[sacw] SACW | 9 Feb. 03

[Harsh Kapoor]

South Asia Citizens Wire | February 9, 2003

#1. India Pakistan Spat at its best:
- Tit-for-tat expulsions of diplomats
- India, Pakistan Trade Diplomatic Expulsions (Anjana Pasricha)
- Over the top - Watching me, watching you (Masood Hasan)
#2.. Afrasiab Khattak [ the president of Human Rights Commission of=20
Pakistan (HRCP)] interviewed by Raza Rahman Khan Qazi
#3.. Where have all the girls gone? (David Gardner)
#4. From Indian currents:
- People's Integration Council brings Seculars Together (Dominic Emmanuel)
- Kerala:NSS thwarts RSS plot (Mukundan C.Menon)
#5. Inverting Dalit Consciousness:
Hindutvaising the Dalits, Communalizing the Movement (Subhash Gatade )
#6. Yes. Caste is as local as you want, as global as you can get.=20
(Shiv Vishvanathan)
#7. Wages of naivete (Dileep Padgaonkar)
#8. Hindutva at Work:
- In Kerala, the BJP is wooing the tribals and the Dalits but their=20
numbers are small. (Roy Mathew)
- The BJP sees Karnataka as its gateway to the south. (Supriya RoyChowdhury=
)
#9. Saraswati In Wiltshire - The mother goddess and her eminent=20
devotees (Ruchir Joshi)
#10. Coal India Sign-On Letter to the World Bank (Chotanagpur Adivasi=20
Sewa Samiti)

__________________________

#1.

The Times of India
February 9, 2003
Tit-for-tat expulsions of diplomats
http://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/cms.dll/html/uncomp/articleshow?artid=3D=
36916930

o o o

Voice of America News
India, Pakistan Trade Diplomatic Expulsions
Anjana Pasricha
New Delhi
08 Feb 2003
http://www.voanews.com/article.cfm?objectID=3D46D26700-1BBB-4FCA-A2617E33C4=
FDB582

The News International
February 09, 2003

Over the top
Watching me, watching you

Masood Hasan

I must confess a sudden feeling of excitement looking at the=20
'Indians' on the other side at Lahore's Wagha border one spring day=20
last year. As we struggled to get near the Pakistan gate and the=20
adjoining no man's land, we could see a few hundred feet away, rows=20
of Indians watching us watching them. The men in starched uniforms=20
and even more starched moustaches meanwhile began a series of=20
elaborate rituals, marching fiercely forwards and backwards, arms=20
flailing, wielding the fiercest of looks and bristling with implied=20
and exaggerated anger and hostility. The pantomime continued with=20
each side competing to out do the adversary. The men had been chosen=20
carefully on either side. Big, brawny, muscular and threatening,=20
moving like angry lions, watched and tutored by anxious and=20
semi-agitated officers who directed the choreographed show like=20
seasoned Hollywood directors.

The lowering of the flags at the two borders near Lahore is now an=20
established show where each side performs to overwhelm the other.=20
Mercifully there are no weapons -- not so far at least -- and the=20
glaring looks and physical superiority win applause from the partisan=20
crowds gathered on both sides. The enormous force and undisguised=20
violence with which the respective gates are slammed shut draws=20
appreciation from the crowds who see in it and the whole spectacle, a=20
settling of scores between the arch rivals. The lowering of the flags=20
and the shutting of gates has become something like a war that is=20
fought in all seriousness. People gather for hours to watch this=20
sundown showdown and then, just as suddenly as it all starts, the=20
pantomime is over and everyone trudges home. It is impossible to=20
watch this and not dwell on the sad state of affairs that exist=20
between India and Pakistan. Other countries too must have borders but=20
I wonder where else this ritual is carried out with such emotion and=20
fanfare. As we all stared that afternoon at the Indians before coming=20
home, it was a bit of a letdown to realise that, more or less, they=20
looked like us. Switch the sides and you would be hard pressed to=20
figure out which was which, but while the irony of that situation=20
might have been lost on us, there was no denying the undercurrent of=20
hostility that runs ever so strongly beneath everything we say or do=20
regarding one another.

The recent tit for tat farce that has been played out in Delhi and=20
Islamabad with one side expelling the staff of the other side only to=20
be repaid the same way, is laughable were it not so sad and=20
pointless. For years and years, we have made a virtue of the hate=20
that rules our hearts and minds as we contemplate the treachery and=20
animosity that has been our common legacy since 1947. Starting from=20
the fact that Pakistan's independent status was not an acceptable=20
truth for India to this latest act of childish behaviour, there has=20
been nothing but a down hill slide in the relations between the two=20
rival nations. It is amusing to consider now that even the date of=20
our independence -- August 14 was a hastily thought deflection and=20
put our birth a day earlier but the two countries could obviously not=20
share the same day. In reality, Pakistan could not have become=20
independent on August 14 because it was only India, which did. We did=20
not exist before that and our independence day is actually the day of=20
our birth -- but many would say that is splitting hairs, much in the=20
same fashion as the current (and often repeated) controversy of Mr=20
Jinnah's birthplace -- Jhirk in Thatta or Karachi. It doesn't make=20
any difference really, but there are enough people to keep this fire=20
burning, creating a controversy where none deserves to exist. When we=20
had a difference of interpretation on the dates of our birth or our=20
independence, what strife-free future could we have contemplated?=20
Those who thought or believed that we were going to live in peace=20
have been proven wrong by generation after generation of Indians and=20
Pakistanis. All of us have, at one time or another stoked the fires=20
of hate and intolerance that burn just as brightly in Delhi as they=20
do in Islamabad.

I am sure that Jalil Abbas Jilani who is the acting high commissioner=20
in Delhi is not a spy as is Sudhir Vyas in Islamabad -- what=20
precisely is there to spy on? While we guard our installations be=20
they bridges or airports or railway stations and disallow photography=20
of these 'sensitive' locations, the Indians probably do the same. In=20
this day and age of satellites that can tell the colour of the=20
elastic on your underwear, what childish games are we wasting time=20
and money on? On both sides of the line, the common people continue=20
to lead lives of great deprivation. It is no solace to know that our=20
beggars are better off than theirs or our footpaths come for free=20
when night falls on the wretched and the miserable. Neither does it=20
help much to compare the scrawny Indian with the better-fed Pakistani=20
and score brownie points in the bargain. The fact that human beings,=20
almost skeletal in appearance still pull carts ferrying fat customers=20
to and fro in India but not in Pakistan is nothing to be proud of.=20
These are small victories and make little or no difference to the=20
towering problems of lack of education, health, justice and well=20
being that scar our two countries. Almost a year and a half back, I=20
gingerly approached the Indian High Commission in Islamabad, having=20
answered a dozen searching questions asked by two bored=20
plainclothesmen lounging on a 'charpoy' outside the chancery. I was=20
apprehensive as if I was going to be attacked any second, but all=20
that I saw was a grated window where I handed over visa applications=20
for a group of seven musicians who were due to proceed to India a few=20
weeks later -- the trip never materialised. A little while later, a=20
door opened and I was asked to come in. I was even more apprehensive.=20
I was taken to a room where an elderly man sat at a desk. He had all=20
the seven applications in front of him. He asked me to take a seat=20
and started asking me a few questions about the musicians and the=20
event that was taking them to India. From there on, all he talked=20
about was music -- his three daughters were studying music and he was=20
a devotee of all the classical musicians on either side. We talked=20
about festivals, musicians and the wonderful legacy that we have=20
inherited but about which we do precious little. In the meantime, the=20
papers had all been processed and I was told to bring them back once=20
the travel dates were final. There would be no problems with visas.=20
He said that it was an honour for him when anyone from the performing=20
arts field wanted to visit India. In January this year, we expelled=20
the same person for being a spy. Maybe he is or was, but if he was,=20
the cover was great because all he did was talk about music -- not=20
even a slight hint of a query to squeeze out unlikely information.

There can be no peace between us, not in our lifetimes. There are too=20
many vested interests on either side to let that happen. Any effort=20
that is initiated, here or there, is doomed to fail and as the=20
distrust and hate multiplies, chances of a working peace and harmony=20
fall by the wayside. It matters little who is right or wrong because=20
the entire sorry game played by the politicians, generals and=20
bureaucrats on both sides, has always been a zero sum game where=20
there are no winners and only losers. And as happens in such cases,=20
it is the common people, like you or me, who always lose out in the=20
end.

______

#2.

The News on Sunday / The News International
February 9, 2003
Political Economy

first person

Afrasiab Khattak

Libertarian principles

By Raza Rahman Khan Qazi

Afrasiab Khattak is a politician and human rights activist. He has=20
been the president of Human Rights Commission of Pakistan (HRCP),=20
which is believed to be the largest human rights organisation in the=20
country.

Khattak hails from Karak in southern NWFP. He was an active leftist=20
politician during the '70s and '80s. He spent many years in=20
self-exile in Afghanistan in the '80s, due to his strong opposition=20
to General Ziaul Haq's military rule.

After his return from Afghanistan, Khattak contested the general=20
elections from his ancestral town Karak but could not win due to his=20
progressive ideas that were in conflict with the conservative=20
electorate he belonged to. He is also a known constitutional expert=20
and a practicing lawyer of Supreme Court and High court.

In a recent interview with Political Economy, Khattak spoke on=20
military rule, democracy and human rights in Pakistan. Excerpts=20
follow:

PE: What do you mean by human rights?

AK: "After the Industrial Revolution in Europe, people started to=20
talk about human rights. It was a direct result of the emerging=20
concept of citizenship. Previously, there had been a lot of talk=20
about rights of nations, rights of religious and ethnic communities,=20
but no discussion on individual rights. A number of democratic=20
revolutions in the West facilitated the ideology of individual rights=20
and the people made a collective commitment in this regard.

"But women were still deprived of basic human rights even in=20
societies that had undergone democratic revolutions. The principle of=20
adult franchise was only accepted in the 20th Century. In the West,=20
women's right to vote was not recognised until the last century. It=20
was only in the 20th Century that the concept of fundamental civil=20
and human rights bore fruits. It was after World War II that people=20
sat down seriously to define the concept of human rights, and in 1948=20
UN General Assembly approved the Universal Declaration of Human=20
Rights. This was followed by other declarations like that of Refugees=20
and the 1951 Geneva Convention. But more important were the 1966=20
conventions--the one pertaining to International Covenant for Civil=20
and Political Rights and the other International Covenant for Social=20
and Economic Rights. These covenants as well as Universal Human=20
Rights Declaration are also known as International Bill of Human=20
Rights. It served as a foundation for the International Human Rights=20
Law.

"I like the concept because it is simply called Human Rights. This=20
means that the only qualification for having these rights is being a=20
human. It is simple and at the same time very comprehensive."

PE: What is the stand of human rights activists on the exploitation=20
of consumers by market forces?

AK: "Every human rights activist is concerned about the rights of=20
vulnerable people. These are the segments of societies that are=20
oppressed and exploited. They include women, children and all=20
underprivileged people. These people do not have equal opportunities.=20
So we stand for these people and advocate their rights. We have a=20
very clear stand on economic rights of the underprivileged class."

PE: What is the condition of human rights in Pakistan?

AK: "Unfortunately, the human rights situation in Pakistan is quiet=20
bleak. In a country where the constitutional process has broken down=20
to shreds and the military determines the fate of individuals and=20
communities, it is very hard for people to achieve their rights.

"In civilised societies, the State and society enjoy a symbiotic=20
relationship. Society controls the State through democratic and=20
electoral process. People vote for political leadership to pursue=20
certain type of policies that represent people's aspirations.=20
Similarly, the State administers society through government. In=20
Pakistan, the control of society over State is very weak. But in=20
spite of empowering the civil society in Pakistan and transforming it=20
into a democratic State, we took a journey in the reverse direction.=20
Pakistan started off quite well, but the dissolution of Constituent=20
Assembly in 1957 and the Martial Law in 1958 marred the nascent=20
democratic process. In Pakistan there have been military=20
dictatorships, punctuated by brief periods of controlled or=20
quasi-democracies.

"I would like to add that the so-called 1985 Republic, manufactured=20
by General Zia, collapsed in the late 1990s. General Musharraf's=20
takeover was an anti-climax of this process, which is the total=20
disempowerment of the people. The State system in Pakistan, which is=20
heavily militarised, is in no way accountable to the society. So it=20
is natural that State imposes its policies on society.

"The state in Pakistan does not represent aspirations of its people=20
and this fact is also reflected in its anti-people policies. Just=20
look at the priorities of the State. The money we spent on health,=20
education, and development of human resources is nothing in=20
comparison to the huge spending on defense, administration and=20
debt-servicing.

"The worst victims of these policies are the vulnerable sections of=20
the society like women. Poverty is on the rise. Poverty harms women=20
more than men, and affects children more than grown-ups. The rise of=20
religious extremism has further limited space for a healthy growth of=20
civil society and human rights."

PE: Do you agree that the rise of religious extremism is a result of=20
economic deterioration?

AK: "Religious extremism is a complex phenomenon, involving many=20
factors. It has national as well as international actors behind it.=20
It is true that economic deprivation is a very important factor, but=20
the despotic and undemocratic rulers have also caused religious=20
fanaticism to grow by leaps and bounds. These regimes abrogate=20
constitution and resort to religious slogans to justify their=20
unlawful rule. Then, of course, Cold War also added fuel to fire and=20
the Western powers used religion as a weapon to serve their=20
interests. Religious extremism, which was then created, has now taken=20
new forms."

PE: You mean to say that religion is used as an agent of=20
de-politicisation of the State...

AK: "Yes, of course. Various religious slogans were used as an=20
alternative to constitutional rule to achieve legitimacy. This has=20
had very negative consequences on Pakistani society."

PE: There have been reports of human rights violation at the family=20
level. What is the depth of these violations?

AK: "We have feudal and tribal structures still intact in rural=20
areas. Family, in our society, is not a democratic institution. It is=20
fiercely patriarch and the male is the unchallenged king, deciding=20
the fate of women and children members of the family according to his=20
whims.

"Marriage is not regarded as a contract in which the parties have=20
well defined interests and remedies. Violence against women has=20
unfortunately increased a lot in recent times. We have yet to define=20
domestic violence in specific terms, as a crime punishable by law.=20
Women are killed in the name of so called 'honour' only because the=20
murderers can get away with their crimes."

PE: So the foundations of our society are whimsical?

AK: "No they are not whimsical. It is basically a male-dominated=20
society in an institutionalised way. All the institutions, ideologies=20
and laws are biased in favour of men and are crafted to subjugate=20
women. I admit that patriarchy is almost everywhere in the world, but=20
it is no where in such a horrible shape as in Pakistan."

PE: You have been a very vocal exponent of the restoration of 1973=20
Constitution. Do you think that the constitution really safeguards=20
human rights at all levels?

AK: "It is a matter of principles. The 1973 Constitution is important=20
because it was drafted by a representative assembly of the people of=20
Pakistan. We may have disagreements on certain contents of the=20
Constitution, but no one can deny its importance in a democratic=20
system."

PE: What needs to be done in order to undermine the role of military=20
in State machinery?

AK: "Unfortunately, we are bogged down in a vicious cycle. Preventing=20
military from interference in State affairs requires a strong mass=20
democratic movement. Only political consciousness and political=20
organisations can guarantee to stop military influence in State=20
affairs.

"But the problem is that our military has grown into a State within a=20
state. It shapes all basic State policies. It enjoys almost complete=20
monopoly over State intelligence. In recent years, it has encroached=20
upon civil rights even more. It is a complicated situation for the=20
people of Pakistan and as I earlier said, we need to establish a=20
democratic culture to develop a viable political system. For that=20
purpose, political parties have to function democratically."

PE: Is there also interference by the military in political parties' affair=
s?

AK: "There is definitely an interference on the part of the military=20
in political parties' affairs. It is an open secret now that the ISI=20
has a political cell. People witnessed the military's involvement=20
during the last general elections. We have also seen the rise and=20
fall of kings' parties time and again. After the 1970s, the military=20
establishment has developed the art of political engineering,=20
fabrication of political parties and production of test-tube=20
politicians. The last category is a disposable commodity. It is used=20
as long as it is required and then dumped."

PE: Is it not a new development that the religious political parties=20
are opposing a 'President in Uniform'?

AK: "It is very hard to believe that the marriage between generals=20
and mullahs [ITALICS] has broken. There might be minor differences=20
between the Army and the maulvis [ITALICS], but the strategic=20
partnership is intact. MMA may be opposing one general in uniform,=20
but it is difficult to believe that they would oppose every general=20
as president. For instance, they fully supported Zia. Even now it is=20
rather naive to reduce the whole problem of the military's domination=20
of State and society to one person.

"In order to keep the army at bay, the country needs a full-fledged=20
democratic culture. It needs tolerance, accommodation, compromises,=20
and adjustments; accepting dissent, treating opposition party as=20
government in waiting, and exhibiting high moral character."

PE: How can civil society be properly educated?

AK: "Civil society comprises of those parts of the society that can=20
regulate themselves and that do not require State interference for=20
regulation. Civil society flourishes in a federal democratic=20
dispensation. So what we need is to establish a democratic system for=20
the development of such a society, in which the people have the right=20
of freedom of expression, to form associations, right to academic=20
independence, free media and an independent judiciary."

PE: You have been a Marxist-Leninist, but now you are a completely=20
transformed person. What caused this change?

AK: "I do not see any contradiction because the struggle for the=20
rights of working people is the struggle of human rights. However,=20
this struggle does not involve power politics."

PE: What is the peculiar significance of human rights in NWFP?

AK: "NWFP is a tribal area. It is only in the 20th Century that there=20
developed some advanced forms of agriculture life in Peshawar valley.=20
But the rest of the province changed very slowly and in most parts we=20
still have the remnants of old social formations.

"NWFP had a primitive type of egalitarianism. But at the same time it=20
has some customs and traditions that are at variance with individual=20
rights. The primitive egalitarianism degenerated with the passage of=20
time. For instance the institution of jirga [ITALICS], which was=20
considered to be the most representative institution of the tribe,=20
became elitist in nature. Poor and weak elements of the society were=20
gradually excluded and the jirga [ITALICS] became an institution to=20
serve Khans and Maliks. It is a pity that due to uneven=20
socio-economic development in the country, NWFP remains one of the=20
most deprived and undeveloped areas in Pakistan, where human rights=20
violations are rampant."

PE: Do you agree that NGOs such as yours pose a threat to local culture?

AK: "It is very unfortunate that some people regard reformation,=20
development and democratisation as Western concepts that are not=20
applicable in our society. It is not true. The struggle for=20
independence was about human rights. So after achieving political=20
independence we still have to fight for human rights' independence.=20
Ideas are neither Western nor Eastern. They should be judged on=20
merits rather than on parochial biases."

PE: Do you see a probability of State being replaced by civil society=20
organisations completely?

AK: "The more ordinary people are empowered and allowed to=20
participate in State affairs, the more will the civil society expand.=20
It can only be achieved with growing level of civility,=20
consciousness, access to information and participation of the people=20
in decision-making. The need of the State, therefore, would=20
eventually diminish."

______

#3.

A report published in the Financial Times (London)

Where have all the girls gone?
By David Gardner
Published: February 7 2003 18:00 | Last Updated: February 7 2003 18:00

The three were sisters, aged fifteen, seventeen and nineteen, and had=20
hanged themselves while their parents were out of the house. They had=20
written a note to explain their conduct. They knew that their father=20
was unhappy at not being able to afford dowries for them. After much=20
debate and anxiety, they had decided to take this step, to spare=20
their mother and father the shame of three unmarried daughters. They=20
begged their parents' forgiveness for this action which would cause=20
them grief; they could see no alternative.
Rohinton Mistry, A Fine Balance

When Biresh Poddar, a 40-year-old Calcutta plywood trader, strangled=20
his wife and five daughters, his story scraped on to India's front=20
pages. In a note he left for the police, he stated a number of=20
grievances, principal among them: "She didn't give me sons."

But a series of subsequent meetings of religious leaders of all=20
faiths gathered to condemn the practices of female foeticide -=20
sex-selective abortions - and female infanticide, caused little more=20
than a ripple in most of the Indian press.

Yet the preference for sons is creating a desperate shortage of=20
females in India's 1bn-plus population - a national "shortfall" of=20
about 40m women that is disproportionately high in some regions.

No one knows what the eventual repercussions will be. But already it=20
is common for men to marry women 10 or more years younger than=20
themselves as the shortage of eligible brides becomes acute.

Amin Maalouf, the Lebanese-French historical novelist, has set one of=20
his novels, The First Century after Beatrice, in the future. He sees=20
growing gender imbalances quietly but cumulatively building into=20
apocalyptic turmoil, as women are coveted and kidnapped, cloistered=20
and trafficked, the emblems of wealth in this new poverty.

The "gender empowerment measures" economists use in other countries=20
to measure development tend to look at whether women work, at what=20
levels, how much they earn, the number of women in parliament, and so=20
forth. In India, they start by measuring the extent to which women=20
exist.

This sinister disparity in the balance of the sexes appears=20
impervious, moreover, to India's slow advances in wealth and=20
literacy, increased life expectancy and better healthcare. In fact,=20
faster advances in prenatal medicine, such as amniocentesis and=20
ultrasound scans - both of which can detect the unborn child's sex -=20
have made it easier to identify and abort female foetuses.

In Ladsauli, 53km north of Delhi, Kartar Singh, a 62-year-old farmer=20
and former soldier, says there are now six boys for every four girls=20
in the village of 1,500 families.

He has three daughters and one son, but having a girl in the family,=20
he says, is now increasingly rare - because few families can afford=20
bridal dowries at an average of Rs150,000 ($3,142/=A31,907). Annual=20
earnings are little more than a fifth of that.

Singh and his neighbours are all familiar with the word "ultrasound"=20
which, at Rs600 a scan, can tell an expectant mother the sex of her=20
unborn child. If it is a girl, a further Rs350 can secure its=20
abortion. Elias, a 15-year-old from Ladsauli, says: "There's going to=20
be a big problem if we don't do something."

Ladsauli is in Haryana, which, along with the adjoining state of=20
Punjab in India's north-

western plains, is the relatively prosperous bread-basket of the=20
country. The slate-coloured sky, heavy with monsoon rain, is turning=20
the green rice paddies a deep, fecund purple near the village of=20
Shyam Ghar, 75km further north, promising another good harvest.

The roads are paved, there is running water, electricity, a primary=20
health centre and a large school, and the temple is richly endowed.

But the story for women is the same.

Ultrasound tests have become routine and

the gender ratio is six to four; some villagers suggest here it is=20
more like seven boys for every three girls. Already, 20 young men=20
have had to be found brides from outside the state. "There is a=20
waiting list of over 200," says Ram Pal, a 50-year-old farmer and=20
social activist.

"This has been going on now for over five years, and still no one=20
wants a daughter," he says, blaming the dowry system. "If a girl is=20
born, it's like a funeral, but if it's a boy, there's a party."

Sardar Mohinder Singh, the nervous and reticent secretary of the=20
local Panchayat, or

council, of the 8,000 population village, hints that more than=20
sex-selective abortions are used to ensure sons. "It's not only that=20
girls are not born, they're 'kept down'," he says.

Pal, however, who has two daughters and two sons, is not at all=20
reticent in denouncing foeticide and infanticide. "If you kill your=20
girls, then no development is possible. It's a horrible crime and=20
this is the biggest problem we face," he says.

But on the evidence of the most recent, 2001 census, Pal's views are=20
not making much headway. Overall, there are 933 Indian women for=20
every 1,000 men. By contrast, in the US, there are 1,029 women for=20
each 1,000 men, in Indonesia 1,004, in Brazil 1,025, and in Nigeria=20
1,016. These are normal proportions for a country with average life=20
expectancy of more than 60 years - unless a sex discrimination method=20
is employed. By those standards, with 531m males and 495m females,=20
India has about 40m "missing women".

The term is associated with Amartya Sen, the Nobel prize-winning=20
economist and Master of Trinity College, Cambridge. Sen says the=20
phrase was actually inserted into an article he published in The New=20
York Review of Books, to his initial irritation, by an editor. "But=20
it spoke to people," he now says, "whereas I had been writing about=20
these sorts of issues for 20 years and been largely ignored."

There is thought to be an even greater number of women "missing" in=20
China, and gender imbalance is rife throughout southern Asia. But=20
whereas the Chinese were subject to strict limits on family size, the=20
reason for India's skewed population appears to stem from a cultural=20
preference for male children, especially among north Indians.

Evidence suggests the imbalance will grow worse. In the 1991 census,=20
India's sex ratio was 927 females to 1,000 males, so the current 933=20
to 1,000 ratio looks like an improvement. But the female-male=20
disparity in children up to the age of six widened over the decade -=20
it was 945 girls to every 1,000 boys in 1991; now it is 927, pointing=20
to even greater problems for future generations. The otherwise dry=20
and factual authors of the census said: "The imbalance . . . in this=20
early age group is difficult to remove and will remain to haunt the=20
population for a long time to come."

The census lists "sex- selective female abortions", "female=20
infanticide" and "neglect" - typically through giving girls less food=20
and medical care than boys - as "important reasons commonly put=20
forward" for the gender anomaly.

The National Nutrition Monitoring Bureau has documented what is plain=20
to any dispassionate eye: girls get fed much less, and surveys of=20
adult women regularly indicate anaemia rates above 80 per cent.

While about half of all Indian children are undernourished, the UN=20
says that in the Punjab "low-income boys are better nourished than=20
high-income girls". One recent study of the All India Institute of=20
Medical Sciences in Delhi, one of India's leading hospitals, shows=20
that of all surgery on children, only 30 per cent is on girls.

"Neither education nor income has any effect on the attitude to the=20
girl-child's birth," concluded an Indian government report in the=20
mid-1990s.

Indeed, as Punjab and Haryana have grown richer, the number of girls=20
has declined. The Punjab's sex ratio has sunk to 874 to 1,000 and=20
Haryana's is 864 to 1,000; Delhi, a city with a large Punjabi=20
population, has an 821 to 1,000 ratio.

Some demographers have suggested this may be the result of male=20
migration into these relatively richer areas. But that cannot explain=20
the even worse ratios in the child population: 793 girls for each=20
1,000 Punjabi boys, and 820 in Haryana.

The disparities are nearly as big across the impoverished "cow-belt"=20
of the north - in Rajasthan, Uttar Pradesh, Madhya Pradesh, and Bihar.

It is a phenomenon that gathered pace during much of the last century=20
and was puzzled over by census- takers under the British colonial=20
Raj. In 1931, when the sex ratio was 950 females to 1,000 males, the=20
census noted that the "sex ratio increases inversely with social=20
standing in Hindus" - in other words, the higher the caste, the fewer=20
the women.

Later studies of the same data show a regional correlation between=20
the high number of Brahmins and, in the princely states, Rajputs, and=20
the low number of females. In Rajput Jaipur in 1931 the sex ratio was=20
659 to 1,000, and in Rajasthan today there are occasional reports of=20
villages with no girls at all.

In south India, however, gender ratios are much better. Some=20
demographers believe this is because the predominant culture of the=20
north - brought by Aryan invaders who introduced the caste hierarchy,=20
patrilineal inheritance, and male kinship patterns - is different=20
from the Dravidian or indigenous culture of the south, where Brahmins=20
are much thinner on the ground.

There is more than the dowry problem behind the missing women. The=20
Hindu tradition that the eldest son must light the funeral pyre and=20
free the spirit of his father is one issue.

Another is inheritance practices that discriminate against women; the=20
southern state of Kerala, with a history of matrilineal inheritance,=20
has the best gender ratio in India, of 1,058 women for each 1,000=20
men. In the south, moreover, more women are involved in=20
labour-intensive agriculture, giving them a bread-winning status.

Ritual obsession with purity, including chastity, is another issue.=20
As a villager in Shyam Ghar explains it: "If a boy does something=20
bad, you can beat him, but if a girl does something wrong, you can't=20
rectify it, you have to kill her."

But dowry is a big problem, as the sly advertisements placed by=20
health clinics in mass-circulation papers such as Punjab Kesari, or=20
on telegraph poles from Delhi to Haryana, attest. With amniocentesis=20
in the 1980s, it was typically: "Pay 500 rupees now to avoid 50,000=20
later". With the spread of ultrasound in the past decade, the message=20
is the same, the cost higher: "Spend 1,000 rupees today, Avoid 1 Lakh=20
(Rs100,000) tomorrow".

Even in southern states such as Tamil Nadu, which have made big=20
strides in population control, smaller families plus medical=20
techniques are leading to more female infanticide and foeticide.

Dowry payments are formally illegal. So too is sex-determination=20
under the Pre-natal Diagnostic Techniques (Regulation and Prevention=20
of Misuse Act), 1994.

Dr Madhusudan Gupta, who presides over the Madhumita CT Scan and=20
Ultra-Sound clinic in Panipat, one of Haryana's main towns, denies=20
ever having contravened the law. "It's not legal to pre-determine sex=20
any more," he says. But ask him why the practice is more widespread=20
than ever, and why no one has ever been charged under the 1994 law,=20
the answer is: "This is India - ask the high-ups in Delhi why they=20
are doing it too."

The Supreme Court in 2001 ordered New Delhi and state governments to=20
enforce the 1994 law - which the government has said it will amend=20
and strengthen. The Indian Medical Association has also called for a=20
new code of ethics to proscribe selective female abortion. The Sikh=20
religious hierarchy in the Punjab has even threatened Sikhs who=20
practise it with excommunication.

But the medical techniques used are perfectly legal, as is abortion=20
itself, which makes clandestine selectivity difficult to police.

This grim problem - a grotesque collision between feudal and caste=20
tradition and modern medicine - has further consequences for Indians=20
of both sexes. As Dr Sen and Siddiq Osmani, professor of development=20
economics at the University of Ulster, argue in a recent paper ("The=20
hidden penalties of gender inequality: foetal origins of adult=20
diseases"), the systematic undernourishment of girls and women leads=20
to foetal "distress" and underweight babies. That in turn leads to=20
the high incidence of cardio-vascular disease and diabetes observable=20
in India and south Asia - affecting both sexes, but especially men.

"I sometimes regret I do not believe in God and divine intervention,"=20
Dr Sen remarked wryly recently about this rebound on men for their=20
neglect of women.

A review of Amartya Sen's book, 'Rationality and Freedom', will=20
appear next Saturday.

______

#4.

Indian Currents
16 February 2003

Wake up Call to Nation
People's Integration Council brings Seculars Together

--Dominic Emmanuel

Perturbed and pained by the current communal situation of the=20
country, intellectuals, sane voices interested in containing the=20
efforts of those bent on spreading the tension between two=20
communities and to silence those clamouring for a Hindu Rashtra as=20
defined by Golwalkar and Savarkar the People's Integration Council=20
comes into existence.
http://www.indiancurrents.com/ic7/cover.htm

o o o

Kerala:NSS thwarts RSS plot

-- Mukundan C.Menon
In yet another major setback to the RSS agenda in Kerala, leaders of=20
the powerful Nair Service Society (NSS) frustrated the attempts of=20
the Sangh Parivar to utilize its premises for a function to be=20
organised by the latter's student wing. This has enraged the entire=20
Hindutva fascist clan to launch a smear campaign against the NSS=20
leadership, especially its assistant general secretary G. Sukumaran=20
Nair.
http://www.indiancurrents.com/ic7/mukundan%20c%20menon.htm

______

#5.

Mainstream, 8 Feb 2003
Inverting Dalit Consciousness:
Hindutvaising the Dalits, Communalizing the Movement

by Subhash Gatade

http://www.mnet.fr/aiindex/2002/gatadeFeb03.html

______

#6.

The Times of India
Does caste still call the shots in modern India?
Yes. Caste is as local as you want, as global as you can get.
Shiv Vishvanathan
[ SATURDAY, FEBRUARY 08, 2003 10:34:02 PM ]
http://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/cms.dll/html/uncomp/articleshow?artid=3D=
36894597

______

#7.

The Times of India

Wages of naivete
TALKING TERMS/DILEEP PADGAONKAR
[ SATURDAY, FEBRUARY 08, 2003 10:24:00 PM ]

Did we botch it? Karan Thapar had invited Neerja Chowdhary of the=20
Indian Express and me to question Dr Praveen Togadia on a programme=20
he anchors for Sab TV.
http://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/cms.dll/html/uncomp/articleshow?artid=3D=
36893901

______

#8.

Hindutva at Work:

The Hindu
Sunday, Feb 09, 2003

On the margins

In Kerala, the BJP is wooing the tribals and the Dalits but their=20
numbers are small. Roy Mathew reports.
http://www.thehindu.com/2003/02/09/stories/2003020900041700.htm

o o o

The Hindu
Sunday, Feb 09, 2003

The thin edge of the wedge

The BJP sees Karnataka as its gateway to the south. Supriya=20
RoyChowdhury on the party's mobilisational strategies in a region=20
where it has never been in power.
http://www.thehindu.com/2003/02/09/stories/2003020900031600.htm

______

#9.

The Telegraph
Sunday, February 09, 2003

SARASWATI IN WILTSHIRE
- The mother goddess and her eminent devotees
the thin edge RUCHIR JOSHI
http://www.telegraphindia.com/1030209/asp/opinion/story_1611784.asp

______

#10.

Prerana Resource Centre <prchaz@k...> wrote:

Dear Friends,

You may know that for several years now we have been struggling with=20
the people of East Parej in the coal mining areas of Jharkhand. The=20
coal mining there, done by Coal India Limited and funded by the World=20
Bank, has had very negative impacts on the Santhal tribals.

Subsequently, we and the affected people filed a complaint to the=20
World Bank's Inspection Panel. This independent Inspection Panel=20
visited the site twice, and they have now just brought out an=20
extensive report. In this they fault the Bank on 31 counts of breach=20
of its own policies, and a further 10 counts of serious failure. The=20
work of the Inspection Panel ceases now, it is up to the Exceuctive=20
Directors of the World Bank to decide on- doing nothing? do a=20
white-wash? implement an effctive remedial plan for the victims?

For the sake of the people, we are gathering support for a letter to=20
the Bank's Board of Executive Directors to ask them for a stong and=20
just remedial plan. We hope you can "sign on" to this letter to give=20
the people your support.

Add your signature by e-mailing with 'Coal India sign-on' in the=20
subject line and giving your name, organisation and country where you=20
are located.

Or send your own based on this text to your own Executive Director.=20
Find your ED and their contact details at:=20
http://www.bicusa.org/mdbs/wbg/execdir.htm

With Best Wishes, Gemma, Bina, Philan, Tony and all at CASS

COAL INDIA SIGN-ON LETTER

Letter to be sent on 21 February-please sign below.

Executive Directors The World Bank 1818 H Street Washington DC 20433 USA

Dear Executive Directors,

We are writing to encourage you to take seriously and act rigorously=20
on the recent report by the Bank's Inspection Panel on the two Coal=20
India projects involving involuntary displacement which the Bank=20
supported in the mid 1990s. It is particularly important to learn the=20
lessons of these projects and respond appropriately to the Panel=20
report's findings because the Bank claimed that these projects were=20
model ways to improve borrower social and environmental capacity and=20
performance. This Project also had an unusually high number of=20
supervision missions by Bank staff. This project's dismal record on=20
social and environmental outcomes raises major questions about the=20
Bank's ability and interest in these issues.

The Bank provided two different loans to Coal India. The initial=20
loan-the Coal Sector Environmental and Social Mitigation Project -was=20
intended to build the capacity of Coal India to deal with the issues=20
entailed by a major expansion of open cast coal mines. Despite many=20
warnings and specific recommendations by local and international NGOs=20
the second project-the Coal Sector Rehabilitation Project-went ahead=20
too soon and without adequate assurances that the social and=20
environmental issues were being adequately addressed.

This is confirmed by the Inspection Panel's new report, which finds=20
31 violations of Bank policies and a further 10 issues of concern.=20
Among the Bank policies and procedures which were not adequately=20
implemented are those on: resettlement, indigenous peoples'=20
protection, environmental assessment and project supervision. On=20
resettlement it found that: "[Bank] Management's failure to ensure=20
that the original Resettlement Action Plan (RAP) reflected reality on=20
the ground resulted in many problems (para. 13)", and that:

"Many of the displaced Project-affected persons have not been and are=20
not being compensated at full replacement cost, with the result that=20
many have suffered and continue to suffer harm (para. 14)". Further=20
significant extracts from the Panel's report are in the attached=20
"Panel Report Extracts"

The local NGO which brought the claim in June 2001, Chotanagpur=20
Adivasi Sewa Samiti (CASS) has produced an action plan to deal with=20
the problems raised by this project, most notably livelihood=20
restoration for those displaced. Their full recommendations are in=20
the attached "Proposed Action Plan". They include demands that the=20
people who have been involuntarily displaced from their homesteads=20
and from usufruct rights to forest produce must be:
* given the opportunity to locate and be awarded adequate=20
compensation to buy adequate replacement land ,
* given resettlement plots sufficiently large for second-generation=20
growth, with adequate potable water, services, and legal title,
* compensated for lost communal property resources which must be=20
quantified and evaluated,
* provided effective training and jobs in coalmining and for=20
contractors with guaranteed rights.

CASS also urge that full rights of entitlement to resettlement and=20
income-generation must be extended to women.

We, the undersigned NGOs, urge you to back this plan for an=20
independently implemented mitigation project. This should be assisted=20
and monitored by a bank management team as envisaged in the=20
Post-Project Audit, and should be overseen by the establishment of an=20
independent panel. To stand any realistic chance of being fully=20
implemented, some of the important measures in the Action Plan, will=20
need to be supported by high-level intervention with the Government=20
of India:
* granting adequate resettlement site plots with full legal title to oustee=
s;
* expeditious recognition of customary title;
* provision of land-for-land through direct negotiated sale and=20
effective assistance to find and purchase;
* amendment of legislation to enable the return to prior owners of=20
land acquired for mining so as to drive the established need for=20
physical reclamation;
* having been deprived of their economic base, they are severely=20
handicapped in securing other income, and strong intervention has to=20
be made in their favour, mainly in giving them company employment.

We recognise that the World Bank projects are now technically closed,=20
but the project affected communities should not be penalized since=20
the Parej sub-project itself is far from closed. Like the Inspection=20
Panel, we encourage the Bank to face up to its moral and legal=20
responsibilities to the people affected by this Bank-backed=20
intervention. We will follow the outcomes of the Board meeting=20
scheduled for the end of February 2003 with great interest.

Yours sincerely,

Bina Stanis Chotanagpur Adivasi Sewa Samiti

[Other names to follow]

Add your signature by e-mailing with 'Coal India sign-on' in the=20
subject line and giving your name, organisation and country where you=20
are located.

Or send your own based on this text to your own Executive Director.=20
Find your ED and their contact details at:=20
http://www.bicusa.org/mdbs/wbg/execdir.htm

_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/

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