[sacw] SACW | 6 Feb. 03

[Harsh Kapoor]

South Asia Citizens Wire | February 6, 2003

#1. George Bush's War Against Women (Cat's Eye)
#2. Fourth Orientation Course in South Asian Peace Studies (Kathmandu)
#3. Hindutva and Minorities (Asghar Ali Engineer)
#4. Advani [and hawks] have the upper hand in the BJP (Praful Bidwai)
#5. Hindus to reignite Ayodhya dispute (Edward Luce)
#6. Fighting terrorism in deeds not words (Brinda Karat)
#7. Desh Bachao Desh Banao (Save the Country, Build the Country)=20
Campaign. (NBA)
#8. Anti War Protest rally (10th of Feb, New Delhi)
#9. Unlimited Girls - Documentary, Digital Video by Paromita Vohra
#10. 'Islands of prosperity in a sea of gloom' (Alice Thorner)

__________________________

#1.

CAT'S EYE
February 5, 2003

George Bush's War Against Women

Protests are gathering momentum all over the world about the=20
war policies of the Bush administration. Nelson Mandela, the Pope,=20
John le Carr=E9, many Nobel laureates, 83% of the British public,=20
poets, writers, intellectuals and the vast majority of people around=20
the world are horrified at the prospects of a new conflagration. And=20
in the USA the anti-war campaign "Not in our Name" grows daily. In=20
Sri Lanka, there is no support for war, and the business community,=20
party leaders, academics and all sections of civil society including=20
women's groups are deeply concerned, and opposed to war against Iraq.
Women also have extra cause for concern about the policies of=20
the Bush regime which is unashamedly sabotaging the work of family=20
planning organizations all over the world. The US is also influencing=20
other client states to vote against woman's reproductive rights=20
whenever the issue comes up at international conferences.

Pioneers of Reproductive Rights
Ironically the issue of women's right to family planning was=20
highlighted in the past by courageous American women - most notably=20
Margaret Sanger who was persistently harassed for her work. In the=20
USA she had to face not only opposition from the forces of=20
ultra-conservatism but also prosecution and imprisonment before her=20
cause became accepted. She was also popular in Asia, visiting China=20
and Japan in the 1920s. In Tokyo, the police prevented her from=20
lecturing in 1922, which only succeeded in provoking more interest in=20
her writings, which were translated into Japanese. She was invited to=20
India in 1935 by the All-India Women's Conference and warmly greeted=20
by doctors and political leaders.
Even before, in 19th century Britain, Annie Besant had been=20
demonized for the courage of her convictions on family planning. In=20
1877 Besant and Charles Bradlaugh republished a pamphlet written by a=20
doctor on this issue and were prosecuted. They won the case, making=20
birth control a topic of public discussion.
The examples of Besant and Sanger influenced many in Sri Lanka=20
including Dr. Mary Rutnam who in the 1930s started a family planning=20
clinic in Colombo. She faced some opposition especially from the=20
Catholic church. By the 1950s the Family Planning Movement=20
established firm roots in Sri Lanka, inspired by pioneers such as=20
Sylvia Fernando. Unfortunately, the USA government today, instead of=20
supporting measures on reproductive rights which would better the=20
lives of millions of women - especially in the poorer countries - now=20
takes the lead against women.

Politics and Reagan's 'Gag Rule'
In 1994 the declaration on International Conference on=20
Population in Cairo, ratified by 179 countries helped to promote the=20
campaign for reproductive rights. But in the USA, support for=20
reproductive rights has been a contentious political issue. In the=20
1980s under President Ronald Reagan (who was influenced by=20
fundamentalist Christians of the 'Religious Right' and anti-choice=20
lobbies), funds were withheld from foreign family planning agencies.=20
It was called the "gag rule" which barred health providers funded by=20
the US from counselling women on abortion or providing abortions even=20
with the organizations' own funds. The Clinton government in 1993=20
reversed the gag rule and restored the funding, but on the first day=20
in office in 2000, George Bush reimposed the gag rule. This led to=20
sharp protests from the International Family Planning Association and=20
women's organizations around the world concerned with women's=20
reproductive rights. The USA also withdrew $ 34 million from the=20
United Nations family planning programme. The Bush policy continues=20
unabated and at every international meeting on such questions, the US=20
delegation lobbies for a most retrograde position. Under George W.=20
Bush, the USA is now involved in what a New York Times editorial=20
calls "A War Against Women" (Herald Tribune, 13 Jan. 2003).
The New York Times condemns Bush's 'gag rule' claiming that=20
it "shows a disdain for freedom of speech to emerging democracies,=20
while crippling the international family planning programmes that=20
work to prevent hundreds of thousands of infant and maternal deaths=20
worldwide each year" adding that "most Americans would be shocked at=20
the length American representatives are going in their international=20
war against women's right to control their bodies."
The Times editorial cites two examples. "In 2002 the USA=20
delegates to the UN Special Session on Children tried to block a plan=20
to promote children's well-being and rights, taking offence at=20
language promising reproductive health services. The administrations'=20
Anti-Choice obsession has also seen it freeze millions of dollars for=20
valuable programs to advance reproductive health and combat AIDS run=20
by the WHO and UN Population Fund."

Sri Lanka and the Bangkok meeting
In Bangkok in December 2002, the Fifth Asian and Pacific=20
Population Conference (organized by ESCAP) was attended by 35=20
countries of the region. The themes were health care, reduction of=20
maternal mortality, stemming the spread of AIDS, making abortion safe=20
where it is legal. The US delegation unsuccessfully objected to the=20
use of the terms "reproductive services" and "reproductive health=20
care". The voting was 31 to 1 - the lone opposition being the USA.=20
However two countries abstained, Nepal and Sri Lanka!
The New York Times calls this US policy "embarrassing", and=20
also argues that Bush's "assault on reproductive rights is part of a=20
larger cultural battle." If abortion were the only target, it states:=20
"the administration would not be trying to block women's access to=20
contraceptives which reduce the number of abortions. His=20
administration, would not be declaring war on any sex education=20
programs that discusses ways to prevent pregnancy and sexually=20
transmitted diseases beyond abstinence. Scientifically accurate=20
information about contraceptives and abortion would not have begun=20
disappearing from Federal Government Web sites."
Does this policy come from Bush's own beliefs or is he merely=20
catering to "extreme elements within his party?" queries the Times,=20
noting that the impact of the "presidential assault" is not only "to=20
threaten American women's constitutional liberty, but also to deny=20
essential reproductive health care, leading to needless deaths."=20
Strong words indeed.

Shame on Sri Lanka
But what about Sri Lanka's extraordinary and regrettable=20
attitude - abstaining at the Bangkok conference on an important issue=20
of reproductive rights? Sri Lanka has an excellent record in family=20
planning and has been held up as a model country on such issues. On=20
the Bangkok Conference we can quote Dr Nina Puri, Chairperson of the=20
International Planned Parenthood Federation (South Asian region) who,=20
says that "repeated attempts made to snuff out the voice of 3.8=20
billion people of the Asia Pacific Region by one superpower, the US,=20
imperils the lives of some of the poorest women and children and=20
families in the world."

So what's going on? Lets wake up to current realities and=20
protest loud and clear about attempts to set back the clock in Sri=20
Lanka on issues of reproductive rights which affect the masses of our=20
women. Over to you, Minister of Health, Family Planning Association,=20
women's groups and concerned citizens in civil society.

______

#2.

Fourth Orientation Course in South Asian Peace Studies

The Fourth South Asian Human Rights and Peace Studies Orientation=20
Course of the South Asia Forum for Human Rights will be held from 2=20
May to 2 August 2003. The course has two components - distance=20
education in human rights and peace from 3 May to 15 July, and a=20
direct orientation course in peace studies to be held in Kathmandu=20
from 19 July to 2 August. Participation in both segments is=20
compulsory for the selected participants.
The foundation course offers several modules on various forms of=20
violence, war, intervention, their impact on democracy, and draws on=20
the experiences of human rights and peace activism, and the moral=20
resistance to war in South Asia and elsewhere. The course is intended=20
for peace and human rights activists, media persons, researchers,=20
academics, and persons involved in policy work on conflict resolution.
Registration fee for South Asian participants is US $ 100 (or its=20
equivalent in Nepali rupee) and for participants from outside the=20
region US $ 300 (or its equivalent in Nepali rupee). Course material=20
for selected candidates will be provided by SAFHR. Board and lodging=20
will also be provided. The age limit for participation is 35 years.=20
Women and activists from refugee and minority groups are particularly=20
encouraged to apply. Applications must reach Peace Studies Desk at=20
the South Asia Forum for Human Rights (3/23, Shree Durbar Tole, Patan=20
Dhoka, Lalitpur, Kathamndu, Nepal; GPO Box 12855, Tel: 977-1-541026;=20
Fax: 527852, E-mail south@s...) by 15 March 2003. Applications=20
(forms are available on request or can be downloaded from SAFHR=20
website www.safhr.org) by fax or e-mail will be valid. Applications=20
will have to be supported by full particulars, 1000-word statement on=20
the relevance of the course to the work of the participant, and names=20
of two referees whose recommendations should independently reach=20
SAFHR peace studies desk. The application must include all necessary=20
details such as language skill, experience and nature of current=20
work. The statement has to include candidate's own idea of peace and=20
human rights activism, and the relation of the applicant's work with=20
SAFHR's peace studies programme. In selection of candidates the=20
1000-word statement will be accorded importance.
The 15-day orientation programme will be participatory, involve=20
intense course and fieldwork, include visual studies, and will be=20
preceded by reading and assignment-work for 2 months. Frontline=20
activists and researchers in human rights will be communicating with=20
the participants on their knowledge and experience.
Participants will have to support their own travel. Limited number of=20
travel grants for which the selected participants will have to apply=20
separately will be offered before the orientation course.

______

#3.

Secular Perspective,
Feb. 1-15, 2003

HINDUTVA AND MINORITIES
by Asghar Ali Engineer

After the carnage in Gujarat and subsequent victory of Narendra=20
Modi-led BJP in Gujarat has intensified threat of Hindutva forces.=20
The Hindutva forces not only celebrated the victory in Gujarat but=20
also declared their intention to repeat the Gujarat model in other=20
states in coming elections. It is not so surprising after all that=20
even the Prime Minister Vajpayee when asked about it, confirmed it.=20
When reporters asked him would you repeat Gujarat model in other=20
states he said, "Will Godhra be repeated"?

The implication of this cryptic reply is that if Godhra is repeated=20
(or created?) in other states Gujarat model will be justified and the=20
BJP Government will neither owe responsibility to prevent Godhra-like=20
occurrence nor the subsequent events that followed in Gujarat. Thus=20
the BJP owes no responsibility to enforce rule of law but rule of=20
hate, blind revenge and violence.

Such hateful and revengeful Hindutva (which believes in even=20
worshipping weapons on every Dasehra day) is bound to terrify=20
minorities against whom its ire is directed. A question now is being=20
asked what should be the response of minorities to the aggressive=20
Hindutva? Should they submit to its demands for complete submission=20
and accept the concept of Hindu Rashtra and status of mleccha? Or=20
should they resist such demands and fight back with equal militancy?

I think no saner elements would advocate either course. To submit to=20
such demands would amount to demise of democracy in our country and=20
to fight back militantly would only strengthen the hands of Hindutva=20
forces. What is better course then if both the above courses are not=20
advisable? Before we discuss this we would like to throw some light=20
on the stand taken by Jamat-e-Islami during sixties. It is again=20
being advocated by some Muslims today.

The Jamat-e-Islami had advocated during the sixties that Muslims=20
should not participate in the electoral process for two reasons: one,=20
the Jamat was against secular politics and, second, it thought, as=20
Sir Syed did in nineteenth century, it is in the interest of security=20
and progress of Muslims to keep away from turbulent politics.

But both arguments go against the grain of democracy. Of course the=20
Jamat has also accepted secular polity in India and no more advocates=20
that Muslims keep away from electoral politics. Neither is tenable=20
any more. Every one has realised that democracy can work only if it=20
is secular. Hindu democracy or Islamic democracy prioritises religion=20
over the notion of citizenship. In secular democracy citizenship is=20
most fundamental, not religion. In Hindu Rashtra or Islamic democracy=20
a Hindu or a Muslim will be more privileged than a non-Hindu or a=20
non-Muslim. Thus such a course cannot be acceptable.

Not to participate in the electoral democracy is equally highly=20
doubtful course. It clearly amounts to debunking democracy just=20
because an aggressive section of majority community so demands or=20
because it misuses electoral politics for forcing majoritarian values=20
on minorities. Misuse of democracy cannot be negation of democracy.=20
It amounts to throwing away baby along with bath water. Moreover, all=20
Muslims cannot agree to such a course. They are 150 million in India=20
and no leader of such a huge community can succeed in building=20
consensus in the community on such a controversial course of action.=20
Also, the Indian democracy will collapse if a community of 150=20
million keeps away from electoral process. There is no such precedent=20
in any country of the world. If we add other minorities to this the=20
problem assumes more massive dimension.

We have thus to evolve proper strategy for meeting the menace of=20
Hindutva to the minorities. This can more easily be done by meeting=20
this menace by winning the confidence of that major section of=20
majority, which is aware of this menace or can be made aware of it.=20
Hindutva forces, one should note, would ultimately set up an highly=20
authoritarian regime and would undermine democracy. Thus the majority=20
community should also understand that it is menace not only to=20
minorities but also to majority itself. Its democratic freedoms would=20
be in peril.

It is not true, as often claimed by the Hindutva forces, that=20
Hinduism cant yield to theocratic or authoritarian set up and that=20
only Hindus can be secular and democratic. Hinduism may not be a=20
religion with one god, one prophet and one book but it does have many=20
sects and panths with rigid shastric traditions and orthodoxies. The=20
Hindutvawadis do talk of Manuvad and even advocated Manu's laws in=20
place of modern Indian constitution. Originally the Constitution=20
Review Commission was set up with a clandestine agenda to import=20
Manu's laws back into the Indian mainstream. But thanks to hue and=20
cry raised by democratic forces in the country that it did not=20
succeed.

This shows that an aware secular democratic forces from the majority=20
community can better stall Hindutva forces than an aggressive=20
minority or minorities. However, most of the minority leaders either=20
lack this wisdom or have ambition of their own to acquire instant=20
leadership by using highly emotive issues. The Shah Bano and Babri=20
Masjid issues, if handled with tact and wisdom by Muslim leadership,=20
would not have had such disastrous implications they had.

There is need for think tanks at state and national level to tackle=20
such controversial issues. The minorities should not respond to any=20
emotional controversies impetuously without giving serious thought as=20
to the consequences of taking a particular stand. Some ambitious=20
leaders take hasty stand and put entire minority community in danger.=20
The latest example is of an imam of the mosque in Gujarat appealing=20
Muslims for coming out in large numbers to vote for the Congress and=20
this appeal was published in a Gujarati paper Gujarat Today.

The BJP think tank immediately thought of exploiting it and various=20
news paper advertisements were issued appealing the Hindus to come=20
out in large numbers and vote for the BJP to frustrate the conspiracy=20
against the Hindus. This also helped the Hindutva forces in=20
registering 2/3rd majority in Gujarat. I was told by some secular=20
Hindus in Gujarat that the imam was close to the BJP and he did so at=20
the instance of the Sangh Parivar. Whether the imam was BJP agent or=20
not it proves that how the Hindutva forces can exploit to hilt any=20
mistake made by minority leaders.

Thus whenever such controversies arise - or are made to arise by the=20
Hindutva forces - the minority leaders must restrain themselves and=20
debate the issue preferably in a meeting of think tank from all=20
possible angles and then take any stand. There are several issues=20
like the Ramjanmabhoomi and Babri Masjid, which should be left to=20
democratic and secular forces from majority community to fight it=20
out. If this issue had not been projected majority versus minority=20
and had been projected as secular democratic versus majoritarianism=20
it would have had very different consequences.

The whole nature of fight would have been different. Of course the=20
democratic secular forces also did not intervene effectively in the=20
matter (the Congress Government led by
Shri Narsimha Rao even allowing demolition of the mosque) and the=20
whole nation had to face the consequences. The country would not have=20
faced bloodbath in Mumbai in 1992-93 and in Gujarat if secular forces=20
had effectively intervened in the matter.

The secular and democratic forces in majority community also have=20
high stakes in strengthening secularism in the country. A pluralist=20
democracy cannot survive without secularism. Our Constitution=20
incorporated pluralism even without mentioning the word 'secular' as=20
equal citizenship rights irrespective of caste, creed or race is not=20
possible without secular politics. If the Hindutva forces win the=20
greatest danger will be to our constitution and our pluralism.

Also, it is important for minorities, especially for Muslims to=20
thoroughly imbibe democratic and secular values. A progressive and=20
secular outlook is very necessary. Clinging to old traditions in the=20
name of religion is not in the interests of the community even=20
otherwise. There should be great stress on modern education and=20
concerted efforts should also be made to modernise madrasas. Those=20
who resist modern knowledge will have no where to go.

We should also convince the Hindu majority that the Qur'nic term=20
kaifr does not apply to them. It had its connotation in the Arab=20
society in which the Prophet of Islam (PBUH) preached. Our ancestors=20
like Mazhar Jan-I-Janan did precisely this. The RSS, the most=20
important and ideological force behind Hindutva has convinced many=20
Hindus that Muslims consider them as kafirs and the Qur'an requires=20
all kafirs to be killed. This misinformation campaign has to be=20
fought very effectively to carry majority of Hindus with Muslims.

It is also necessary for various minorities and weaker sections of=20
society like dalits and tribals to come together along with secular=20
and democratic forces of the majority community. One should not,=20
however, form a separate block of minorities and dalits. It only=20
provokes large majority to consolidate itself and goes to the=20
advantage of Hindutva forces. In Gujarat the Hindutva forces have=20
effectively used dalits and tribals against minorities. One has to=20
deeply reflect on Hinduva's success in doing so.

On the whole it is very complex problem and minorities have to take=20
various aspects of this multi-dimensional problem to tackle it=20
effectively and successfully. It would also require constant=20
evaluation of fast developing political situation and adopting=20
effective strategies from time to time.=20=20=20

(Centre for Study of Society and Secularism, Mumbai:- 400 055.)

______

#4.
The News International (Pakistan)
Thursday February 06, 2003

Advani has the upper hand

by Praful Bidwai

Even the staunchest critics of the Bharatiya Janata Party must=20
concede that it is a driven and extraordinarily focused party which=20
rarely does anything without a purpose, however narrow, sectarian or=20
malign. Its will to power is today unmatched by any other force in=20
India. As is its deviousness and communal passion.

The latest reshuffle of the Vajpayee cabinet bears ample testimony to=20
this. It sends out many signals: the BJP is likely to steer India=20
into an early general election, before October 2004, when the term of=20
the present Lok Sabha ends. The power balances within the BJP have=20
shifted further in favour of its rightwing, led by Deputy Prime=20
Minister LK Advani. Non-BJP parties in the National Democratic=20
Alliance have been further squeezed and marginalised.

Worst of all, the BJP is about to revive the Babri mosque/Ram temple=20
issue in Ayodhya by trying to legally manipulate the transfer of land=20
to a Vishwa Hindu Parishad-controlled trust on which to start=20
building a temple -- to erase the mosque's memory for good.

The land, consisting of both disputed and undisputed plots, was taken=20
over by the government through a special Act in 1993, with a view to=20
facilitating either an out-of-court settlement between all concerned=20
parties, or adjudication. The BJP-VHP manoeuvres will subvert that=20
purpose and widen the communal divide.

Advani was the principal architect of the re-allotment of portfolios,=20
most detailed decisions pertaining to which were made while Vajpayee=20
was away from Delhi, mainly in consultation with party president M=20
Venkaiah Naidu, himself an Advani man.

Among the important decisions were the dropping of Telecom and=20
Information Technology Minister Pramod Mahajan, re-induction of Arun=20
Jaitley as Law Minister with additional portfolios, further expansion=20
of Disinvestment Minister Arun Shourie's powers and the sacking of=20
Vijay Goel as a junior minister in the Prime Minister's Office.

Shourie's ascendancy is explained by the BJP's anxiety to project a=20
strongly neo-liberal, pro-business, pro-privatisation image. Shourie=20
is the cabinet's sole "foreign-educated" minister, with his World=20
Bank background duly matching his neo-liberal zeal.

Jaitley was brought back partly because of changed corporate-power=20
equations related to the mess over mobile phones, but mainly because=20
he is expected to "manage" to get a judicial order to transfer the=20
so-called "undisputed" part of the taken-over land to the VHP.

This is part of the BJP's design to rake up the temple agenda after=20
the Supreme Court last March thwarted the plan to permit a VHP pooja=20
there. The entire rationale of taking over land adjacent to the site=20
where the Babri stood was to ensure that an eventual dispute=20
settlement wouldn't be made infructuous with the construction of new=20
structures on the surrounding plots.

The VHP is bent on acquiring those plots and start temple=20
construction. It is being encouraged by the BJP which is trying to=20
put up a "neutral" party to start a process of judicial manipulation.=20
Discussions have already begun through the mediation of Jayendra=20
Saraswati, the Kanchi Shankaracharya. Reviving the temple issue is=20
the BJP's desperate way of trying to extract political mileage from=20
rank hatred. It is playing with fire.

Jaitley's re-entry into government is inseparable from this design.=20
This was to be "balanced" by Mahajan's shift to the party. In=20
reality, the shift has more to do with Advani's distaste for Mahajan=20
and his role in favouring certain mobile operators, whose competitors=20
are close to Advani, besides some personal controversies. Mahajan, a=20
capable second-generation BJP leader, stands badly demoted. All this=20
leaves Vajpayee few trustworthy allies in the cabinet, barring Murli=20
Manohar Joshi.

This reshuffle further tilts the balance within the NDA between the=20
BJP and others. Over the years, the non-BJP "secular" parties have=20
got marginalised. Since 1999, their share of cabinet posts (nine) has=20
remained stagnant, but the BJP's has risen from 14 to 23. Of the 39=20
Ministers of State, 33 are from the BJP.

Mr Vajpayee has also hinted at a reshuffle of non-BJP ministers in=20
the NDA, probably in April. This is a strong-arm tactic to secure=20
their tacit or explicit compliance with the BJP's divisive agenda on=20
Ayodhya.

In this reshuffle, Vajpayee has yielded a lot to Advani. But=20
Vajpayee's biggest gain is that he will lead the BJP in an early=20
election. Vajpayee is already trying to recoup his losses. He had the=20
Central Bureau of Investigation hived off the Department of Personnel=20
portfolio given to Advani, and transferred back to himself. After the=20
next Parliament session, he might even ask Advani to devote himself=20
to party work, and appoint Joshi as Deputy PM.

For the moment, Vajpayee has tried to give his cabinet a broad-based=20
election-oriented profile, important in a diverse and big polity like=20
India's. Thus, there is more nominal representation for non-upper=20
caste communities like the Dalits in Uttaranchal, Adivasis in=20
Chhattisgarh, Bhumihars in Bihar, Patels in Gujarat and Meenas in=20
Rajasthan. These are the only faces of "multiculturalism" which the=20
quintessentially upper-caste BJP can show.

After the Gujarat results, Vajpayee has hardened his soft-Hindutva=20
stance and articulated rabidly anti-Muslim positions. The next few=20
months will see a sharpening of the Vajpayee-Advani rivalry,=20
understated and covert as it is. Politically, Vajpayee may have the=20
better of his rival. But ideologically, he will have to yield ground=20
to the Right.

The BJP is set to evolve with a strong communal orientation, in which=20
terrorism is equated with Islam, divisive Hindutva with nationalism,=20
and the sangh parivar as India's sole guarantor of "security". In the=20
coming state elections, the party will do its utmost to capitalise on=20
prejudice (against religious conversion), ignorance (of Islam and=20
pro-reform currents in India's Muslim communities) and on paranoid=20
hatred of India's multi-religious, multi-racial identity.

If the BJP wins in Himachal, where elections are due later this=20
month, it will unleash a virulent communal campaign nationwide, as=20
well as capitalise on the anti-incumbency factor in Rajasthan, Madhya=20
Pradesh, Chhattisgarh and Delhi. However, its Lok Sabha election=20
plans will depend critically on what happens to its uneasy alliance=20
with Dalit leader Mayawati in Uttar Pradesh. Its top priority in UP=20
is to keep her on its side.

The BJP's ability to manipulate public opinion will be compromised by=20
its elitist economic policies. The Planning Commission wants the=20
government to extend Rs134,000 crores in budgetary support to=20
programmes largely related to basic services. But the government only=20
has Rs100,000 crores to spend. So, social sector programmes will be=20
drastically cut. Cooking gas and kerosene prices are set to be jacked=20
up sharply.

Luckily for the BJP, its opponents haven't yet got their act=20
together. They are unable or unwilling to mount a serious ideological=20
challenge to Hindutva. If the Congress adopts a principled stand on=20
issues like secularism and national security, it could frontally=20
challenge the BJP. But it seems more inclined to do "cow-protection"=20
politics, as in Madhya Pradesh.

All this bodes ill for the future of South Asia. A rabidly Hindutva=20
government in New Delhi will create horrible enmities in the=20
neighbourhood, as the ugly happenings at the India-Bangladesh border=20
clearly suggest. One can only hope, pray and work for the BJP's=20
electoral defeat in the coming round of elections.

______

#5.

The Financial Times (London)
Wednesday Feb 5 2003.

Hindus to reignite Ayodhya dispute
By Edward Luce in New Delhi
Published: February 5 2003 4:00 | Last Updated: February 5 2003 4:00
Rightwing Hindu groups in India are to launch a national campaign to=20
build a temple in the town of Ayodhya on the site of a former mosque=20
that was demolished by amob 10 years ago.

Atal Behari Vajpayee, India's prime minister, yesterday said he=20
wanted the dispute - which has aggravated relations between the=20
country's majority Hindu and minority Muslim communities - to be=20
resolved through peaceful mediation.

Mr Vajpayee yesterday met the Kanchi Shankaracharya, a prominent=20
Hindu religious figure, who has offered to mediate between the Vishwa=20
Hindu Parishad - the World Council of Hindus - and Muslim groups=20
seeking to rebuild their mosque on the disputed site.

The VHP, which is closely allied to Mr Vajpayee's ruling Bharatiya=20
Janata Party, has threatened to ignore a supreme court ruling that=20
forbids any group from entering the site to begin construction until=20
the question of ownership has been legally resolved.

Rightwing groups think the site is the birthplace of Lord Ram, an=20
important god in the Hindu pantheon. The destruction of the Babri=20
Masjid in December 1992 triggered some of India's bloodiest communal=20
rioting since the country was partitioned in 1947.

"The new campaign to build a temple in Ayodhya is a very calculated=20
political decision to raise communal tensions ahead of the next=20
national election in 2004," said Gautam Navlakha, an anti-communal=20
activist.

Political analysts say that the VHP's campaign to start construction=20
of the temple has been encouraged by the dramatic election victory of=20
the BJP in the state of Gujarat last December. The BJP's landslide=20
win followed widespread anti-Muslim rioting last year in Gujarat that=20
was triggered by the massacre of 58 Hindu train passengers by a=20
Muslim mob.

Many of the passengers were VHP activists returning from an earlier=20
agitation in Ayodhya to build a Ram temple. Up to 2,000 Muslims were=20
killed in the riots.

"The Gujarat election victory has given Hindus the confidence to=20
agitate for their rights," said Tarun Vijay, editor of Panchjanya, a=20
Hindu nationalist newspaper. "This includes a final push to build a=20
temple on the site in Ayodhya." But there is widespread scepticism=20
that the Kanchi Shankaracharya, who has close connections with the=20
VHP, would be accepted as a neutral mediator by Muslim groups.

"The Shankaracharya has ambitions to become a kind of Hindu pope,"=20
said Ravi Nair, a human rights campaigner. "In order for his=20
ambitions to be accepted he has to deliver a Ram temple." There is=20
also criticism of Mr Vajpayee for failing to quash the VHP's demands=20
by pointing out that the dispute is still under legal deliberation.=20
Mr Vajpayee faces important assembly elections in November in the=20
states of Madhya Pradesh, Rajasthan, New Delhi and Chattisgarh.

"The BJP and the VHP are playing 'good cop, bad cop'," said Mr Nair.=20
"It is in the government's interests to appear to want to resolve the=20
dispute calmly. But the poll in Gujarat shows that the BJP derives=20
electoral benefits from heightened communal tension."

_____

#6.

The Telegraph, Feb 4, 2003

Fighting terrorism in deeds not words
By Brinda Karat

Premila Tripura and Anjali Pal did not know each other, but their=20
deaths within days of each other was no coincidence. Premila was a=20
young tribal woman, barely nineteen years old living in the village=20
of Jamircharra in the Dhaloi district of Tripura. Anjali, blind from=20
birth, about the same age as Premila lived in Phatikrai in North=20
Tripura. On January 12, Premila was kidnapped, raped and killed by a=20
group of armed men belonging to the banned terrorist group called the=20
National Liberation Front of Tripura (NLFT). Two days later, Anjali's=20
house was attacked. Her father, a known CPI (M) supporter was shot=20
and killed. Anjali, hearing the gunshots, unable to see, ran out=20
calling to her father. The terrorists trained their weapons on her=20
and she too was shot dead. The thread that connected these two young=20
women, Premila a tribal and Anjali a Bengali, was their association=20
with the local units of the Tripura Nari Samity a constituent of the=20
All India Democratic Women's Association and their participation in=20
the activities of the organization. There are many such chilling=20
examples of terrorist violence against women in Tripura.

The immediate context of the increased violence by terrorist groups=20
is the forthcoming State Assembly elections scheduled in February.=20
The aim is to subvert the electoral process through the spread of=20
terror and intimidation, a repeat of the cynical strategies adopted=20
prior to the Tripura Tribal Autonomous District Council elections in=20
2000. In Kashmir the agenda of the ISI backed groups was to prevent=20
free and fair elections. In Tripura, the terrorists with similar=20
international contacts, have similar aims, but in addition and this=20
is the most significant difference, the major target is a political=20
one, the annihilation of cadres of the Left and in particular tribal=20
activists. The largest number of victims of terrorist violence are=20
leaders and cadres of the CPI(M), the main Left party in the State as=20
well as left oriented mass organizations of different sections of the=20
people like tribal communities, women and youth. Of the 23 people=20
killed by terrorists since the announcement of the elections, 21 are=20
CPI(M) cadres or members of left oriented mass organizations of whom=20
one third are women.

For national women's movements, the experience of women in Tripura=20
adds a new dimension of understanding the way that the politics of=20
terrorism and violence impacts on women and in particular the most=20
marginalized sections such as the tribal women of Tripura. There is a=20
fair amount of literature that documents women's experience in what=20
is termed in UN language as "conflict situations" such as war, ethnic=20
strife, terrorist attacks, State terrorism and so on. The term=20
"conflict" though widely used could be quite inappropriate in many=20
situations since it assumes an equally participative role of two=20
sides in creating the conflict. In any case it is known that in such=20
situations women often become targets of sexual assault, suffer long=20
lasting mental trauma with serious consequences on their health=20
including weight loss and insomnia, face homelessness, loss of work=20
and income In addition as mothers, sisters, wives or daughters of=20
those whom have been killed or reported as "missing," women have not=20
only had to deal with their own grief at the loss of loved ones but=20
have had to shoulder economic responsibilities of families.

In Tripura, the impact of violence on women means all this and much=20
more. The added dimension is that in Tripura that has a vibrant=20
women's movement, women become targets because of their activism and=20
their courageous refusal to surrender to terrorist dictates. While in=20
the rest of the country women struggle for an increased role in=20
public life, in Tripura, unlettered tribal women are showing to those=20
willing to listen and learn, a different aspect of that struggle.

In the name of preserving "tribal identitiy" terrorists have dictated=20
dress codes to tribal women not to wear sindhur, sarees, to wear only=20
the tribal dress, not to fraternize with women of non-tribal=20
communities. Marriages between tribals and non-tribals have been=20
banned by terrorist organistaions. A circular was issued against=20
family planning promising Rs. 1000 to every tribal woman at the birth=20
of a child. Tribal women have been forbidden to associate with any=20
organizations that have Bengali members. In the name of "tradition"=20
the influence of "ojhas" or "witchdoctors" and their right to=20
identify witches is backed with the gun. Women activists like Lakshmi=20
Deb Barma, a tea garden worker and member of the union who refused to=20
accept the terrorist orders to disassociate from the union was=20
declared a witch by an ojha and killed in the dead of night by an=20
NLFT squad. Month after month tribal women activists in the Tripura=20
Nari Samity have been in confrontation at the village level often=20
paying a heavy price. They have been tortured and threatened, their=20
children threatened with death if they did not leave their work with=20
the Nari Samity. The women arrange their own meetings secretly,=20
sometimes at the village wells, sometimes in the village markets=20
where in the crowds their talk would go unnoticed. After one such=20
meet of women of different communities, an activist Shanti of=20
Tajarkala,was picked up by a terrorist squad and made to stand in=20
cold water for several hours as punishment for talking to=20
non-tribals. Today she is active in the election campaign. Among the=20
Bengali community also a Bengali terrorist group called the United=20
Bengal Liberation Tigers, has threatened Bengali women activists in=20
the same way. What a different connotation the term women's unity has=20
for activists in Tripura who defend that unity at extremely high=20
personal cost. It is because of their efforts along with those of=20
other organizations, that the terrorist offensive could be checked=20
and that unarmed poor tribal women and men could assert their=20
opposition to the terrorists, isolating them and weakening them.

If there is any State in the country where there is political=20
resistance to divisive politics and terrorist attacks at the grass=20
root level, from house to house, from hamlet to hamlet, from village=20
to village in the most remote areas where it takes over a day to=20
reach from one village to the next, it is in Tripura under the=20
leadership of the Left. For all its tall claims about its fight=20
against terrorism, the truth is that where the battles are being=20
fought, the BJP is nowhere in the picture. At the same time in Delhi=20
the BJP led Central Government is not providing sufficient forces on=20
the border with Bangladesh in spite of repeated requests from the=20
State Government On the borders in Kashmir or in Assam, the number of=20
battalions posted can ensure that one battalion covers from 15 to 28=20
km of the border, whereas the lack of such forces on the 865 km=20
unfenced Tripura border means that one battalion has to guard a=20
distance of over 95 km. This enables the terrorists to easily move to=20
their over 50 bases across the border in Bangladesh after committing=20
their ghastly crimes.

As far as the Congress is concerned, to its utter shame, in its=20
desperation to grab power it has openly allied itself in the=20
elections with the political front of the banned NLFT, a recently=20
formed outfit calling itself the Indigenous Nationalist Party of=20
Tripura. The grotesque nature of the alliance was seen in the recent=20
massacre in Bikramnagar when terrorists attacked a hamlet=20
predominantly of CPI(M) supporters, killing eleven people, four of=20
whom were women and two of whom were children, three houses which=20
belonged to known Congress supporters were left untouched.

It would be entirely wrong to reduce or limit the issues in Tripura=20
to an analysis of electoral battle between parties. Such an analysis=20
would conceal how the current offensive of terrorist groups and the=20
alliance of a mainstream national party like the Congress with them,=20
affect basic issues concerning democratic rights and governance,=20
issues of national unity and integration, peoples participation in=20
decision making processes, how it affects the rights of deprived and=20
exploited communities, how it affects struggles for gender equality=20
and advance.

_____

#7.

National Alliance of Peoples Movements(NAPM)
National Office: C/O Chemical Mazdoor Sabha, Haji Habib Bldg., 'A'
Wing, First Floor, Naigaon Cross Road, DADAR (East), Mumbai 400 014.
Tel nos.: (O)- 022-415 0529, (R)- 022-536 9724
http://www.andolan.org

Desh Bachao Desh Banao (Save the Country, Build the Country) Campaign.
Press Note: 3rd February, 2003 Day 9

CALL TO MASSES: RISE AND FIGHT THE BATTLE FOR LIFE AND LIVELIHOOD

The National Alliance of Peoples Movement's Desh Bachao Desh Banao
Campaign has entered the 9th day. The campaign which began in
Plachimada, Palakkad, has now reached Chennai the capital city of
Tamilnadu. All through Kerala and Tamilnadu, the team witnessed a wave
of the rising alternative politics of the struggling masses who are
asserting their right over basic resources of life and livelihood over
against the vicious onslaught of Foreign capital on our natural and
human resources and also to expose and exorcise the communal demon
from our social life.

Yesterday's mobilization in Chengalpet among the unorganized masses
were around 700 people came together to support the campaign makes it
clear that the time has come for initiating a mass resistance against
the forces of destruction and start reconstructing our country in the
path of true democracy, secularism and equity.

After arriving in Chennai, the team participated in a Dharna=20
organized by the Joint Action Committee of the Unorganized sectors.=20
The Women's Struggle Committee, the Fisherfolk Representatives(=20
nearly 1 lakh, from the 17 panchayats from Marina Beech to=20
Thiruvanmyur) who are facing displacement due to Beautification of=20
the city to make it another Singapore-Singarachennai and Slum=20
dwellers Federation were also part of it. The campaign team leaders=20
like Medha Patkar, Thomas Kocherry, Gabriele D, Geeta and others=20
addressed the gathering. The
large majority of women who participated in the Dharna were
enthusiastic and showed urgency in their manner and conduct as the
campaign could instill courage and hope of a better future where they
can live in dignity and freedom.

In the afternoon the team was divided into two groups, one group
participated in the meeting of school children jointly organized by
various schools in Chennai, while the other team went for the college
student's meeting organized by AICUF. Both meetings were addressed by
Ms. Medha Patkar and Thomas Kocherry. There were nearly 600 children
in the first meeting and around 300 in the second meeting. the
speakers of the campaign exhorted the youth and children to develop
social consciousness and to commit themselves to the real and radical
development of the people. All the team members were introduced in
every place, the atmosphere filled with shouts of slogans.

In the evening there was a public meeting at the LLA hall, organized
by Tamil Nadu Science Forum, Tamilnadu Progressive Writers
Association, Bank employees association and All India Insurance
employees federation and attended by various groups in the
unorganized sector as well as intellectuals. A range of issues were
taken up during the speeches. Thomas Kocherry gave a comprehensive
analysis of Globalization process and its impacts on our economic and
social life especially on those in the unorganized sectors. Ms Medha
Patkar gave a powerful waking call to the masses to rise and fight the
battle for life and livelihood. She exposed the unholy nexus between
anti national governments - politicians and bureaucrats - and the
foreign and national companies who join together to cheat and loot the
poor rural and urban populations in the unorganized sectors. She said
that we cannot rely on Reliance, the largest Indian company which is
yet another exploiter of our common resources, beginning from the East
India Company.

In the night, most of the members of the campaign left for Bangalore,
while three members including Medha Patkar stayed back to participate
in a massive rally of the Irula adivasis in Chennai. While party
political forces are suspicious and cautious in their approach to the
campaign, the common people are giving great support and more and more
youths are coming forward to join this important campaign that has
direct implications for the future of our democratic and secular=20
polity as well as in reconstructing a just and equitable society were=20
the
communities are free to make choices for life.

Gabriele D Sanjay Mangala Gopal Philip Mathew
www.andolan.org

______

#8.

Subject: Against war
Date: Wed, 5 Feb 2003

Dear Friends,

As you are aware, different political parties, civil society groups=20
and T[rade] U[nion]s are getting together to protest against the US=20
lead war propoganda against Iraq. The rally is being planned for the=20
10th of Feb at 11:30 am. from Mandi House...

There is a planning meeting today (Wednesday, the 5th) planned at=20
Constitution Club Lawns at 3:30 pm... We are scheduled to take=20
decisions about the pamphlet, the groups that will mobilise, the=20
posters, the banners and other logistics.

Do join us...

On Behalf...
Vijayan MJ
Civil Society Initiatives
The Other Media
B-14 (SF), Gulmohar Park,
New Delhi - 110 049 [India]
# (011) 2656 1743 / 2651 4847 / 2651 1504 (Fax)

"Beware the leader who bangs the drums of war
in order to whip the citizenry into a patriotic
fervor, for patriotism is indeed a double-edged
sword. It both emboldens the blood, just as it
narrows the mind.... And when the drums of war have
reached a fever pitch and the blood boils with hate
and the mind has closed, the leader will have no
need in seizing the rights of the citizenry.
Rather, the citizenry, infused with fear and blinded
with patriotism, will offer up all of their rights
unto the leader, and gladly so. How do I know?
For this is what I have done. And I am Caesar."

- William Shakespeare -
______

#9.

UNLIMITED GIRLS
Documentary, Digital Video, 94 min., English and some Hindi with=20
subtitles; Completed August, 2002
Director: Paromita Vohra, Camera: Mrinal Desai, Editing: Jabeen=20
Merchant Sound: Subir Das

SYNOPSIS
Of course, girls should progress, come forward. As long as they do it=20
within limits it's OK, but when they become un-limited, then=20
something bad is bound to happen and then they blame us boys. So,=20
still want to be a feminist? Don't get me wrong, I believe in the=20
principles. But calling myself a feminist would be too much of a=20
label, you know?

That's what Fearless says when she accidentally finds herself in a=20
feminist chatroom peopled by talkative feminist ladies like=20
MarxistUsha, Atilla_the.Nun, LovelierRita, Devi_is_a_Diva and
Chamkigirl, who becomes her friend. The conversations lead Fearless=20
to examine her own ambivalence. She sets out on a journey to follow=20
the trail of an idea called Feminism not in order to tell a history=20
of oppression or achievement, but to find a history of conversations=20
and
see what people have made of feminism in their lives. Along her way=20
she encounters a diverse world of urban Indians - feminists who=20
remember the songs and actions of the Indian women's
movement, yuppies who discuss their modern marriage, a policeman=20
writing films for women's upliftment, women shopping at a bra sale,=20
college kids practicing a dance, teachers who feel girls must not=20
take injustice, or break a home; a woman cab driver, a priest,=20
academics, activists, and of course the unseen but much-heard women=20
in the feminist chatroom, with their emoticons, abbreviations and=20
arguments all talking of their engagements with feminism and its=20
place in their lives today.

Using a personally reflective tone and playfully eclectic form,=20
mixing non-fiction and fiction, Unlimited Girls follows Fearless=20
explorations and conversations: wondering why women must always lead=20
double lives, being feminist but not saying they are. If feminism=20
changes the way we live, then do we change the meaning of feminism as=20
we live it? When everyone wants a part of the idea, then does the=20
idea change - beyond recognition? And then how do we separate true=20
feminists from false ones? Will X-ray vision work better, or female=20
intuition - or is there a common set of principles in this multiply=20
interpreted philosophy? How do we remain politically engaged as=20
individuals who will not join groups? How do we teach boys that No=20
means No, but not leave out the girls who want to say, Yes, to sex?=20
How do we reclaim history so that we may reshape our futures? How do=20
we make sense of love and anger, doubt and confusion, the personal=20
and political as we go about the enterprise of pushing the=20
boundaries, of being un-limited - the enterprise we call feminism?

In between meeting these various people, Fearless returns to the=20
chatroom, to probe and argue and ask, fries fish, watches TV, reads=20
books, exchanges email with ChamkiGirl and constantly questions what=20
she sees and feels. In the end does she lose or confirm her=20
ambivalence? Does she decide to own the label Feminist or does she=20
decide it is irrelevant in these post-modern times? To find out, see=20
the film.

BACKGROUND
Unlimited Girls has been produced for the Delhi based NGO Sakshi, to=20
be used to generate a debate on political engagement, especially=20
among a younger audience, who are largely disconnected from political=20
ideas and movements today. But the film also strives to keep=20
conversations alive amongst activists who, in Indias current=20
political atmosphere, find few places for honest discussion and=20
introspection. It employs a contemporary, idiomatic style keeping the=20
wide scope of its audience in mind, so that the debate can be entered=20
at different levels by those already involved with it, but also, from=20
those only somewhat familiar with feminism or India.

ABOUT THE FILMMAKER
Paromita Vohra is a filmmaker and writer whose work has focused on=20
issues of gender, politics, urban life and popular media. Her 12=20
years in film-making have included work in documentary, television=20
drama and music shows, feature film and short fiction.

She has written, produced and directed Unlimited Girls, an=20
exploration of what feminism means to different people in urban India=20
(for Sakshi), A Womans Place (dir: India segment), a film about=20
women's legal strategies in India, South Africa and the USA (for PBS)=20
which has been shown in several festivals including Bangkok, MIFF,=20
Chingari and Bite the Mango, Annapurna: Goddess of Food about an=20
organization of women food workers in Bombay's textile mill area (=20
Yellow Line TV) which has been broadcast in 10 countries and screened=20
at MIFF and Films du Femme, Creteilles, and A Short Film About Time a=20
short fiction about a woman with a broken heart, her therapist and=20
his watch (independently produced). She has written the faux=20
documentary Skin
Deep, a film on women, body image and self-identity (dir: Reena=20
Mohan. Festivals Film South Asia, Chingari, Women in the Directors=20
Chair); the feature films Veru, about a woman whose life is=20
transformed by growing fundamentalism in a Pakistani village(dir:=20
Sabiha Sumar) and Kumari Shobha, about a former Kumari struggling to=20
make sense of love in contemporary Kathamandu (dir: Tsering Rhitar);=20
and co-written Waiting for the Mahatma, a feature film set in the=20
Indian independence struggle (dir: Srinivas Krishna).

Paromita began her film career working with various documentary=20
filmmakers like Anand Patwardhan (on the films In the Name of God,=20
Father Son and Holy War and Narmada Diary), Ruchir Joshi (Kricket)=20
and Eisha Marjara (Desperately Seeking Helen). She worked on the cult
series Videocon Flashback and Aunty 303 on Channel V before making=20
her own films. She presently lives in Bombay where she also teaches=20
script writing as Visiting Faculty at the Sophia College Center for=20
Social Communications Media, conducts courses on gender and=20
empowerment as well as ideas of love and women in Indian films at the=20
Academic Staff College, Bombay University and is the co-ordinator for=20
the international media program of A Womans Place Project and an=20
Associate of Partners for Urban Knowledge and Action (PUKAR).

______

#10.

The Indian Express
6 February 2003
'Islands of prosperity in a sea of gloom'
Alice Thorner
http://www.indianexpress.com/full_story.php?content_id=3D17887

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