[sacw] SACW | 18 Oct. 02

[Harsh Kapoor]

South Asia Citizens Wire | 18 October 2002

__________________________

#1. Pakistan's Election Results and Mullahs, Army and America (M.B. Naqvi)
#2. Kashmir: Defeat from victory=B9s jaws? (Praful Bidwai)
#3. Amnesty International is alarmed at hate speech in India
#4. AIDWA struggle for food security in U.P. (Subhashini Ali)

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#1.

Pakistan's Election Results and Mullahs, Army and America
M.B. Naqvi
Karachi October 17:

All observers, as a community, are wondering what is going to happen=20
to Pakistan's relations with its unhappy ally, the US. The latter has=20
been trying hard to swallow and adjust to the emergence of a Islamic=20
Right as a formidable block in the last week's election. This=20
alliance, called MMA, has cashed in on the widespread resentment=20
against the American bombing of Afghanistan and the destruction of=20
Taliban regime which was widely admired and supported in religious=20
circles in this country. The Americans are understandably worried=20
because the two western provinces, bordering on Afghanistan, will=20
have MMA governments or ones in which it would be dominant, not to=20
mention its influence in the National Assembly and the Senate. It is=20
the third largest party in the National Assembly.

Over and above all these largely hypothetical fears, there are=20
clearly troubling statements of intent from the MMA leadership: they=20
want the US to vacate the Pakistani bases it occupies, repatriate all=20
US troops and to end the Pak-US cooperation in the intelligence field=20
for pursuing the al-Qaeda and some Taliban fugitives in the country.=20
It wants friendship with the US but as an equal. That is likely to=20
scandalise the Bush Administration.

In the domestic sphere, behind all the soothing words of being=20
moderates and a modernist force, MMA has said in a statement that=20
whatever the statutory Islamic Ideology Council recommends shall be=20
accepted without reservations (and the government shall not dilly=20
dally or go in appeal to the Supreme Court against it, as was done on=20
the Islamic ukase of abolishing bank interest altogether by June 30,=20
2002). That would open the floodgates of Islamisation, a la Gen.=20
Ziaul Haq, and a backlash from liberals and all minorities can be=20
expected.

Pakistan continues to be in the eye of a terrorist storm. Only on=20
Wednesday (Oct 16) various police departments in Karachi received=20
four letter bombs. Eight persons are in hospitals for various wounds=20
as a result. Its responsibility has been accepted by=20
Lashkar-i-Jhangwi, a sectarian terrorist organisation which has been=20
especially targetted by the government for harbouring al-Qaeda=20
fugitives in Karachi. Over a dozen of its operatives-cum-supporters=20
had been under arrest for terrorist attacks against US targets in=20
Karachi. It does look that LJ seems to have retrained its guns on=20
Karachi's police targets.

Karachi had already emerged as a storm centre of Islamic terrorists.=20
Recent elections have provided enough evidence that sympathy for=20
Islamic parties is growing in this sprawling city with its five or=20
six million destitutes; MMA has returned at least five deputies to=20
the NA from Karachi after eating into the once rock solid redoubt of=20
famous ethnic organisation: Muttaheda Qaumi Movement (MQM), led by=20
Altaf Hussain from his exile base London.

MMA's spectacular and largely unexpected rise has set off too many=20
alarm bells --- and not only inside Pakistan. Jitters have been=20
caused by the Bearded Brigade, as it is often derisively called, in=20
Washington and European countries as also inside the country after=20
the last week's election results have created a political logjam.=20
Many analysts fear that there may be no workable government possible=20
--- thanks not only to the MMA's stances from which it can resile at=20
its own peril.

Although many soothing assurances are available from MMA and a=20
pro-American government at the centre is also possible, if Musharraf=20
is prepared to make real concessions vis-=E0-vis Benazir, the US is=20
unlikely to be much relieved. Their fears are unlikely to go away so=20
long as MMA can dominate the Frontier and Balochistan governments.=20
This whole election is sure to seem to them to be unwanted. Would not=20
Musharraf be tempted to use an ancient argument to win approval of=20
Bush? Retention of American support is a key consideration in=20
Pakistan. Khakis=92 politics aims at continuing and to throwing out a=20
Parliament that is unfriendly to it. This one cannot even produce a=20
viable government.

What is that old argument? Musharraf may argue with Bush that he has=20
conclusively demonstrated that left to themselves Pakistanis would=20
choose terrorists. The same argument was used by Iskandar Mirza and=20
Ayub Khan: if polls are held, supporters or quasi Commies will=20
dominate in an elected democratic government. Pak generals have used=20
variants of this argument right down to 1980s. Americans always=20
bought it.

_____

#2.

The Hindustan Times
Friday, October 18, 2002

Defeat from victory=B9s jaws?
Praful Bidwai

It is a cruel, painful, but fateful irony for the people of Jammu and=20
Kashmir that the outcome of the state=B9s landmark assembly elections=20
should instantly become vulnerable to the whims and fancies of narrow=20
and manipulative politics.

The elections were not just J&K=B9s fairest and most credible since=20
1977. They were the first polls in 55 years which mandated a change=20
of government =8B a process usually brought about by toppling, sacking=20
and imposition of governor=B9s/president=B9s rule.

Yet, paradoxically, next Monday, the exit of the National Conference=20
regime could well lead not to a popular, elected government, but to=20
governor=B9s rule. What a horrific setback that would be for the cause=20
of democracy, human rights, rule of law, and eventually, a dialogue=20
leading to the peaceful resolution of the Kashmir problem!

No less ironically, the villains of this process could be the heroes,=20
victors and gainers from the election itself. Critical among them are=20
leaders in New Delhi =8B- which preens itself on having produced=20
=8Cproof=B9 of J&K=B9s =8Cintegration=B9 with India =8B as well as the Cong=
ress=20
and People=B9s Democratic Party in J&K.

It is imperative that these leaders act with the utmost=20
thoughtfulness, maturity, scrupulous respect for the popular mandate,=20
and great wisdom if they are not to snatch defeat from the jaws of=20
victory by converting a virtuous cycle of disillusionment with=20
violence, into a vicious cycle of cynicism, popular resentment,=20
alienation and terrorist violence.

Going by my conversations in Srinagar over six days this week with a=20
cross-section of opinion, the J&K electoral verdict is not a vote=20
against azadi, or for New Delhi=B9s Kashmir policy, or =8Cintegration=B9=20
with the Indian =8Cmainstream=B9. Rather, it overwhelmingly mandates a=20
change of (a monumentally corrupt and unresponsive) administration,=20
close attention to people=B9s day-to-day problems and relief from=20
prolonged, unmitigated suffering.

Above all, it is a vote for the return of peace and for the =8Chealing=20
touch=B9 through repeal of draconian laws, restitution of human rights,=20
and an unconditional dialogue with all shades of opinion in J&K. It=20
is also a forceful rejection of the BJP-RSS=B9s communal parochialism=20
with its trifurcation platform, and a vote for inter-regional harmony.

Yet, some of the winners of this mandate are attempting to=20
reintroduce regional parochialism. With the Panthers=B9 Party, the main=20
culprit here is the PDP (16 seats) which claims it must lead the new=20
government because it alone represents the Valley, the =8Cproblem=B9=20
region =8B unlike the Congress (20 seats), whose leader, Ghulam Nabi=20
Azad, is from Doda (Jammu region).

To most Kashmiris, this sounds less like an argument for the Valley=B9s=20
centrality than a bizarre case of regional parochialism. Azad is a=20
pucca Kashmiri-speaking Kashmiri; and Doda, everyone will tell you,=20
is emotionally and politically integrated with the Valley, not Jammu.=20
Besides, the PDP=B9s =8Cmandate=B9 is moth-eaten in the context of the=20
Valley=B9s 46 seats (and J&K=B9s 87). In plain truth, the J&K mandate is=20
fractured.

However, Mufti Mohammed Sayeed won=B9t have any of this. If he remains=20
adamant, he could be making another blunder =8B like in the Seventies=20
and Eighties, when he wantonly and manipulatively plotted against and=20
toppled elected governments, or in the early Nineties, when as Union=20
home minister, he disastrously sent Jagmohan back as governor, and=20
exchanged terrorists for his kidnapped daughter=B9s release.

There are no major programmatic differences between the PDP and=20
Congress, despite their disparate origins: they agree on putting POTA=20
on hold, disbanding the dreaded (surrendered militants) Special=20
Operations Group, empowering the State Human Rights Commission, and=20
starting a dialogue with all currents of J&K opinion. It would be=20
unforgivable if the chief ministerial contest alone divides them.

The onus today is more on Mufti than anyone else. If he shows real=20
leadership, he could become an agent of historic change =8B and=20
Kashmir=B9s hero.

The Congress hasn=B9t covered itself with glory by hinting that it=B9s=20
not averse to buying MLAs in case the PDP remains obstinate. It=20
should categorically reject horse-trading, and offer the PDP a=20
generous share of the cabinet.

The NC must resist the temptation to stake a claim even if rival=20
combinations fail. The electorate has soundly rejected it. Its seats=20
tally (now 28, earlier 57) would have shrunk further had the turnout=20
not been abysmally low in urban Kashmir. Omar Abdullah will=20
demonstrate statesmanship if he declares the NC will even accept a=20
minority government.

That highlights Governor Saxena=B9s role. He has wisely given the=20
parties time till October 21 to muster support. He is empowered under=20
the J&K Constitution to convene the new assembly and explore=20
government formation. Governor=B9s rule is not inevitable or mandatory.=20
Saxena must accord the uppermost consideration to giving expression=20
to the popular will, however divided. Formation of a minority=20
government cannot be thwarted on technical-legal grounds.

All this demands an unusual level of moral balance, resilience and=20
political wisdom from central and J&K leaders. But today=B9s situation=20
is extraordinary and delicate. One false step, one cynical, venal=20
move rooted in low-grade realpolitik or fraudulent=20
ultra-=8Cnationalism=B9, and a historic, unique opportunity will be lost.

If Kashmir bleeds, all of us Indians will lose.

_____

#3.

AMNESTY INTERNATIONAL
From: <<mailto:ai-news@a...>ai-news@a...>
Sent: Wednesday, October 16, 2002 5:03 PM

* News Release Issued by the International Secretariat of Amnesty
International *

16 October 2002
ASA 20/019/2002

Amnesty International is alarmed at repeated inflammatory statements
made by Ashok Singhal, the international working president of the
Vishwa Hindu Parishad (VHP, a nationalist Hindu organization), about
the violence against the Muslim population in Gujarat earlier this year,
in which more than 2,000 people were killed. The organization fears for
the safety of many thousands of vulnerable people, should further violence
be incited by the reported statements.

Ashok Singhal is reported to have said on 11 October 2002 that "what
happened in Gujarat will happen in the whole of the country", while
on 3 September he reportedly termed the recent massacres in Gujarat
a "successful experiment which will be repeated all over the country".

Promoting enmity between different groups on grounds of religion is
a recognized criminal offence under Indian law. Amnesty International
calls on the competent authorities to give a clear signal that it will
not be tolerated any more. Investigations to establish Ashok Singhal's
responsibilities in relation to the reported statements should be
initiated as a matter of urgency and appropriate action, including
possible prosecution, should be taken accordingly. Amnesty International
wrote to the relevant Indian authorities on 16 September 2002, drawing
attention to Ashok Singhal's statement of 3 September, but has not been
notified of any investigation initiated since then.

The National Human Rights Commission (NHRC) noted the need to take
firm action on provocative statements which have the potential to
incite communal tensions and violence. In its "Final Order on Gujarat
dated 31st May, 2002", the NHRC states that it "had urged that these
[statements] be examined and acted upon, the burden of proof being
shifted to such persons to explain or contradict their statements."

Provocative statements by VHP office bearers and by elected
representatives in the state of Gujarat in the immediate aftermath
of the killing of 59 Hindus on a train in Godhra in February 2002
are widely believed to have been interpreted by VHP sympathizers
and other individuals as a call to violence, which led to widespread
killings throughout the state earlier this year.

Background

Effective protection of the rights of minorities throughout the
state of Gujarat and the country is provided by Indian statutory
law. The Indian Penal Code (IPC) prescribes criminal prosecution
for "wantonly giving provocation with intent to cause riot"
(section 153); "promoting enmity between different groups on
grounds of religion" (section 153A); "imputations, assertions
prejudicial to national integration" (section 153B); "uttering
words with deliberate intent to wound the religious feelings of
any person" (section 298); "statements conducing to public
mischief" (section 505 (1), b and c); and "statements creating or
promoting enmity, hatred or ill-will between classes (section
505(2). Section 108 of the Code of Criminal Procedure, in
addition, allows an Executive Magistrate to initiate action
against a person violating section 153A or 153B of the IPC.
Amnesty International believes that Ashok Singhal's statements,
as reported, may constitute a criminal offence under Indian law.

The "Guidelines to promote communal harmony" issued by the
Ministry of Home Affairs in October 1997 point at the precise
responsibility of the state machinery to deal with potentially
inflammatory statements in the context of communal tension.
Guideline 15 states that "effective will needs to be displayed
by the district authorities in the management of such situations
so that ugly incidents do not occur. Provisions in section 153A,
153B, 295 to 298 and 505 of IPC and any other Law should be
freely used to deal with individuals promoting communal enmity".

Article 20 of the International Covenant on Civil and Political
Rights, which India ratified in 1979, affirms that "Any advocacy of
national, racial or religious hatred that constitutes incitement to
discrimination, hostility or violence shall be prohibited by law".

According to press reports Ashok Singhal, while speaking at a
function at the Shivala Bhaian temple in Amritsar on 3 September 2002,
said: ''Godhra happened on February 27 and the next day, 50 lakh
(500,000) Hindus were on the streets. We were successful in our
experiment of raising Hindu consciousness, which will be repeated
all over the country now.'' He reportedly spoke also of how whole
villages had been ''emptied of Islam'' and how whole communities
of Muslims had been dispatched to refugee camps, presenting this
as "a victory for Hindu society". A national newspaper subsequently
reported that on 11 October, during a press conference, Ashok Singhal
stated that "what happened in Gujarat will happen in the whole of
the country. Hindus were not born to be cut like carrots and radishes,
and that the Hindukaran (Hindu conscience) of the people of Gujarat
was the direct result of the 'jehadi' mentality of Muslims".

****************************************
For more information please call Amnesty International's press office in
London, UK, on +44 20 7413 5566
Amnesty International, 1 Easton St., London WC1X 0DW. web:
http://www.amnesty.org

____

#4.

AIDWA struggle for food security in U.P.
by Subhashini Ali [17 October 2002]
http://www.mnet.fr/aiindex/2002/subhasiniAli_Oct02.html

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