogators tortured her with electric shocks. Before the arrests,=20
however, the Channel 4 team got 80% of their film footage out of the=20
country. The documentary has yet to be broadcast, but if the world is=20
able to see-and read-how Bangladesh is being transformed into a=20
repressive nation, then the suffering and anxiety I and my family=20
have endured will be worthwhile. But for now, I feel I have emerged=20
from a small jail only to enter another, much larger prison.

Copyright =A9 2003 Time Inc.

______

#2.

[7 February 2003]

A New Twist in the Gujarat "Conspiracy"?

by Arvind Rajagopal

In the latest twist in the Godhra case, Maulana Hussain Umarji, a=20
respected figure among Muslims in Godhra, has been arrested on=20
suspicion of masterminding the attack on the train that left 58=20
dead. The arrest follows a "confession" by Zabir Behra, one of the=20
accused who is in custody, alleging that Maulana Umarji had planned=20
the action.

Now, a confession extracted from a prisoner in custody is not=20
reliable evidence, needless to say. The police have ways of=20
producing truth that the truthful cannot trust. But there is more=20
reason to suspect that the latest "revelations" may be fabricated.=20
The BJP government has maintained that the attack was preplanned,=20
and is part of a pattern of terroristic behavior by Indian Muslims.=20
The BJP's recent election victory in Gujarat rested, to some=20
extent, on the claim that only the BJP could provide national=20
security. All Muslims are agents of Pakistan, and are always bent=20
on violence against India, that is, against Hindus, in this view.=20
The arrest of a Muslim cleric fits with the BJP's preferred view,=20
which is not only that Muslims are the culprits, but that the=20
wrongdoing arises from religiously-minded Muslims, who can only=20
be murderous fanatics, according to the BJP.

But all the accounts of the February 27 attack make it clear that=20
it was an intemperate response of Muslim youth in Godhra to VHP=20
hooligans who misbehaved at the railway station. There seems to=20
have been no advance plan, and no conspiracy to set the train=20
alight.

The BJP and its affiliates are determined to prove the opposite. If=20
Godhra was just an accident, then the reaction to Godhra was=20
unjustified. If Godhra was a deliberately conceived plot, then the=20
BJP are confirmed as right, and we need anticipatory violence=20
against Muslims to stem the outbreaks of more carnage against Hindus.

In fact, numerous discrepancies in the investigations into Godhra=20
throw doubt on the BJP's own case.

For instance, none of the eyewitness accounts from BJP leaders=20
claiming to have been present at Godhra overlap. Each of the 15=20
accounts identifies different members of the crowd that attacked=20
the train on February 27. The police have conceded that basing the=20
prosecution on single-witness testimonies weakens their case.=20
Meanwhile two of the witnesses have filed affidavits retracting=20
their earlier statements. One, Dilipbhai Dasadia, who claimed to=20
identify six accused, later stated he was not even present at the=20
spot, and that the police had never recorded his statement. The=20
other, Kakun Pathak, has said that the person he identified was=20
Ismail Chungi, not Ismail Chunga, as mentioned in the police=20
records. Investigators have said that after these two affidavits=20
were filed, they did not have any other witness who could identify=20
the seven accused. (See Bharat Desai, "Contradictions in names of=20
Godhra," Times News Network, 31 Aug, 2002).

Then there is the report of the Forensic Lab of Gujarat State in=20
Ahmedabad, authored by Dr. M.S. Dhaiya, which has reported that the=20
fire in S6 could not have been started from within the compartment.=20
The initial claims were that the fire was started by miscreants who=20
pelted stones and later threw petrol on the train from outside and=20
set it on fire. Later, however, this story was modified, and=20
witnesses were found who testified that the fire was begun by youth=20
who boarded the train, and poured petrol from within.

There is also the now well-known story of the missing passengers.=20
The Railway Minister Nitish Kumar has said that only 9 of the 58=20
persons killed in the S6 compartment of the Sabarmati express could=20
be identified from the reservation chart. 41 of the 52 reserved=20
travelers survived the burning of the coach, and several may not=20
even have traveled. Further, although the passengers were returning=20
from Faizabad, the reservations appear to have been made onward=20
from Lucknow, about 120 km west of Faizabad on the journey to=20
Ahmedabad. We don't quite know who was on the train then. The VHP's=20
story is that those killed were VHP volunteers returning with their=20
families from "a religious ceremony" at Ayodhya.

That the sangh parivar is anti-Muslim, everyone knows. But Muslims in=20
India are not necessarily anti-Hindu. Therefore, the sangh parivar=20
has to cultivate myths and fantasies about nonexistent violence=20
against Hindus. Former members of the RSS have described how they=20
would routinely write letters as if written by one Muslim to=20
another, describing plans to attack Hindus because of course, that=20
is what Muslims do. These letters would then be "discovered" and=20
used as hate propaganda. Inflammatory antiHindu posters are posted=20
in public places in order to provoke Hindu youth to commit=20
"preemptive" or "retaliatory" violence against Muslims. An important=20
film by Lalit Vachani, "The Men in the Tree," about the RSS,=20
records accounts by former RSS members of such activities.

To get a sense of the BJP's mode of political reasoning, here are=20
some excerpts from Narendra Modi's statement on Feb 28, the day=20
after the attack, on Ahmedabad Doordarshan:

"Yesterday inhuman atrocity took place in Godhra. About 40 women=20
and children were burnt alive. About 58 persons in train were=20
roasted by the savages. This barbarous act in the history of=20
mankind will bring tears even in the eyes of the most=20
hardhearted. This demonic act in the land of Gujarat, is the most=20
devilish act against humanity. This is unbecoming of any=20
civilized society. It is something which can never be pardoned. I=20
want to assure the people that Gujarat shall not tolerate any such=20
incident. The culprits will get full punishment for their sins. Not=20
only this, we will set an example that nobody, not even in his=20
dreams thinks of committing a heinous crime like this. The Gujarat=20
government shall safeguard the lives of the common people and shall=20
not allow those who want to take the law into their own hands to=20
destroy the peace of innocent citizens. Such culprits have no place=20
in civilised society. I appeal to you with folded hands we must=20
maintain peace and selfrestraint. It is our resolve to punish the=20
culprits. No one will be spared."

The language in this speech is extraordinary. Modi is engaged in=20
systematic doublespeak, inviting vigilantism while also asking for=20
peace and restraint. Faced with an incident of communal violence,=20
Modi responds by promoting it further, asking for vengeance: the=20
savages will be punished and "no one will be spared." But in any=20
incident of crowd violence, numerous conflicting accounts of the=20
story persist, as with Godhra; guilt and motive are difficult to=20
establish in any act involving a crowd. Modi's speech, given the=20
day after the attack in Godhra, shows no hesitation. There is no=20
question whom he is referring to when he condemns "the savages;"=20
the identity of "the culprits" and the nature of "their sins" is to=20
him crystal clear. And he makes no mention of conducting an inquiry=20
into the event.

This fits, not with the idea of a Muslim conspiracy, but rather of=20
the BJP's own readiness to vilify Muslims and provoke violence=20
against them. Their political survival has depended on it.

______

#3.

Muslims in India: Communalism vs Backwardness-Minority Syndrome

Zafar H. Anjum

"Social backwardness is often mistaken for religious or theological=20
dogmatism. Religion finds its level in a concrete sociological=20
situation and not at an abstract intellectual level. Religion for an=20
illiterate person from a rural area or an urban slum is nothing more=20
than certain superstitions prevailing in his/her social milieu=8Awhich=20
is turned into a powerful identity symbol in a ballot-box oriented=20
political milieu. The problem is further complicated by their being=20
in minority. Thus, in the concrete Indian situation, it is=20
backwardness-minority syndrome."

If seen in a historical perspective, all the major elements of the=20
present political dispensation of India were very much there even=20
before Independence. Moreover, throughout the vicissitudes of the=20
national struggle, the question of the future of Indian minorities,=20
especially Muslims, often derailed the pace of the movement and=20
provided the British with a nasty plank to play the dangerous game of=20
"divide and rule". This ultimately resulted in the creation of=20
Pakistan and thereby forever bedeviling the Hindu-Muslim relation in=20
India, which persists till date. It perhaps even have become worse.

After the 1857 revolt, the British began to victimize the Muslims=20
holding them as the arch conspirators of the revolt. Therefore, there=20
came a pro-Hindu tilt in the British policies. Educationally and=20
economically, Muslims were already lagging behind the Hindus. Sir=20
Syed Ahmed Khan started the Aligarh Movement in response to this=20
backwardness of the Muslims. His ambition was to enable the Muslims=20
to walk abreast of the Hindus. But for this, and it is very important=20
to note since it later developed into the dichotomy of Hindu-Muslim=20
politics, Syed Ahmed emphasized that at this stage Muslims must keep=20
aloof from politics and they must rather concentrate on their=20
educational and economic progress. At that time, the Indian National=20
Congress was in its budding stage and soon a myth built up=20
questioning the validity of Congress itself. The myth was that=20
Congress was the brainchild of Viceroy Dufferin who conceived the=20
association to provide a "safety-valve" to the rising discontent of=20
the Indians especially the elite Indians. Interestingly, the=20
sub-altern school of history emphasizes this elitist nature of the=20
Congress. On the other hand, the nationalist historians totally=20
reject both the safety-valve theory as well as the elitist theory of=20
the Congress. In any case, Congress did not seem to be able to do any=20
good to the Muslim community in the eyes of Syed Ahmed. Therefore, he=20
advised the Muslims to keep away from it. Though Muslims like=20
Badruddin Tyabji became active leaders of the Congress, a large chunk=20
of the Muslim community observed 'separatism' from the Congress. This=20
'separatism' was later reinforced by the Muslim League propaganda of=20
Hindu domination over Muslims after Independence. Even after the=20
sanguinary creation of Pakistan, the Muslim fear psychosis did not=20
go. This psychosis was now played on in India by the Sangh Parivar,=20
which after the 80s has reached its crescendo.

Post-Independence scenario: The static equilibrium

After Independence, there has been a continuous development of Hindu=20
chauvinism as an ideology. It seeks to build up a Hindu Rashtra.=20
Combined with this Hindu chauvinism, the state has been continuously=20
failing its secular polity. The result has been disastrous for the=20
nation. On the one hand, leaders created a system of votebanks i.e. a=20
conception of a separate Hindu and Muslim electorate. At the time of=20
election, the politicians try to woo each votebank, conceding certain=20
concessions to each party. Rajiv Gandhi provided a classic example,=20
of this votebank politics. In 1985, when Muslims rose all over the=20
country in opposition to the Supreme Court's decision in the Shahbano=20
case, Rajiv Gandhi used the opportunity to "appease" the Muslims. By=20
legislation, the court verdict was nullified. Similarly, to "appease"=20
those Hindus who were criticizing Rajiv Gandhi's move to repeal the=20
court decision, Rajiv Gandhi got the door of the disputed Babri=20
Masjid unlocked. This move proved to be nothing short of opening the=20
Pandora's box for the country.

On the other hand, there has been a rise of majority as well as=20
minority communalism and the most unfortunate thing about these two=20
communalism is that both feed each other. Consequently, they have=20
created a great gulf between the two communities. The greatest plank=20
of the majority communalism is the bogey of appeasement. Hindu=20
communal organizations such as VHP, RSS and their political platform=20
the BJP have since long tried to systematically disseminate=20
disinformation about the Muslims. They have tried to project Muslims=20
as being pampered by earlier governments. Convinced by this=20
propaganda, many Hindus have come to believe that the cause of their=20
suffering is none but the Muslim community of India. The logical=20
result was that Muslims always became the targets of Hindu communists=20
whenever a riot broke out. The post-Godhra riots in Gujarat is the=20
most recent example in a series of communal skirmishes. Hindu=20
communalists deliberately engineered many riots to pauperize the=20
Muslims in areas they had flourishing trade and commerce, such as=20
Bhagalpur, Malyana, Bhiondi in the past and now Gujarat in 2002.=20
Another sad dimension of the riotings has been the atrocities=20
committed against Muslims by Police and the administration.

In recent years, the BJP has been spearheading the Hindu communalist=20
movement. The demolition of the Babri Mosque and the Guajarat riots=20
have brutally torn apart the screen of disillusionment of the110=20
million Indian Muslims. For most of them, this is the end of=20
secularism in India. Today the entire Indian Muslim community is=20
cocooned with a deep feeling of insecurity.

The sangh parivar has been toying with the idea of creating a new=20
India on the graveyard of our constitutional values. They consider=20
the mosques as "symbols of Hindu humiliation perpetrated by=20
tyrannical Muslim rulers". Emboldened after the Guajarat win,=20
Praveen Tagdia has even set the time frame for the establishment of=20
the Hindu Rashtra. Another two years, he says, and all pseudo=20
secularists will be gone.

Are Muslims not part of the mainstream?

Another bugbear that the Sangh Parivar sincerely and frequently=20
resorts to is the assertion that Muslims should become a part of the=20
national mainstream, as if they were not part of the same. This is=20
though an euphemism for Muslims having their personal law et al. They=20
have always made a hue and cry of polygamy among Muslims (according=20
to them, Muslims marry more and produce more children in order to=20
outnumber the Hindus in India) and the question of talaq and alimony.=20
However, it is a myth that the Muslims are not part of the national=20
mainstream. All those who accept the Constitution and the law of the=20
land are part of the national mainstream, whatever their religion,=20
culture, and language. The Constitutions itself allows this=20
pluralism. In fact, pluralism is its very soul. It is the Sangh=20
Parivar which defiant of the real Constitutional spirit and=20
intolerant of other cultures and religions. Muslims are part of the=20
national mainstream not only because they accept, both in letter and=20
spirit, the Constitution of India but also because they have been=20
part of Indian society for centuries. Indian traditions are as much=20
in their blood as that of any one else. They have also contributed to=20
the enrichment of Indian society and culture in no small measure. It=20
is sheer arrogance to suggest that only the Hindus have contributed=20
to the Indian culture and civilization.

With change in time, changes also occur in the perception of=20
communities in a society. The Indian society has been much more=20
dynamic than many others in this regard if we see the history of=20
caste and class equations. Similarly, to fight the Hinduvta upsurge,=20
Indian Muslims reacted in two ways: one part of the community=20
indulged in minority communalism and demagogy to counter the Hinduvta=20
forces. The other section of the community, though small in numbers,=20
chose the secular way of fighting Hindu chauvinism and started=20
debunking the myths propagated by the communal media. The country's=20
secular minded people and the secular media supported this section of=20
the community. Thankfully, after the Ayodhya tragedy, the leadership=20
of Muslim communalist bandwagon was discredited and rejected by the=20
general Muslims.

Changing paradigms: The Future

Today, it is imperative that the Muslim community fights the ogre of=20
communalism by adopting the prescription of the Muslim intellectual=20
leadership. The secret of this game of survival was beautifully=20
summed by Mr. Javed Akhtar, Urdu poet and lyricist: "The life-breath=20
of the ogre of Hindu communalism lies in the heart of the parrot of=20
Muslim communalism. Kill the parrot and the ogre will die." In plain=20
English, it means that the fundamentalist and opportunistic Muslim=20
leadership has to be completely disowned by the Muslims. I think the=20
Muslims of India have done that.

As far as the political approach is concerned, Indian Muslims should=20
follow the "Consociational Model of Democracy". It has four major=20
elements. First is government by grand coalition of political leaders=20
of all significant elements of the plural society. Second is the=20
mutual veto which serves as an additional protection of vital=20
minority interests. Third is proportionality as the principal=20
standards of political representation, civil services, appointments,=20
and allocation of public funds. Fourth is a high degree of autonomy=20
for each segment to run its own affairs. Austria, Switzerland, and=20
Columbia have successfully followed this model. Until this approach=20
is adopted in India, Muslims in the interim should distribute their=20
votes among secular and democratic parties.

Greater self-reliance through the community's own private initiative=20
in education, charity, co-operatives and social reform offer an=20
alternative to the route of community improvement through politics.=20
Many scholars believe that secularism as officially promoted in India=20
alienates both Hindus and Muslims. Hence, a positive acceptance of=20
diverse identities rooted in religion as enunciated by Gandhi has=20
better prospects for national integration than secular principles.

______

#4.

Communalism Combat
January 2003
Investigation

Behind the veil

Muslim-owned publications and burqa manufacturers have successfully=20
pushed Muslim women in Kerala behind the purdah

By MP BASHEER

"Your clothes conceal much of your beauty, but hide not the unbeautiful.
If you are seeking safety and freedom in your garments, you will find=20
a harness and a chain."
-Kahlil Gibran in The Prophet.

But the editors of some family and women's magazines in Kerala are=20
convinced that clothes are all about morality, freedom and=20
empowerment.

"Your body is not a mass of flesh the beastly-eyed men can watch with=20
lust.Nor a showpiece to attract the men other than your husband. So,=20
wear a purdah while going on the streets," the editorial of the=20
Aaraamam women's magazine exhorts the Muslim women. "Purdah is a=20
modern dress for moral women," it concludes.

Aaraamam, owned by the Girls Islamic Organisation affiliated to the=20
Kerala chapter of the Jamaat-e-Islami Hind, is published with the=20
editorial support of the Malayalam daily Madhyamam. Like Aaraamam,=20
there are more than 20 such publications, owned by religious groups,=20
which mainly target a female audience.

According to a recent survey conducted by the University of Calicut,=20
10 such women's/ family magazines carried 143 reports/features, 23 of=20
them on covers, to promote the purdah after 1992. Aaraamam tops the=20
list with 23 pro-purdah features to its credit. Pudava, a monthly=20
controlled by the Mujahid Girls Movement carried 19 articles while=20
Poonkavanam and Sunni Afkar, owned by two orthodox sects of Sunni=20
Muslims published 10 each.

Two relative newcomers, Mahila Chandrika of the Chandrika group,=20
owned by the Indian Union Muslim League and Thejas, the fortnightly=20
brought out by the extremist National Development Front (NDF),=20
carried three purdah features each over the last three years, the=20
survey reveals. When Sunni Afkar brought out a women's special annual=20
issue last year, the topic was confined to the clothing of Muslim=20
women. Thirteen out of 18 by-lined articles in the issue were on=20
purdah.

The survey also revealed that the number of Muslim women who were=20
purdah in the five districts of the Malabar region increased from 3.5=20
per cent in 1990 to 32.5 per cent in 2000. The northernmost and the=20
most backward Kasargode district, where the community-oriented family=20
magazines have the largest readership, tops in the graph.

Purdah House, started 10 years ago in SM Street, Kozhikode's=20
commercial hub, set the wave in motion. "The sales, though very=20
lack-lustre initially, improved. Gradually we decided to come out=20
with designer-wear burqas," says Rasool Gafoor, a former partner of=20
Purdah House. Gafoor, who today owns the Crescent Group of Companies,=20
manufactures these garments under the brand name Hoorulyn.

Apart from Purdah House, Hoorulyn sells at a number of outlets all=20
over the state and in neighbouring Tamil Nadu and Karnataka. Crescent=20
has its clientele abroad, too. Last year, nearly 15 per cent of its=20
Rs. 5 crore turnover came from exports to the Gulf. Now, more than 20=20
companies manufacture burqas in Kerala. And all of them get their=20
quota of feature support from these magazines, which had a total=20
circulation of five lakh at the last count.

Two years ago, India Today (Malayalam) on its cover profiled some=20
budding Muslim businesswomen who dared the clergy, preferring the=20
common dress code in public. Losing no time, the family magazines=20
jumped in with replies and rejoinders. Aaraamam even featured a=20
counter-story on its cover, detailing the lives of Muslim women who=20
do small businesses but still observe purdah. Even the secular=20
credentials of India Today and the correspondent who wrote the story=20
were questioned.

Madhyamam, which has emerged as the third largest newspaper in the=20
state with six editions including one from the Gulf, organised two=20
debates on the promotion of purdah, and published more than 50=20
letters to the editor in its columns defending the spread of the=20
Arabian dress code.

"The editorial support and moral patronage from Muslim publications,=20
especially the Madhyamam group, were of immense help in spreading the=20
message of purdah. Middle class Muslim women, our consumers and their=20
readers form a common target," says Rasool Gafoor, of the Hoorulyn.

In his earlier advertisements, Gafoor had used newspaper pictures of=20
purdah-clad Iranian women leading marches on the streets of Tehran.=20
Women in purdah, driving cars and operating computers, are some of=20
the images the publications project.

Until a few years ago, only the very orthodox Sunni women wore the=20
purdah in Kerala. Its newfound popularity is due partly to the=20
realisation that it is more convenient than other attire. "Many find=20
slipping into a burqa much simpler than the elaborate ritual of=20
draping a sari. Cost is another factor. But the predominant factor is=20
the editorial support given by the women publications and the=20
patronage of community organizations" says MN Karassery, noted writer=20
and progressive critic on Muslim women's issues.

Among Muslims, people like Karassery interpret the purdah-craze as a=20
deliberate attempt on the part of fundamentalists to divest Muslim=20
women of all progress.

The conversion of the famous writer and poetess Kamala Das alias=20
Madhavi Kutty to Islam three years ago triggered another boom in the=20
burqa market, as publications devoted dozens of features on the=20
celebrity in purdah. It was an almost warlike campaign to attract=20
more and more buyers for new and newer brands of burqas. A number of=20
shops named after 'Surayya' sprung up in several towns of Malabar=20
after the famous author embraced Islam. In return, these publications=20
gained a sizeable volume of advertisement support from the burqa=20
makers.

The only way to reach Muslim women is to advertise in these family=20
magazines. "Their editorial support garnered credibility for our=20
ads," says Rasool Gafoor, who spent more than Rs. 25 lakh on=20
advertising last year.

Even mainstream family magazines like Vanitha of Malayala Manorama=20
and Grihalakshmi of the Mathrubhumi group, chipped in by propagating=20
a 'nice-girls-wear-burqa' line.

In Kerala, particularly in the Malabar area, purdah is a recent=20
phenomenon. A decade or so earlier, a woman in purdah was a rare=20
sight on the streets of Malabar. Now they can be spotted everywhere -=20
in colleges, markets and super bazaars. Observers are unable to=20
pinpoint one single factor responsible for the rapid spread of the=20
purdah in such a short time. They attribute it to the demolition of=20
the Babri Masjidand the subsequent tendency of community members to=20
become introverted, focussing on a revival of Islam. The high=20
visibility of the RSS-backed revival of Hindu customs and rituals has=20
also had its impact on Muslims.

As more and more women come under the spell of the purdah, the=20
progressive among them view it in a different light. To them the=20
cloak conceals a religious chauvinism that spells danger to Muslim=20
womanhood. "Clerics and orthodox organisations want Muslim women to=20
be confined to their traditional roles in the kitchen and bedroom.=20
The purdah provides an effective weapon to restrict their progress,"=20
says VP Suhara, president of Nissah, the Progressive Muslim Women's=20
Forum. "These publications are run by the same outfits," she adds.=20

(This article is a part of series on 'Women and Media' under=20
the Prem Bhatia Memorial Scholarship 2002-03).

______

#5.

The Telegraph
February 08, 2003

INDIA'S FOUNDING FOREIGNERS
- Gandhi and Nehru are as foreign in Hindu India as Lenin in capitalist Rus=
sia
Rukun Advani
http://www.telegraphindia.com/1030208/asp/opinion/story_1629461.asp

______

#6.

The Hindu
Saturday, Feb 08, 2003
Opinion - Leader Page Articles
Which Mrs. Iyer?
By Rahul De

Which Mrs. Iyer do we emulate, the one who is the humanitarian or the=20
one who is the strategist...? I fear the answer to that question.
http://www.hinduonnet.com/stories/2003020800041000.htm

______

#7.

Dear friends

As part of our ongoing Basant festival, we have a screening of the=20
following films on 7th Feb (Friday) at Ghalib Academy (near dargah=20
Nizamuddin) at Delhi, from 2:30 pm. Also to inform you that the venue=20
for our programmes of 8th and 9th (weekend) are still undecided as=20
Archeological survey of India refused us permission at the last=20
moment to hold them at Qutab Minar complex. You would be informed=20
about them tonight. Or else you can call us to confirm (Vagish Jha -=20
55655128, 9810216943)

Basanti Biscope

Screening of Documentary Films on the Themes of Basant, Sufism and Music

7th February, 2003 | Ghalib Academy Auditorium, New Delhi
2:30 pm onwards

The following documentary films are scheduled for screening.

Basant

Directed by Yousuf Saeed (Consortium for Educational Communication)
13 minutes, New Delhi, Hindustani, 1997

A short film documenting a day in the life of Sufis and Qawwals at=20
the dargah of Nizamuddin, celebrating Basant. This film has been=20
shown at the Mumbai International Film Festival (MIFF'98), and also=20
in the 6th International Short Film Festival, Dhaka (Bangladesh)=20
1999, and at a symposium in Harvard University in 2002, besides being=20
telecast on the Doordarshan.

Mela Basant Bahar
Directed by Samina Aslam (Eveready Pictures Pvt. Ltd., Karachi)

25 minutes, Karachi, Urdu and English

A colourful film about the Basant celebration at Lahore, Pakistan,=20
focusing on the kite-flying events in Lahore and other Pakistani=20
towns. Telecasted on PTV, and participated at Film South Asia=20
Festival, Kathmandu, Nepal, the film traces the history of kite=20
flying from the Mughal period to the modern times.

Portraits of Belonging: Bhai Mian

Directed by Samira Jain (Sublunar Films Production)
34 minutes, New Delhi, Hindustani, 1998

Portrait of a traditional kite-maker, Bhai Mian, from the old city of=20
Delhi, a man whose ordinariness barely conceals his imagination and=20
resilience. The film was awarded a certificate of merit at MIFF'98,=20
besides participating in many other national and international film=20
festivals.

Boojh Sakey to Boojh: Amir Khusrau
Directed by Iffat Fatima and Yousuf Saeed (Doordarshan, Delhi)
30 minutes, New Delhi, Hindustani, 1997
Last part of the 4 part series on the poetic and cultural legacy of=20
12th century poet Amir Khusrau. This episode, called Saaz, is an=20
exploration of the musical traditions attributed to Khusrau and=20
Hazrat Nizamuddin, the Chishti Sufi saint of Delhi.

Basant Mela
Directed by Samina Aslam (Eveready Pictures Pvt. Ltd., Karachi)
50 minutes, Karachi, Urdu

Full of fun and entertainment, this is a video recording of a musical=20
and cultural event held at Lahore, Pakistan, during Basant. Many=20
well-known Pakistani music groups such Junoon, Abrarul Haq and others=20
gave memorable performances.

Basant '03
A Celebration of Love, Hope and Joy
6-9 February, 2003, New Delhi
Organized by Communicators' Cooperative

Co-sponsored by Sahitya Kala Parishad -- Media Sponsorship Delhi=20
Midday -- In Support of ActionAid

For more details, see: http://www.cc-india.org or http://www.alif-india.com
Email: basant@c...
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