[sacw] SACW | 17 Oct. 02

[Harsh Kapoor]

South Asia Citizens Wire | 17 October 2002

__________________________

#1. Pakistan: Dangerous rhetoric of the Mullah's (Editorial, Daily Times)
#2. India: AIDWA Letter re Govt. reaction to UN report on honour=20
killings in India (Brinda Karat)
#3. Kashmir: losers and winners (Praful Bidwai)
#4. After the polls in Jammu & Kashmir (Balraj Puri)
#5. Kashmir : Dodgem Democracy (Editorial, Times of India)
#6. India: The Vicious and incendiary Bal Thackeray (Editorial , The Hindu=
)
#7. India: Opp meet on saffronisation of education (Editorial , The Statesm=
an)
#8. Book Announcement: Society And Circulation - Mobile People and=20
Itinerant Cultures in South Asia 1750-1950 edited by Claude Markovits=20
/ Jacques Pouchepadass / Sanjay Subrahmanyam

__________________________

#1.

The Daily Times (Pakistan)
October 17, 2002

EDITORIAL: Dangerous rhetoric

The chief of the Jama=B9at-e-Islami, Qazi Hussain Ahmad, has=20
triumphantly warned that there will be a popular uprising in the=20
country if the MMA were to be denied the right to rule. He said the=20
people had voted for the MMA because they wanted it to rule the=20
country according to the =B3ideology of Pakistan=B2. Taken with his=20
earlier MMA-pronouncement that =B3American bases=B2 should be forthwith=20
removed from Pakistan, the statement confirms Qazi Sahib=B9s habitual=20
reliance on confrontationist political tactics. Also, it appears that=20
discussions with potential allies have made him more sanguine about=20
the chances of the MMA being part of the new government. A few days=20
earlier he had thought loudly that MMA might choose to sit in the=20
opposition.
There are further inklings of what the MMA might have in store for=20
everyone. It has reportedly agreed with the PML-N that it will not=20
take oath under the PCO that vests General Musharraf with special=20
powers, but will accept membership of parliament only under the=20
original Constitution. If it insists on this, General Musharraf=B9s=20
post-election troubles may begin sooner than later. Also, in addition=20
to Qazi Sahib, other MMA leaders have started issuing=20
=B3curtain-raising=B2 statements, intentionally or unintentionally,=20
putting the fear of God in certain quarters from where they imagine=20
resistance might come to their writ and authority. For example, a=20
warning by Maulana Fazlur Rehman to the bureaucrats of the NWFP and=20
Balochistan has led to a stampede for =B3shalwars=B2, while cinema houses=20
are reported to be hastily blacking out =B3objectionable=B2 posters of=20
film actresses.
As if on cue, the Council for Islamic Ideology (CII) has awakened=20
from its fit of depression over its =B3shelved=B2 Islamic recommendations=20
and issued a new ban on the Prize Bond Schemes. It says there is=20
=B3riba=B2 in Prize Bonds and that the country is sullied by the curse of=20
usury. The MMA=B9s own joint stand on the banning of bank interest=20
doesn=B9t bode well for the economy. The Karachi Stock Exchange wilted=20
on the news of the MMA=B9s unexpected victory, and the economy is=20
waiting with baited breath for some kind of sensible and responsible=20
government to emerge in Pakistan for traders and industrialists to go=20
back to business as usual. Are elected politicians more interested in=20
creating trouble than in stamping it out? Is the MMA going to lead=20
the pack of troublemakers, given the firebrand nature of its leaders?
General Zia had issued a =B3restoring=B2 order (RCO) under which the new=20
parliament had taken oath. He had to contend with a non-party=20
parliament living under martial law and was able to negotiate the 8th=20
amendment with the pliant parliament, albeit with certain important=20
modifications from the original draft. But General Musharraf may not=20
be so lucky to rally everyone behind him after his equivalent of the=20
RCO. As for the Prize Bonds issue, the MMA has to sort out its own=20
internal cleavages. Barely a week ago, the convener of the MMA,=20
Maulana Shah Ahmad Noorani of the JUP, told a TV channel in Karachi=20
that he accepted Prize Bonds as =B3permissible=B2 under Islam.
The MMA will surely be challenged on the issue of the role of the=20
American forces in this country by the less anti-American forces in=20
government and opposition who realise the value of working with=20
rather than against America in its war against the terrorism of Al=20
Qaeda. Similarly, the MMA will find its plea against bank interest=20
flatly rejected by mainstream opinion in the country. So it may be=20
wise for it to cool its high-pitched rhetoric and act with a degree=20
of moderation. There are no =B3popular uprisings=B2 on the cards and it=20
is best for the MMA not have its bluff called.
[...].

_____

#2.

ALL INDIA DEMOCRATIC WOMEN=B9S ASSOCIATION
121, Vithalbhai Patel House, Rafi Marg
New Delhi 110001

Tel no. 3710476, 3319566 e-mail: aidwa@n...
Website: www.aidwa.org

To=20
October 16, 2002
The Union Minister for External Affairs,
Government of India,
New Delhi-110001

Subj: Govt. reaction to UN report on honour killings in India

Dear Shri Yashwant Sinha ji,

This is to draw your attention to a news item published in=20
the Indian Express on October 12 that reads as follows=B9 India has=20
firmly rejected charges of "honour killings" of women saying the=20
report of the United Nations special rapportuer in this regard was=20
based on "hearsay" and lacks credibility. India is of the firm belief=20
that "selected reproduction of unsubstantiated reports which are=20
based on hearsay seriously affects the credibility and importance of=20
the report said S.S.Ahluwalia, Indian representative at the United=20
Nations Social, Humanitarian and Cultural Committee.
We would like to record our protest against this objection,=20
and to demand its withdrawal. In case the statement has been made=20
with the knowledge and agreement of the Government then we demand=20
that the Government convene a meeting with women=B9s organizations on=20
the issue since it deeply affects women in India when the Government=20
makes what is a patently false statement on a matter of deep concern=20
to them
One would have thought that a person representing the country=20
on an international forum would be better informed about realities in=20
India. Unfortunately there is a misconceived perception among=20
sections of the Government and its appointees to such committees,=20
that the "prestige=B9 of the country depends on defending the=20
indefensible even if it means distorting the truth. The truth in this=20
matter is that violence against a woman in the name of protecting the=20
"izzat=B9/honour of the community/caste /village/family is a reality.=20
For example in many parts of India a woman who challenges so-called=20
social codes regarding marriage, maintenance of caste purity etc. can=20
become the target of different degrees of violence including killing.=20
Is your representative so far removed from reality that he is unaware=20
of the number of public lynchings of young couples who have defied=20
caste and community codes and chosen their own partners and been=20
forced to suffer for it in many areas of North India? What are these=20
cases if not cases of "honour killings=8Bkillings or other methods of=20
violence to defend the so-called honour of the community?" Our=20
organization has been dealing with several cases of such a nature of=20
which we can give you the details. I also enclose several press=20
reports of such cases. The most recent example has taken place last=20
month when two sisters of the Jat community in the village of Talav=20
in Jhajjar district of Haryana were killed because one of them had=20
eloped with a scheduled caste boy and the younger had accompanied=20
her. Two dalits who were accused of helping them were attacked, their=20
homes burnt and finally they were driven to committing suicide. Two=20
dalit social activists who complained to the police were dragged=20
before the caste panchayats and forced to pay a fine of Rs. 2100 each=20
for making such a complaint on threat of further violence against=20
them.
Any report looking at violence against women in India=20
would perforce have to refer to this manifestation of violence=20
against women. It would have been better if the gentleman=20
representing India had been able to convince the international=20
community of the Indian Government=B9s commitment to deal firmly with=20
such "honour/izzat=B9 related violence against women instead of=20
criticizing the report. Contrary to his statement, it is not the=20
credibility of the report that suffers but the credibility of the=20
Government.
We request you to take the necessary action.

Thanking you,

Yours sincerely,
Brinda Karat
(General Secretary)=A0

_____

#3.

The News International (Pakistan)
Thursday October 17, 2002

Kashmir: losers and winners
by Praful Bidwai

A delightful irony of electoral democracy is the surprises it=20
periodically throws up when the people take their sweet revenge=20
against their rulers. The rulers might call elections with the vilest=20
of motives and in circumstances that seem to favour them. But the=20
electorate finds a way of getting even with them and punishing them.

In India's admittedly imperfect democracy, this happened to the=20
Congress most famously in 1977. Since then, "plebiscitary" elections=20
threw out a succession of incumbent parties for a quarter-century.=20
The same fate confronted the Bharatiya Janata Party in the 1998 state=20
elections after the nuclear tests. Punjab's Akalis too bit the dust=20
earlier this year.

That has yet again happened in Jammu and Kashmir. The National=20
Conference, which long considered the state as its fief, has been=20
given a humiliating drubbing. Omar Abdullah was badly trounced. That=20
is only one of the upsets the NC suffered on account of its=20
abominable misgovernance, corruption and betrayal of the "autonomy"=20
promise.

The NC's defeat is as comprehensive as stunning. It has been wiped=20
out not just from its Valley "strongholds", but also from major=20
pockets of Jammu. The BJP, which made deep inroads into Jammu's=20
predominantly Hindu areas by trying to communalise politics in its=20
characteristically vile manner, has also been sent packing.

This should once and for all put paid to the idea that the New Delhi=20
and Srinagar governments rigged the elections so their nominees could=20
win. As argued in this column five weeks ago, the elections were=20
flawed, but not a "farce" or "charade".

The NC and the BJP in their separate ways faced two hurdles: the=20
people, and the Election Commission, which has shown remarkable=20
independence and boldness in ensuring the least interference with the=20
electoral process. In the event, the hurdles proved insuperable.

Even the most acerbic of independent citizens' groups monitoring=20
elections concede that the EC's role was praiseworthy. They include=20
the Coalition of Civil Society, a group of NGOs from the Valley and=20
other parts of India. Its detailed reports do not mince words on the=20
(limited) coercion deployed by sections of the security forces.

In some ways, the elections' biggest winner is the Election=20
Commission, headed by James Michael Lyngdoh. It would be ostrich-like=20
to deny that the exercise was generally fair, if not free -- despite=20
violent incidents, especially in the third phase. The EC deserves=20
credit for judiciously deploying forces and personnel to minimise=20
interference with voter choices.

There was significant participation in election rallies, drawing=20
8,000 to 10,000-strong crowds. There was an "election fever" in rural=20
Kashmir. The turnout there was 55 percent. There was little stuffing=20
of ballot boxes or impersonation (although many names were missing=20
from the hurriedly revised electoral rolls). According to a=20
perceptive analysis published by two reputed scholars from the Centre=20
for the Study of Developing Societies and Jammu University (Indian=20
Express, Oct 9), this election was "substantially fair" -- more so=20
than in 1996, 1998 or 1999. This is no mean achievement given J&K's=20
extraordinary circumstances.

No less important among the winners were the Congress, People's=20
Democratic Party, breakaway groups from the Hurriyat Conference, and=20
small local parties. As I write this, the Congress and PDP are set to=20
form a government.

Who were the biggest losers? Without doubt, the jihadis who said the=20
elections were an affront to the Kashmir people who, they predicted,=20
would boycott them for azadi.

The next big loser was the Hurriyat itself, many of whose leaders=20
privately concede the election boycott was a "mistake". The first=20
reaction from Abdul Ghani Butt is that he hopes the new government=20
will be "more responsive" to the people than its predecessors.

The National Democratic Alliance is trying to present the verdict as=20
a mixed bag. Its ally, the NC, and leading party, the BJP, lost. But=20
the gain, it claims, is that the elections were credible and=20
internationally so regarded. This second proposition is only partly=20
true. The elections succeeded -- despite, not because of, the NDA.=20
The people voted overwhelmingly against the BJP even in Jammu. This=20
is only partly attributable to the floating of the Jammu State Morcha=20
by the RSS -- in opposition to the BJP's views on J&K's trifurcation.

It is heartening that a good proportion of Jammu's electorate voted=20
against the BJP after the Akshardham incident in Gujarat. This event,=20
the BJP predicted, would turn the tide in its favour. This only shows=20
that the Indian public, including the J&K people who know what it is=20
to live under the shadow of violence, are discriminating.

Three patterns are clearly discernible in the elections. First, the=20
Kashmiris are exhausted with externally-sponsored militant violence,=20
as well as state repression. September 11's aftermath and the=20
illegitimacy of Talibanist Islam have convinced many that jihadi=20
politics has no future; a new state government could probably shelter=20
them from growing confrontation involving India, Pakistan and the=20
militants.

Second, local considerations were at work. The NC was seen as=20
unresponsive to people's basic needs and thoroughly opportunist in=20
allying with the BJP. Many voted mainly to oust it. People's=20
short-term grievances about water, roads, hostels and jobs were an=20
important factor. This is corroborated by the leaked report of a=20
Western diplomat-observer: "The real issues in the elections seem ...=20
development and people are concerned about local issues ... (rather)=20
than independence or going with India or Pakistan."

Third, the Kashmiris are longing for a return to less violent life.=20
Many saw the elections as an important means to that goal. But their=20
vote is no endorsement of New Delhi's Kashmir policy. The election=20
cannot supplant a comprehensive process to resolve the Kashmir=20
tangle. As the Centre for Civil Society puts it, a "variety of=20
motivations and intentions" lay behind the vote. Many voters said=20
they voted "with absolutely no prejudice to their ... positions on=20
the way forward to seeking a just solution" to the Kashmir problem.

Thus, New Delhi would be thoroughly mistaken to regard the verdict as=20
approval of its Kashmir policy in general, and its "anti-terrorism"=20
strategy in particular. The outcome would have been more=20
representative had the official hawks not vetoed a pre-poll dialogue=20
with the Hurriyat and had government leaders not snubbed groups like=20
Shabir Ahmed Shah's.

Nothing that has happened is a substitute for a genuine broad-based=20
dialogue both within India and with Pakistan. The case for a dialogue=20
unscarred by violence both from the state and militant groups remains=20
overwhelmingly powerful. No matter which combination of parties takes=20
power in Srinagar, it will be compelled by the force of circumstances=20
to play a moderating role vis-a-vis Indian security forces and the=20
hawks.

This is the right time for Islamabad to acknowledge the electoral=20
verdict and take a diplomatic initiative. Or this window of=20
opportunity will soon slam shut.

_____

#4.

The Hindu
Oct 17, 2002
Opinion - Leader Page Articles

After the polls in J&K
By Balraj Puri

The election has thrown up a secular leadership from all the three=20
regions which opens up new opportunities for all provided they learn=20
the proper lessons from the verdict of the people.

NONE OF the major contesting parties in Jammu and Kashmir has made=20
any serious complaint against the conduct of the elections. Even=20
Farooq Abdullah and his son have gracefully accepted the defeat of=20
their party. The All-Party Hurriyat Conference, too, is citing the=20
electoral verdict as a lesson for the Central Government and the next=20
Government in the State.

Not that there were no aberrations. During my visit to 28 segments in=20
all the regions of the State, voters and polling agents told me that=20
the State administration officials were helping the ruling party=20
candidates, names of voters were missing from voters lists or were=20
mis-spelt, identity cards had not been given to all, that the use of=20
electronic machines was not demonstrated widely, the polling officers=20
were guiding or misguiding the voters on how to press the electronic=20
button and that the security forces were coercing the people into=20
casting their vote.

But equally impressive was the quick and effective response of the=20
Election Commission to all the complaints. A number of district=20
administration heads and other officers were immediately transferred.=20
The Special Operations Group and the Special Task Force of the police=20
were ordered to remain in the barracks till the end of the poll. In=20
Bhaderwah town, where Opposition workers had sat on dharna in protest=20
against polling irregularities, the E.C. observer reached there and=20
intervened to restore normal polling. On a similar complaint by a=20
crowd of voters in Samba about the working of the EVM, the E.C.=20
authorities ordered its replacement. The import of election staff=20
from Punjab and Uttar Pradesh, too, inspired confidence among the=20
voters.

I need not quote more complaints and the actions taken by the E.C.=20
that came to my notice to endorse the universal acclaim the=20
Commission has received for getting the verdict of the people=20
recorded as correctly as was possible in a State such as Jammu and=20
Kashmir. Even the cases of alleged coercive voting did not matter=20
much. I met two groups of people in Devsar constituency who alleged=20
that they were coerced by the security forces to vote. One actually=20
voted but the other said it would not vote despite the coercion. But=20
no group alleged that it was asked to vote for a particular candidate=20
or a party. Some others might have used the excuse of coercion to=20
escape the possible wrath of the militants.

For the successful conduct of the elections, all concerned, from the=20
Government of India to the E.C. and the people deserve=20
congratulations. But to interpret the verdict as a victory for India=20
against Pakistan is rather too simplistic and is not supported by the=20
facts. The percentage of persons who voted and of those who abstained=20
is no measure of pro-India and pro-azadi sentiments in the State.

Those who voted also include supporters of azadi. But they are=20
convinced that the role of the gun for its achievement is over. It is=20
this section to which the People's Democratic Party appealed for=20
support with the promise of a dialogue with militants and separatist=20
leaders for a solution of the Kashmir problem. The expelled members=20
of the People's Conference, an affiliate of the Hurriyat, contested=20
the election on the slogan of azadi. Others believed that their=20
day-to-day problems =8B administrative injustices and excesses,=20
unemployment, lack of development, nepotism and incompetent and=20
unaccountable Government =8B were no less, if not more, important than=20
azadi and could not wait till a final solution of the Kashmir=20
problem; that too through violent means. Nor were they sure they=20
would be rid of these problems if and when they got azadi.

Another section of the people was convinced that the call for a poll=20
boycott, in fact, implied a vote for perpetuation of the present=20
regime. This was confirmed by the fact that almost all the segments=20
where the boycott was effective returned National Conference=20
candidates. Many defied the call with the argument that azadi from=20
the NC was more important and must precede azadi from India.

Finally, there are several people who genuinely believe that the best=20
interests of the State lie in the continuation of its relations with=20
India. They demonstrated their patriotism and faith in democracy by=20
casting their vote.

Similarly, to count all those who did not vote as supporters of azadi=20
is equally incorrect. First, everywhere there are people who are=20
unable and unwilling to vote for a variety of reasons. Second, many=20
believed that security of life was more important than exercising=20
their right to vote. I called on a family in Kulgam, a young man of=20
which, a CPI (M) worker, was killed by militants a few days before=20
the polling. When I asked, "will you vote tomorrow?" his father=20
replied, "do you want the rest of us also to be killed". In Anantnag=20
town, a staunch NC supporter gave the same answer. "I will vote if=20
there is no risk to my life." The fate of candidates, political=20
workers and prospective voters, who were killed and the open threat=20
to kill all those who would cast their votes would deter even stout=20
hearts. In South Kashmir 16 persons were killed, when I was there. In=20
Doda, a grenade was thrown on a polling station by two fidayeen. In=20
both cases polling was upset.

Third, some people were too cynical, on the basis of past experience,=20
to believe that the vote they would cast would actually be counted=20
for the candidate for whom it was meant. Fourth, there are people who=20
regard boycott as a legitimate means of protest. A number of Kashmiri=20
Pandit organisations, for instance, gave a boycott call "to register=20
their protest against the way they have been treated since their=20
migration from Kashmir in 1990". None of them wanted azadi.

Thus, both the camps =8B participants and non-participants in the=20
election =8B include a mixed bag. However, there is a quantum jump in=20
the march of democracy in the State. To some extent, the azadi=20
sentiment in Kashmir is a sum of the urge for democracy and good=20
governance. To that extent, free elections, a representative=20
Government and a democratic outlet for popular discontent should=20
satisfy those sentiments. For the rest, Kashmiri representatives will=20
have a better opportunity of a dialogue with truer representatives=20
from Jammu and Ladakh on their mutual relations and the State's=20
overall status. The process of dialogue should then include even=20
those who did not participate in the elections and are yet not=20
converted to a method of dialogue. The Centre should positively=20
respond to any consensus arrived at through an internal dialogue; on=20
the basis of which it should not hesitate to initiate a dialogue with=20
Pakistan.

Happily, Jammu's urge for an identity and a share in power has got a=20
secular democratic outlet; symbolised by a Muslim leader, G. N. Azad.=20
It made the demand for a separate State redundant. The rout of the=20
BJP, except in one seat, is a development of great significance. The=20
one member who managed to get elected was a much less known young man=20
who became a rallying figure to defeat the NC Cabinet Minister, Ajat=20
Shatru, scion of the royal family. People voted for him, the only=20
local man from the Nagrota constituency, more for negative reasons=20
than out of a love for the BJP. Ladakh, too, has rejected the NC=20
whose tally from the region has fallen from three to one.=20
Fortunately, here again, the differences between the leaders of the=20
Buddhists and the Muslims, the two predominant communities in the=20
region, are narrowing down; which should help them seek a better and=20
satisfactory status within the State. The election has thrown up a=20
secular leadership from all the three regions which opens up new=20
opportunities for all provided they learn the proper lessons from the=20
verdict of the people.

____

#5.

The Times of India
OCTOBER 17, 2002
EDITORIAL

Dodgem Democracy

Kashmir went to the polls, wounded and bleeding, and showed the world=20
the democratic way to fight terrorism. Kashmir may yet succumb, not=20
to the bullet fired from the terrorist gun, but to injuries inflicted=20
on it by politicians scheming and plotting for a share of the=20
administrative spoils.
The tragedy of Kashmiris may well be that they went out to vote at=20
all. Less than a week after the world applauded the victory of the=20
democratic process in Kashmir, its politicians have acted swiftly to=20
give the historic verdict a quiet burial.
What is most likely to be remembered from now on is how the various=20
political players squabbled and how they caused the triumphant return=20
of cynicism and despondency in a state re-learning to invest in hope=20
and trust.
Admittedly, the split verdict does not facilitate automatic=20
government formation. Indeed, the Congress and the People's=20
Democratic Party do not make for the best of alliance partners.
Not only are the two parties differently oriented when it comes to=20
solving the Kashmir dispute, they have each performed well in one=20
region - the Congress in Jammu and the PDP in the Valley. Worse, it=20
is not even as if the Congress and the PDP have the required numbers=20
between them.
In other words, what we have in J&K is a ragtag band of parties,=20
representing a basket of regional and ideological aspirations. Is=20
there a way out of the mess? Yes, but only if the various players=20
recognise that Kashmir is larger than each one of them, indeed even=20
all of them collectively.
As things stand today, Kashmir is perhaps larger than even the=20
geographical boundaries that define India. A festering Kashmir will=20
forever remain an impediment to progress elsewhere, of course.
But more importantly, it will mean betraying the first stirrings of=20
hope in an alienated state and forgoing the one chance that its=20
people might return to the mainstream. The Congress and the PDP are=20
both insistent on getting the post of chief minister. Why not have it=20
by rotation as happened in Uttar Pradesh and as suggested by this=20
paper?
Instead, the Congress has gone all out to woo independents so as to=20
cobble up a majority without the PDP. This is unacceptable behaviour=20
from a party that runs 14 state governments and is looking to take=20
office at the Centre.
Kashmir is evidently just another conquest for the Congress. What a=20
pity. For what will ultimately steer the Congress towards South Block=20
is not marginal victories, but a visionary move of the kind sorely=20
lacking in beleaguered Jammu and Kashmir.

_____

#6.

The Hindu
Thursday, Oct 17, 2002
Opinion - Editorials

Vicious and incendiary

EVEN BY THE standards Bal Thackeray has set for himself and his=20
outfit, Shiv Sena, for minority bashing, the tone and tenor of his=20
latest anti-Muslim tirade is outrageously provocative, intimidatory=20
and, worse, an open invitation to minority-targeting acts of=20
terrorism. Mr. Thackeray's vituperative outburst has come from two=20
platforms =8B one, a public meeting to mark the Dussera festival and,=20
the other, the columns of the Sena mouthpiece, Saamna =8B and the=20
message itself has two distinctive strands which together espouse the=20
majoritarian communal agenda. The first, which is in the nature of a=20
call to the Hindus to refer to India as `Hindurashtra' and an=20
authoritative claim of primacy to the Hindu religion, is an=20
unmitigated affront to the secular and pluralistic doctrines that are=20
the core planks of the Indian Constitution. Much more vicious and=20
incendiary is Mr. Thackeray's clear suggestion that the Hindus also,=20
like "them" (read the Muslims), organise `suicide squads', and the=20
target alluded to here is obvious. Add to these his other remarks =8B=20
such as his expressed desire to "wipe out" trouble-making Muslims and=20
his proposition that throwing out the Bangladeshi Muslim migrants=20
would make the country "secure". Clearly, Mr. Thackeray has, in=20
effect, declared what amounts to a `war' against the minority=20
community. If all these do not constitute attempts to create communal=20
hatred and incite violence =8B acts that attract penal provisions of=20
the law of the land =8B what else will? And, remember, the hate=20
campaign run by the likes of Mr. Thackeray against the minorities is=20
by no means sporadic but a systematic and institutionalised programme=20
rooted in `ideology'.

A subtext of the Shiv Sena supremo's suggestion for `Hindu suicide=20
squads', a manifestation of the `we versus they' syndrome=20
characteristic of the Hindutva line of thought, is a deliberate=20
attempt to see acts of terror in communal terms, as determined by the=20
religion to which the perpetrators belong. Nothing could be more=20
perverse than this. Yet, for its part, the Sangh Parivar has always=20
tended to take such a view and has clamoured for retribution on that=20
basis, as has been borne out by the post-Godhra killings in Gujarat=20
earlier this year. If the VHP and other RSS affiliates had made bold=20
to talk of "repeating the successful Gujarat experiment" countrywide,=20
they became even more brazen and strident in holding out threats to=20
the minority community after the more recent terrorist attack on the=20
Swaminarayan Akshardham temple in Gandhinagar (Gujarat). In a sense,=20
Mr. Thackeray's latest anti-Muslim diatribe has to be seen in this=20
overall context of the Hindutva forces' heightened intolerance. No=20
party of governance can allow such pernicious rantings, which seek to=20
divide the Indian polity on the basis of religion and give credence=20
to the discredited two-nation theory, to go unnoticed if it is not to=20
forfeit its Constitutional right to govern. The sort of freedom Mr.=20
Thackeray and those of his ilk (Ashok Singhal, for instance) enjoy in=20
carrying on their hate campaign against the minorities and in a=20
manner that is palpably inflammatory is a damning testimony of the=20
Atal Behari Vajpayee regime's ineptitude. And the contrast is=20
striking =8B and in a cruelly ironical way =8B when it is set against the=20
fact that some small-time activists allegedly of the outlawed Islamic=20
outfit, SIMI, are held under the overly stringent provisions of POTA=20
for having pasted stickers with provocative slogans. The irony is=20
further compounded by the fact that the Shiv Sena is a constituent of=20
the NDA coalition =8B one with an ideological affinity with the leading=20
partner, the BJP =8B and Mr. Thackeray himself enjoys tremendous clout=20
with Mr. Vajpayee. What needs to be realised is that the Thackerays=20
(and the Ashok Singhals, not to speak of Narendra Modis) are a=20
veritable threat to any democratic and secular society and have to be=20
treated as such, if India is not to sink deeper into a morass of=20
lawlessness.
_____

#7.

The Statesman
16 October 2002
Editorial and Perspective

Opp meet on saffronisation of education

Statesman News Service
NEW DELHI, Oct. 15. =97 Leaders of major opposition parties will meet=20
here tomorrow at the CPI headquarters to discuss the fallout of the=20
Supreme Court verdict upholding that there was no saffronisation of=20
curriculum and "distortion" in the history books released by the=20
NCERT. The meeting will also discuss the reported 'factual errors' in=20
the NCERT textbooks for class VI.
The meeting, being hosted by the CPI general secretary, Mr A B=20
Bardhan, is expected to be attended by leaders of the Congress, Left=20
parties, the NCP, Samajwadi Party, RJD, JD(S) and Lok Janshakti Party.
The opposition has been consistently alleging that there was a=20
calculated move by the NDA regime to =93saffronisise=92 the curricula.=20
The apex court order is being cited by the BJP and other sangh=20
parivar outfits to counter the Opposition charge. Tomorrow's meeting,=20
according to sources, will be an attempt to firm the Opposition=20
position on the issue in the light of the Supreme Court order.
Mr Bardhan told The Statesman the recent apex court order and also=20
the future course of action will be the main agenda of the meeting.=20
"The issue is not just whether something is illegal or legal, the=20
issue is much-wider. First of all, we have a federal structure and=20
important issue like finalising the school syllabus have always been=20
discussed with all the state governments and their respective=20
educational boards. Ever since the education ministers of the=20
opposition-ruled governments registered their protest against the=20
saffronisation of curricula in a 1998 meeting convened by the human=20
resources development minister, Dr Murli Manohar Joshi never cared to=20
call another meeting. Does it mean that discussions to arrive at a=20
consensus on important issues like school curricula has been done=20
away with? We are not going to allow that".
Mr Bardhan said 'distortions and factual errors have also been=20
deliberately inserted' in the NCERT text books in order to 'twist=20
history according to the convenience of the ruling dispensation'.
"They have distorted the contributions of the Communist movement in=20
the freedom struggle."

_____

#8.

JUST PUBLISHED BY

PERMANENT BLACK

Distributed by Orient Longman <http://www.orientlongman.com>
Also available through
Bookpoint <thebookpoint@h...>
Ram Advani Bookseller <radvani@s...>
Manohar Books <manbooks@v...>
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SOCIETY AND CIRCULATION
Mobile People and Itinerant Cultures in South Asia
1750-1950

edited by Claude Markovits / Jacques Pouchepadass / Sanjay Subrahmanyam

(Hardback / 370pp / Rs 695 / ISBN 81-7824-039-4 / South Asia rights /=20
Copublished for the West by Anthem Press, London)

The idea of an 'eternal India', based on stable and unchanging=20
villages, has been in disarray for at least two decades. However,=20
having demolished this myth, historians have been rather less able to=20
construct an alternative positive vision.

This volume sets out to do so, using the idea of 'circulation' in=20
relation to South Asia in the colonial period. It comprises a set of=20
complementary essays which deal with merchant circulation,=20
pilgrimages, cartography, policing, labour mobility, and the movement=20
of itinerant groups =8B from colonial administrators to wandering bards=20
=8B and demonstrates that the South Asia of this period was made and=20
remade by changing patterns and the logic of circulation.

Once this perspective is integrated into the analysis of society, new=20
and disturbing questions emerge on issues such as culture, identity,=20
and ethnogenesis, which are normally treated in the context of fixed=20
and stable societies. The essays in this volume, written by some of=20
the leading authorities in South Asian history, are hence=20
pathbreaking in suggesting the outlines of a different framework for=20
historical analysis.

This volume will interest not only South Asianists but also those=20
interested in historical method as well as wider comparative=20
perspectives on early modern and contemporary history.

Essays by: Kapil Raj, Eric Meyer, G.Balachandran, Claude Markovits,=20
Neeladri Bhattacharya, Arnaud Sauli, Jacques Pouchepadass, Catherine=20
Servan-Schrieber, V. Narayana Rao and Sanjay Subrahmanyam

Claude Markovits is Directeur de recherche at the CNRS (National=20
Centre for Scientific Research), Paris. He has authored works on the=20
Indian national movement, Sindhi traders in the colonial period, and=20
a recent biography of Gandhi.

Jacques Pouchepadass is Directeur de recherche at the CNRS, Paris. He=20
has worked extensively on the agrarian, social and economic history=20
of modern India, and is the author of several studies on the society=20
and economy of eastern India in the colonial period.

Sanjay Subrahmanyam is Directeur d=B9=E9tudes at the EHESS, Paris, and=20
Professor of Indian History at Oxford University. He has published=20
extensively on the early modern European empires, Indian Ocean=20
history, and the history of pre-colonial India.

FULL LIST E-MAILABLE ON REQUEST
SUREST WAY TO CONTACT US IS EMAIL:
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