[sacw] SACW | 16 Oct. 02

[Harsh Kapoor]

South Asia Citizens Wire | 16 October 2002

__________________________

#1. Religion and Political Identity - Gathering storm in Pakistan=20
(Zulfiqar Ahmad)
#2. Pakistan: Moving finger wrote but what (M B Naqvi)
#4. Pakistan: Ministers, baboos asked to wear national dress (Ansar Abbasi)
#4. USA: Northridge woman will give money won in discrimination case=20
to youths in India
#5. India: Will the Hearts Ever Meet? (Shabnam Hashmi)
#6. India: Tamil Nadu Law Breaches Freedom of Religion (S. P. Udayakumar)
#7. Caste And Its Discontents: Rethinking The Nation
A Symposium of the Southern Asian Institute, Columbia University, New=20
York (Oct. 18, 2002)
#8. India: Report peace trip by Concerned Indians in the US to India=20
following Gujarat carnage
#9. India: Victims look for work (Kalpana Sharma)

__________________________

#1.

San Francisco Chronicle
Tuesday, October 15, 2002
Page=A0A - 23
URL:
http://www.sfgate.com/cgi-bin/article.cgi?file=3D/chronicle/archive/2002/10=
/15/ED149484.DTL

Religion and Political Identity
Gathering storm in Pakistan

Zulfiqar Ahmad

After three years of military rule, Pakistani voters have spoken. The=20
message from the Oct. 10 elections is ominous, with immediate=20
implications for U.S. policymakers: For the first time in Pakistan's=20
history, religious parties have won significant popular support.=20
("Foes of U.S. in Pakistan make unexpected gains," The Chronicle,=20
Oct. 12.)

Muttehidda Majilis-e-Amal -- an electoral alliance of six major=20
religious parties centered around Jamaat-i-Islami -- has won majority=20
of seats in both the North-West Frontier Province and in Baluchistan=20
-- two of Pakistan's four provinces -- as well as 45 seats of 272=20
available in the country's National Assembly, including seats from=20
the key cities of Islamabad and Karachi.

In every past election in the country, all religious parties combined=20
have never polled more than 8 percent of popular vote, and never have=20
they won more than a few National Assembly seats. "This is a=20
revolution," announced Qazi Hussain Ahmed, chief of Jamaat-i-Islami.

Maybe, but not quite yet -- the ball is in the United States' court.=20
The religious parties' strong showing in the polls is, as a Pakistani=20
newspaper put it, "a snub to pro-American lobbies in Pakistan." Qazi=20
Ahmed has repeatedly told his supporters, "We will not accept=20
American bases and Western civilization." It is likely that a=20
coalition of political parties and independents that will continue=20
the current pro-U.S. policies of President Pervez Musharraf will form=20
the new government in Islamabad.

Nevertheless, the religious parties will form the government in the=20
North- West Frontier Province and Baluchistan where they have the=20
majority. Both provinces border Afghanistan and deeply resent the=20
continuing U.S. military operations in the area. Culturally and=20
ideologically deeply conservative, these two provinces are also host=20
to many militant jihadi groups active in Pakistan.

If the United States chooses to attack Iraq -- with or without the=20
United Nation's approval -- the consequences for Pakistan will be=20
dire. The religious parties could use their newfound power to defy=20
the government in Islamabad. Most likely, Musharraf would then use=20
powers, acquired through recently enacted constitutional amendments,=20
to dissolve the elected provincial and, possibly, national=20
legislatures and unleash large-scale political repression.

Traditional secular parties unable to support Musharraf's policies or=20
join hands with religious parties would be paralyzed. The mantle of=20
opposition to an increasingly repressive regime would be taken up by=20
the mullahs at the national scale. The success of religious parties=20
in metropolitan cities such as Islamabad and Karachi is a sign that=20
an anti-American platform, in a country where President Musharraf is=20
often referred to as "Busharraf," has increasingly deep and wide=20
resonance among Pakistanis.

Political unrest in Pakistan, when buttressed by widespread popular=20
protests, has always led either to a military coup or hastily called=20
elections.

Under current circumstances, either of these developments will result=20
in a much greater role, if not outright rule, for reactionary=20
Islamist forces in Islamabad. Pakistan is not Afghanistan, but an=20
Islamist government in Pakistan will exact a heavy price on both=20
people and institutions of the country.

Pakistan's persistent tensions with India, and Pakistan's Islamist=20
parties avowed agenda of 'liberating' Kashmir add further danger to=20
an already precarious region of the world.

A nightmare scenario is in the making. It will be Pakistan's=20
nightmare above all; but, in this globalized world, nations share=20
their pain with others,

especially with those perceived to be supporters of their tormentors.=20
Will Pakistan's future demonstrate again that the United States has=20
learned nothing from the Iranian revolution and the subsequent=20
hostage crisis; the fallout from the blind policy of first using, and=20
then abandoning, dictators like Pakistan's General Zia and fanatics=20
like the Taliban to fight the Soviets in Afghanistan?

The choices before the Bush administration are difficult and stark:=20
Reverse policies that fan anti-American sentiments and provide=20
ammunition to extremist groups in their campaign to impose their=20
bankrupt vision of an Islamic state (which has no roots or precedents=20
in Islamic history) or live in an increasingly polarized and violent=20
world. Policies that do not honor their own principles -- concern for=20
democracy, human rights, social and economic justice,

among others -- will ultimately lack legitimacy with allies, and=20
cannot command respect from adversaries.

Specifically, the United States must avoid the extreme of double=20
standards in its foreign policy, blatantly evident in the=20
administration's blanket support of Israeli policies and actions;=20
stop covert military actions; support and strengthen international=20
institutions; and help in reducing the growing gulf between the haves=20
of the Northern Hemisphere and the have-nots of the Southern=20
Hemisphere.

_____

#2.

The News International (Pakistan)
Wednesday October 16, 2002

Moving finger wrote but what
By M B Naqvi
http://www.jang.com.pk/thenews/oct2002-daily/16-10-2002/oped/o1.htm

_____

#3.

The News International (Pakistan)
Wednesday October 16, 2002
http://www.jang.com.pk/thenews/oct2002-daily/16-10-2002/main/main17.htm

Ministers, baboos asked to wear national dress
By Ansar Abbasi

_____

#4.

[ Please note Prabha Rao can be contacted via e-mail at the=20
following address : <prabharaoesq@h...> ]

o o o

Los Angeles Times
October 6, 2002

Judgment to Go to the Needy
Lawsuit: Northridge woman will give money won in discrimination case=20
to youths in India.

By TRACY WILSON, TIMES STAFF WRITER

After collecting a $150,000 federal court settlement, Prabha Rao=20
could have splurged for a new car or put a down payment on a new home.

But she had other ideas.

Last weekend, the 52-year-old former probation officer boarded a=20
plane for India with plans to give the money she received in a racial=20
discrimination lawsuit against Ventura County to organizations=20
benefiting orphans.

Specifically, she intends to use the funds to educate girls in=20
Calcutta, where Rao grew up and her family still lives. And she hopes=20
to travel to the western state of Gujarat to funnel money to children=20
abandoned during a bloody conflict between Hindus and Muslims earlier=20
this year that left more than 1,000 dead.

"I feel very fortunate that I have an education," Rao said. "I'd like=20
to share that with other children not as fortunate as me."

Rao, who lives in Northridge with her husband, said she sued the=20
county not for money but to force an admission of wrongdoing after=20
she was denied promotions--on the basis of race, she believes.

Rao worked for the probation agency for 19 years, handling adult and=20
juvenile cases. She was elevated to a senior probation officer during=20
her seventh year on the job and wanted to become a supervisor. But=20
the goal eluded her.

In 1991, after a decade with the agency, Rao began to attend law=20
school classes at night, in part, she said, to improve her chances at=20
advancement. She passed the state bar exam in 1995.

In January 1997, Rao interviewed for a supervisory position. She had=20
worked for the agency for 16 years at that point and had a master's=20
degree in English literature, in addition to her law degree. She felt=20
confident she was a strong candidate. But the job went to someone=20
else.

She questioned whether race played a role in the decision and her=20
supervisor denied any discrimination, she said.

But after other promotions passed her by, Rao said, she filed a=20
complaint with the Equal Employment Opportunity Commission. It was=20
the first of two grievances she would bring against the probation=20
agency. After a two-year investigation, the EEOC found that Rao was=20
denied a promotion on the basis of her race and national origin.

But a promotion still didn't come. In November 2000 she retired, and=20
a few months later she filed a racial discrimination lawsuit against=20
her former employer.

In July of this year, Rao accepted the county's offer of $150,000,=20
and U.S. District Court Judge John F. Walter entered a judgment in=20
her favor.

Oxnard attorney Philip Erickson, who represented the county, said the=20
settlement was not an admission of wrongdoing.
_____

#5.

[The Hindustan Times, 15 October 2002
http://www.hindustantimes.com/news/printedition/161002/detPLA01.shtml ]

Will the Hearts Ever Meet?

Shabnam Hashmi

The whole family argued with him, everyone was leaving. Some of the=20
villagers had taken the initiative and arranged for three tempos to=20
transport people to a safer place. The old man remained adamant till=20
the end. He had nothing to fear. He was 73 years old, had spent all=20
his life in the village, bore no malice to anyone and had good=20
relations with both Muslims and Hindus.
We were standing in a courtyard surrounded by semi-demolished and=20
demolished houses and rubble. It was in this courtyard where the mob=20
had brought 5 two wheelers belonging to Muslims. They poured petrol=20
on the vehicles. The old man was dragged out of his house. They did=20
not kill him. They broke one of his legs with a baton, threw him on=20
top of the vehicles and then set them afire, moved ahead towards the=20
next target.
Standing in the courtyard exactly after seven and a half months of=20
the incident I felt a chill going down my spine. Nothing much seemed=20
to have changed in the village Ode, in the Anand district, Gujarat.
We were now in front of a huge dump of bricks and mortar. Amina bibi=20
told me that the house belonged to an influential Muslim. He had=20
given shelter to 23 Muslims mainly women and children. He convinced=20
them that they would be safe in there. No one could touch his house.=20
People had respected him in the village.
The mob was moving towards the next target. This was a good=20
opportunity. They surrounded the house. All the 23 people were burnt=20
alive. Most of the neighbors had fled. It was impossible to find an=20
eyewitness, who could shed some light on the status of the dead=20
people. The Police very efficiently declared them 'missing'. There is=20
no way to find out if the bodies were taken out by the police or are=20
still buried under the rubble. Ilias bhai, the coordinator for the=20
Kheda Anand district relief camps has tried many times to persuade=20
the police to remove the rubble but has not been able to get any=20
success on that score. The people are still 'missing'.
Out of the total of 272 families whose houses were attacked, looted=20
and then demolished, only 40 families have been able to return so far=20
to the village and that too in their semi-broken houses. A kabristan=20
perhaps would look more cheerful then these dead houses.
Somewhere in another village Modi, the proud Chief Minister of=20
Gujarat, is taking out the Gaurav Yatra.
Mogri is another village in the Anand district. Sixty-four families=20
were driven out from the village on March 1, 2002, their houses=20
looted and broken in the same fashion. They have not been allowed to=20
enter the village again.
Aaron and Miranda, reporters from WBAI, a radio network having 60=20
channels in the US were also with me. I wanted to assess the=20
situation myself. Things couldn't have been so bad. After all more=20
than seven months had passed.
It took us barely 30 minutes to reach Mogri from Anand. As we entered=20
the village it looked quite full of life. All the shops were open and=20
people were moving around. Our car negotiated its way through the=20
crowd and we entered a small lane. We parked the car near a few=20
shops. There were 7-8 young boys standing and chatting there.
Yasin was with us. He was a teacher seven months ago. Children from=20
both the communities came to him for taking tuitions. He had close=20
and friendly relations with their families. We entered a burnt house.=20
It looked haunted; there was nothing in the house except black soot=20
and cobwebs. We entered the demolished mosque, which was also in the=20
same lane. We could read in bold letters VHP on the walls of the=20
mosque. We went to the first floor. The pillars and floor were ripped=20
apart by using a gas cylinder. Yasin showed us his house from the=20
first floor. He had tried to send some karigars to start rebuilding=20
the house, but they were threatened and the house attacked again.
Ilias told me that it was not advisable to remain in the village for=20
long. We came out. We had hardly spent 10 minutes there. I had an=20
uneasy feeling. Something looked different. Then I realized that the=20
shops had closed down and the young boys had disappeared. As we came=20
near the car we were shocked to see the front glass completely=20
smashed.
Vajpayee, Advani and Modi are demanding early elections. Modi is=20
there next Chief Ministerial candidate.
My daughter calls me on my mobile from Delhi. She is seven years old.=20
She is very happy as she has got all kinds of presents and sweets for=20
'kanjak' from families in our apartments. She wants me to know that=20
only girls participate in the puja, boys are not allowed. She is very=20
happy because she can score a point over her brother. She did puja in=20
five houses. She wants to know if I will bring some present for her=20
from Gujarat. She wants the traditional Gujarati lehnga and the=20
dandiya sticks. She has also heard that Eid is not far off and wants=20
to know how much Eidi she will get. She is a little chatter-box.
Arif bhai dared to enter Kanjri village day before yesterday. He was=20
selling bangles to women. He was surrounded and beaten up severely.=20
He is lying on bed, cannot move for weeks because of bruises all over=20
his body. He has developed high fever.
Ilias bhai tells us that Hindu families are moving out of Muslim=20
dominated areas. They don't want them to move out but Hindus are=20
feeling as insecure.
Gaurav Yatra is moving on. Long live Modi.
We are returning to Baroda. There is total silence in the car. Aaron,=20
Miranda and Raj are sitting in the back seat. Vijay, who is our=20
driver looks at me, he takes out a cassette and puts in on. I can=20
hear a very soft, soothing voice: do dil mil rahe hain, magar chupke=20
chupke, sabko ho rahi hai khabar chupke chupke=85
I love the song. I wonder if the hearts will ever meet?

_____

#6.

Date: Tue, 15 Oct 2002 18:14:43 +0530 (IST)

Tamil Nadu Law Breaches Freedom of Religion

S. P. Udayakumar

(To be published elsewhere officially; please obtain permission=20
before using it in any way)

If you happen to live in the southern Indian state of Tamil Nadu and=20
decide to change your faith or mode of worship, guess who you should=20
meet right away? The =93local magistrate=94! It is not that the state=20
government has equipped its magistrates to answer all your spiritual=20
questions but you need to convince him that you are converting to=20
another faith all =93by yourself.=94 The J. Jayalalitha government wants=20
to make sure that religious conversions are not done by =93use of force=20
or by allurements or by any fraudulent means.=94

It is not at all clear what really constitutes =93force,=94=20
=93allurements,=94 or =93fraudulent means=94. Similarly, it is quite vague=
=20
who can decide authoritatively and conclusively that a given case of=20
conversion has involved fraudulent means. And how can anybody prove=20
any of this in a court of law without any ambiguity?

=93By this ordinance,=94 points out Dr. Lal Mohan, a social activist,=20
=93Dr. Ambedkar becomes a criminal.=94 After all, he enticed thousands=20
of people in Maharashtra to shun Hinduism and embrace Buddhism. This=20
unwarranted ordinance with ambiguous provisions rightly alarms the=20
minorities in Tamil Nadu and elsewhere in India. For instance, the=20
Christian missionaries=92 fear of their services to the poor and the=20
needy getting misunderstood and misinterpreted is quite legitimate.

The Archbishop of Madurai, the second largest city in Tamil Nadu, M.=20
Arokiasamy has termed the ordinance =93anti-minority=94 and condemned it=20
as a move to =93divide the people on communal lines.=94 He fears that=20
there would be serious consequences for educational institutions run=20
by minorities. If a student was denied admission, he could complain=20
that he was asked to convert and his refusal made the institution to=20
turn down his application.

The Tamil Nadu Prohibition of Forcible Conversion of Religion=20
Ordinance 2002 imposes 3-year imprisonment and a fine of Rs. 50,000=20
on anyone who engages in forcible conversion. If women, children,=20
tribals and other oppressed people were forcibly converted, the=20
punishment would be 4-year imprisonment and 1 lakh rupee fine.

Mano Thangaraj, the District Panchayat Chairman of Kanyakumari=20
district, a rather sensitive area where both Hindus and minorities=20
are equally placed in terms of number and religious zeal, identifies=20
two types of conversions here: marriage-based and healing-based.=20
When people of different faiths get married, either the groom=20
persuades his bride to convert to his faith or the newly wedded wife=20
allures her husband to follow her religion. It is unclear if this=20
mounts to =93forcible=94 conversion and the bride or the groom could be=20
held guilty.

Similarly, it is not an uncommon thing in Kanyakumari, or other parts=20
of Tamil Nadu for that matter, for people to change their faith when=20
they think they are healed by a visit to a shrine or priest of=20
another religion. How can anyone who claims to have gone through a=20
deeply personal experience ever convince a fellow human being, and=20
that too a bureaucrat, of its validity and sincerity. It could=20
indeed lead to harassment and even persecution if and when a person=20
of weak social standing tries to go through this magisterial means of=20
conversion.

This kind of vague and sensitive legislation is prone to abuse. For=20
example, when the Kalyan Singh government in Uttar Pradesh amended=20
the UP Prevention of Cow Slaughter Act, it was abused to implicate=20
Muslims in false cases. Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh workers would=20
inform the police that a cow had been slaughtered by Muslims. The=20
police would arrive, find no evidence and conclude that the crime did=20
take place but the evidence destroyed. Then large number of Muslims=20
would be arrested, their homes and shops burned and Muslim women=20
molested.

Quite understandably, the loudest support to this ordinance has come=20
from the Sangh Parivar and other like-minded Hindu leaders. Sri=20
Jayendra Saraswathi of the Kanchi Mutt, for instance, has suggested=20
the promulgation of a similar law for the entire country. Says he:=20
=93It is regrettable that even 50 years after gaining our freedom,=20
conversions are taking place in the name of God.=94 He sees this=20
ordinance as an instrument of peace, harmony and unity.

Neither the Kanchi Mutt nor any other leader of the Hindu orthodoxy=20
is unwilling to probe the root causes of rampant conversion among=20
lower caste Hindus. They turn a blind eye to the outrageous=20
treatment meted out to dalits and other oppressed sections by caste=20
Hindu groups and the Hindu religion itself. In fact, there are=20
places in Tamil Nadu where two-tumbler system prevails even today to=20
serve hot beverages to untouchables and to caste Hindus.

This reactionary ordinance that seeks to divide the people and erase=20
the liberal political values and traditions of the Tamils has to be=20
looked at the larger political context. Ms. J. Jayalalitha, the=20
Chief Minister of Tamil Nadu, who had supported the Hindutva=20
brigade=92s kar seva at the Babri Masjid in Ayodhya during her earlier=20
tenure, clearly shares the Hindu orthodoxy=92s communal agenda.=20
Political observers do feel that there is something more to this=20
political drama than what meets the eye, the ideological affinity.=20
The beleaguered Chief Minister who has serious corruption cases=20
pending against her at the nation=92s Supreme Court tries to have some=20
friends in high places.

This self-appointed guardian of the Tamil people=92s right to freedom=20
of conscience conveniently overlooks Article 25 of the Indian=20
Constitution that assures the freedom of worship and the right to=20
practice and propagate religion. In fact, this ill-prepared and=20
hurriedly promulgated ordinance denies the citizens their=20
Constitutional right to profess, practice and propagate their=20
religion of choice. After all, humans are an evolving species and=20
when they hit upon new thoughts and ideas, they certainly should have=20
the right to embrace them.

This breach of fundamental rights embarrasses India further when the=20
country is already in a rather piquant situation. The United States=20
Commission on International Religious Freedom (USCIRF) has=20
recommended that the U.S. Secretary of State designate India as one=20
of the =93Countries of Particular Concern=94 under the International=20
Religious Freedom Act of 1998. Citing the increasing violence=20
against minorities and the immunity for the perpetrators, India has=20
been dumped with a total of 12 countries such as Pakistan, Iran,=20
Iraq, Sudan and North Korea that have dubious human rights records.

When communal tensions are tearing the Indian society apart, what=20
India needs is communal harmony initiatives and not this kind of=20
divisive pieces of legislation. Some sections of the minority=20
communities in Tamil Nadu have called for a general strike on October=20
24, 2002 and the Tamil Nadu state assembly is also going to meet=20
around that time. A sensitive drama is to unfold at the end of=20
October.

_____

#7.

CASTE AND ITS DISCONTENTS: RETHINKING THE NATION

A Symposium of the Southern Asian Institute, Columbia University, New York

Friday, October 18, 2002
Altschul Auditorium
International Affairs Building
420 West 118th Street [New York]

10: 15 a.m. Welcome and Introduction - Gauri Viswanathan, Director

10:30 a.m. Session One - Gender, Religion, Race, and Caste

Chair: Gauri Viswanathan, English and Comparative Literature,
Columbia University

V. Geetha, Tara Publishing, Chennai, "Sexualizing Identities:
Gender, Caste, and Gujarat"

Balmurli Natrajan, Iowa State University, "The Culture Trap or How
To Be Different and Occupy the Same Space"

Gail Omvedt, Nehru Memorial Museum and Library, Delhi, "The Bhakti
Movement and Caste"

Respondents: Anupama Rao, History, Barnard College; and Milind
Wakankar, English, State University of New York at Stony Brook

12:45 p.m. Lunch Break

2:00 p.m. Session Two - Caste and the Structures of Power

Chair: E. Valentine Daniel, Anthropology, Columbia University

Kancha Ilaiah, Political Science, Osmania University, Hyderabad,
"On Being an Un-Hindu Indian"

Nicholas Dirks, History and Anthropology, Columbia University,
"Caste and Colonialism"

M. S. S. Pandian, Cultural Studies, George Washington University,
"Modernity and Caste"

Respondents: Ravindran Sriramachandran, Anthropology, Columbia
University; and Krishnan Rajan, Anthropology,
Columbia University

4:15 p.m. Break

4:30 p.m. Session Three - Moving Towards Equal Opportunity

Chair: Partha Chatterjee, Anthropology, Columbia University

D. Shyam Babu, Rajiv Gandhi Institute for Contemporary Studies,
Delhi, "Unrepresentative Democracy: Dalits' Political
Rights After Seventy Years of the Poona Pact"

Chandra Bhan Prasad, journalist, The Pioneer, "Liberalization
and Dalits"

Respondent: Sanjay Reddy, Economics, Barnard College

_____

#8.

Friends,

I was part of a delegation of NRIs which went to India
on a humanitarian mission, to see for ourselves the
aftermath of the Gujarat carnage, and to understand
its implications for India's future. We met a wide
cross section of civil society, including the victims
of the unprecedented violence; NGOs who have been
caring for the victims; and other citizen's groups,
businessmen, religious leaders, politicians,
ex-judges, legal aid cells, ex-police officials,
and the media.

Some of the people we met: President of India A.P.J.
Abdul Kalam, Chandrababu Naidu, Sonya Gandhi, Puri
Shankaracharya, NHRC Chairman Justice Verma, I.K.
Gujral, Shreyans Shah of Gujarat Samachar, Somnath
Chatterjee, Naresh Chandra, Kuldip Nayar, Justice
Ahmedi, Prof. Bandukwala, Mallika Sarabhai, Governor
of AP Dr. Rangarajan, A.B. Bardhan, Ram Vilas Paswan,
Natwar Singh, Shankarsinh Vaghela, Kamal Nath, Syed
Mahdi, Gandhian Chunibhai Vaidya, Harsh Mander, Swami
Agnivesh, Shabnam Hashmi, Father Cedric Prakash, Dr.
Shakeel Ahmad of IRC, Mrs. Alakanada Patel (wife of
I.G. Patel), B.G. Verghese, and many other concerned
groups and individuals.

Please log on to:
http://nrisahi.ektaonline.org
for a complete trip report

Please also log on to:
http://ektaonline.org
to see what young South Asians in the U.S. are doing
to build bridges among communities.

Raju Rajagopal

_____

#9.

The Hindu
Wednesday, Oct 16, 2002

Victims look for work

By Kalpana Sharma

As the Gujarat Government seems uninterested in either reconstructing=20
the destroyed homes or the shattered lives of the victims of the=20
communal violence, the burden of that will have to be borne by civil=20
society.

FEW IN Gujarat failed to notice the alacrity with which national=20
leaders descended on the State after the attack on the Akshardham=20
temple complex but took weeks to find time to comfort the thousands=20
of victims of the communal frenzy that gripped Gujarat since March.=20
These victims are still waiting =8B for a signal that will assure them=20
that life will some day become "normal" again. At the moment, they=20
have heard little that holds out this promise.

The Gujarat Government maintains that most of the camps sheltering=20
the victims of the communal violence are now closed. Yet, the larger=20
camps such as the one at Shah Alam or Dariakhan Ghumat still have a=20
few thousand inhabitants. There are also smaller camps in the city.=20
Their numbers swell whenever there is a hint of renewed violence.=20
Sometimes women and children sleep in the camps, while the men spend=20
the nights near their destroyed homes to ensure that these are not=20
occupied by anyone else. Still others have moved into rented=20
accommodation or are staying with relatives but still keep a link=20
with the camps. These have become places not of refuge but of support.

Today, the issue uppermost in the minds of the victims is restoration=20
of livelihood. "Give us work", is the universal demand. And this is=20
where most civil society groups that worked on relief are now=20
concentrating their efforts. The problems are at two levels, says=20
Shakeel Ahmad of the Islami Relief Committee that has been in the=20
forefront of the relief and rehabilitation efforts. One is that of=20
people with businesses =8B restaurants, small workshops, larger=20
factories =8B that were destroyed. The bigger businesses were insured.=20
But they represent only a small percentage of the estimated 17,000=20
commercial establishments affected by the violence.

Some businessmen have decided not to take any chances in the future.=20
For instance, Dr. Ahmad says many from the Chillia community, who are=20
primarily in the catering business, are moving out to Karnataka,=20
Andhra Pradesh and Maharashtra. They owned many restaurants on the=20
Ahmedabad-Mumbai highway. Most of these eating places =8B many of them=20
pure vegetarian and employing mostly non-Muslims =8B were razed to the=20
ground.

The other more difficult and virtually invisible problem is that of=20
the thousands of workers in the informal sector. According to some=20
estimates, 79 per cent of Ahmedabad's economy, particularly after the=20
closure of textile mills, is in the informal sector. It is the men=20
and women dependent on this unorganised sector that have paid the=20
highest price for the violence.

Take home-based workers who roll beedis, or make ready-made garments.=20
They have to collect their raw material from outside and work at=20
home. The finished product is either collected from them, or=20
delivered by them after which they get paid. None of this was=20
possible for weeks on end. The violence has destroyed not just their=20
homes, but also their places of work.

Street vendors are another category that suffered huge losses. Their=20
presence dominates many parts of Ahmedabad. Yet, in the highly=20
competitive climate in which they operate, if the spot where they=20
park their trolley or basket is left unoccupied for some weeks,=20
inevitably someone else grabs it. This is what has happened to many=20
thousands of vendors. Although many of them are being helped to=20
rebuild their lives =8B for instance Action Aid India is providing the=20
trolleys =8B they have lost their original locations. Even if they have=20
managed to regain these locations, some of them cannot risk returning=20
to the areas from where they conducted their business for fear of=20
being attacked again. So today, they need help not just to replace=20
the tools of their trade, and their capital, but also the space from=20
where they can safely conduct their businesses.

According to the Self-Employed Women's Association (SEWA), which=20
comprises almost three lakh members most of whom are based in=20
Ahmedabad, livelihood security is the most crucial issue for the=20
future. In the last few months, SEWA has been engaged in=20
rehabilitating its own members of whom 77,800 were affected by the=20
violence just in Ahmedabad city. Of these, 22,800 were in camps. SEWA=20
is arranging for loans and other assistance so that the vendors and=20
home-based workers, who are part of the organisation, can get back to=20
work.

The organisation has Hindu and Muslim women members and they remain=20
convinced that the strongest foundation for communal harmony lies in=20
recreating the economic inter-dependence that has existed between the=20
two communities.

Based on calculations made by the Gujarat Institute of Development=20
Research, SEWA estimates that over 10 lakh workers in the informal=20
sector in Ahmedabad incurred losses totalling Rs. 179 crores in just=20
40 days, from February 28 to April 8. The violence, of course,=20
continued sporadically over a longer period. As a result, many of=20
these workers could not resume normal business. So the losses are=20
bound to be much higher.

Another category of workers affected by the violence are those who=20
had either permanent, or temporary jobs, in larger establishments.=20
Many such workers have stated that when they reported back for duty=20
after a forcible absence of several months, they were told that their=20
services were not needed anymore. Babubhai Bedar Shah from the=20
Jalampuri chali in Saraspur, Ahmedabad is typical of this type of=20
worker. He says that he had worked as a private taxi driver for 15=20
years with a Hindu owner. When the trouble began, he returned the=20
taxi to the owner for fear that it would be damaged. Once some=20
semblance of peace returned, he went back to join duty but was told=20
that there was no work for him. In his chawl there are 15-20 Muslim=20
drivers who are out of work.

Unless these livelihood needs are addressed, life in a city like=20
Ahmedabad is unlikely to return to normal. In the past, both=20
communities occupied economic spaces that necessitated a considerable=20
level of inter-dependence. Not all such spaces have disappeared, as=20
is evident from the manner in which some of SEWA's members,=20
irrespective of the community to which they belong, have managed to=20
return to work. But this may not be possible elsewhere given the=20
communal poison that has been spread.

As the Gujarat Government seems uninterested in either reconstructing=20
the destroyed homes or the shattered lives of the victims of the=20
communal violence, the burden of that will have to be borne by civil=20
society.

Despite the general gloom, what is encouraging to witness in=20
Ahmedabad, over six months after February 28, are the many efforts,=20
large and small, that have been made by individuals who wanted to=20
help. Efforts such as those by a well-known Hindu businessman who=20
rebuilt the homes of 94 Muslims and Hindus in Juhapura. Or a group of=20
young filmmakers from Mumbai who adopted a small chawl in Behrampura.=20
After months of quiet and steady work, they have helped women to=20
start working again, brought a smile to the faces of once traumatised=20
children and restored at least a small measure of confidence in the=20
community.

All this has been done despite the Government. And unfortunately, it=20
could all be negated if the Government chooses once again to let=20
loose the forces of hate. Peace hangs by a very slender thread in the=20
Ahmedabad of today.

_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/

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