[sacw] SACW #1 | 25 August 02

Harsh Kapoor aiindex@mnet.fr
Sat, 24 Aug 2002 21:34:37 +0100


South Asia Citizens Wire #1 | 25 August 2002

__________________________

#1. Pakistan - India: Saragtu Gaand Maan Ghaylu* [a Gujarati saying]=20
(Badruddin R. Gowani)
#2. Pakistan - India: War and peace (Najam Sethi)
#3. Two recent Indian invasions that found Pakistanis totally=20
unprepared (M.B. Naqvi)
#4. Vive la difference! (Praful Bidwai)
#5. Publication Announcement : Breaking the Spell of Dharma and other=20
essays by Meera Nanda
#6. Attack on Indian Secularism (Mike Madhusudan)
#7. 3 short comments on goings on in Gujarat (M H Jowher)

__________________________

#1.

Date: Thu, 22 Aug 2002 21:57:18 -0700

Saragtu Gaand Maan Ghaylu* =
=20
(a Gujarati saying)

Badruddin R. Gowani

fifty-five years ago
the Magician
(who stopped the sunset)
created enmity among brothers
they fought
bloodied each other
got separated
the show over
the Magician left
left also a wand
a burning wand
got blinded by the glow
but saw some strange beauty
they leaped to get it
it broke into two
each got a piece
but lost the peace
couldn't handle the fire
couldn't think straight
thrusted pieces up their asses
couldn't bear the burn
couldn't take it out
started jumping
fifty-five burning years
both are still jumping

* To thrust a burning (rod) up the ass. (Committing an act without=20
giving any thought to the consequence(s).)

August 15, 2000

_____

#2.

The Friday Times, Lahore, August 23 - 29, 2002

War and peace
=09=20
Najam Sethi's E d i t o r i a l=09=20
=09=20
Three good persons from India recently came to Pakistan to help=20
launch Daily Times, a liberal English newspaper from Lahore,=20
Islamabad and Karachi. Narasimhan Ram is the forthright editor of=20
Frontline, a journal of integrity. Shekhar Gupta is the expansive=20
editor-in-chief of The Indian Express that is published in eight=20
editions. And Arundhati Roy is the little big woman whose mesmerising=20
prose and breathtaking vision is a source of inspiration to so many=20
around the world. That they came at a time of heightened Indo-Pak=20
tensions was creditable. That they chose to talk of peace when the=20
ruling Hindu-BJP in India is obsessed with talk of war was=20
courageous. We salute them. We also salute the thousands of=20
Pakistanis who thronged the seminars to welcome the visitors and=20
applaud the demand for peace.

But Indo-Pak peace is as elusive as a chameleon. Whenever it seems=20
within our grasp, it manages to transform itself into war. The=20
fifty-five year post-independence history of both countries is=20
littered with lost opportunities for peace followed by outbreaks of=20
hostility. The record of recent times is especially depressing. In=20
late1989, Benazir Bhutto and Rajiv Gandhi almost clinched an accord=20
on Siachin. But, faced with general elections, Mr Gandhi couldn't=20
make it stick in India. The next six years were full of acrimony. In=20
1997, Nawaz Sharif and I K Gujral reached an understanding on how to=20
tackle the full range of issues bedeviling relations, including=20
Kashmir but not limited to it. But Mr Gujral felt compelled to=20
backtrack when confronted with the prospect of a resurgent BJP in the=20
1998 elections. Then came the nuclear blasts and the "desert shook"=20
in India while the "whole mountain turned white" in Pakistan.

Fortunately, though, the war paint was peeled off by both sides when=20
the Lahore Summit rolled round in 1999. Nawaz Sharif agreed not to be=20
dogmatic about Kashmir and Atal Behari Vajpayee went to the=20
Minar-i-Pakistan to assure Pakistanis that India had no malicious or=20
evil designs on their country. But did we bury the hatchet for all=20
times to come? No. Pakistan's Kargil adventure scattered the=20
prospects of peace so carefully nurtured at Lahore a few months=20
earlier. Two bad years followed. Then came Agra in 2001. But once=20
again peace proved abortive when General Musharraf's personal success=20
proved to be Pakistan's collective loss. The flexibility over Kashmir=20
offered by General Musharraf was spurned by Mr Vajpayee at the altar=20
of "cross-border" infiltration.

Since then, Mr Vajpayee has become a bit of a warmonger while General=20
Musharraf is sounding like a peacenik. India's army has maintained a=20
continual and unprecedented threat along the border and innocent=20
villagers on both sides are falling in the artillery duels between=20
the two sides. Fresh hope was injected into the equation recently=20
when the US stepped into the fray and tried to pry the two sides=20
apart. This was followed by General Musharraf's unprecedented offer=20
of unconditional talks with India, coupled with verifiable assurances=20
that Pakistan would do its utmost to plug cross-border infiltration=20
into Kashmir. What more could India want?

The BJP wants to hold elections in Kashmir in September-October of=20
this year. It says these shall be free and fair. And it doesn't want=20
Pakistan to interfere in the process, let alone instigate the=20
Kashmiris to boycott them. But it refuses to concede that Kashmir is=20
a trilateral issue which will not be "solved" by keeping Pakistan out=20
of the loop while putting most of its eggs in the basket of Farooq=20
Abdullah's National Conference rather than in the All Parties=20
Hurriyat Conference. This suggests that the BJP is not sincerely=20
interested in finding a solution to Kashmir, not even one within the=20
ambit of India's constitution, and is merely playing for time in=20
order to relieve the international pressure on it.

Recent developments strengthen this perception. The Ram Jethmalani=20
committee sponsored by New Delhi to talk the APHC into contesting the=20
elections has recommended that the elections be postponed so that=20
more time is available to iron out the differences and problems=20
between the contending sides. But Mr LK Advani, India's deputy prime=20
minister, has not only rejected the proposal but also accused General=20
Musharraf of pressurising the APHC to boycott the elections. So what=20
else is new? Did he expect that General Musharraf and the APHC would=20
roll over and play dead so that New Delhi can walk all over the=20
Kashmiris as in the past?

Under the circumstances, we might conclude that the war in Kashmir=20
could be part of the "solution" rather than part of the "problem" for=20
the BJP. The more the Hindu right in India slips in popularity, the=20
more it whips up war hysteria against Pakistan and the Muslims of=20
India. And with elections in ten more Indian states forecast for next=20
year, the BJP will not risk lowering the anti-Pakistan hype in the=20
foreseeable future so that it can retain its Hindu vote-bank.

This doesn't bode well for peace. Mr Richard Armitage, the US deputy=20
secretary of state, is on his way to the region for the umpteenth=20
time to try and knock sense into both countries. We wish him luck.

_____

#3.

Two Indian invasions did take place in recent days that found=20
Pakistanis totally unprepared for what confronted them

M.B. Naqvi

Karachi August 24:

Pakistanis are mentally prepared for an invasion from India's side.=20
In most minds the threat is from India's armed forces. As it happens,=20
two Indian invasions did take place in recent days that found=20
Pakistanis totally unprepared for what confronted them. These=20
invasions were wholly nonviolent and led by two Indian women.

The first was mounted by the noted Gandhian Kumari Nirmala Deshpande=20
who broke her journey in Pakistan while going to Rio de Janero for a=20
UN Conference. In Pakistan, she went to Islamabad where she saw Gen.=20
Pervez Musharraf to inform him that she had brought a message of=20
peace from the Indians people to the peoples of Pakistan. Later she=20
addressed seminars in Islamabad, Lahore and Karachi. Your=20
correspondent attended the Karachi one.

The remarkable thing was the reaction from the participants. At least=20
in Karachi, she got a standing ovation lasting several minutes after=20
her brief speech in which she gave details of humanitarian work in=20
Gujarat state being done by many NGOs, including the Gandhians. She=20
also criticised the conduct of the Gujarat government run by Mr.=20
Narendra Modi and the local police. She spoke simply, explained what=20
she herself saw --- many weeks after the outbreak of violence in the=20
state --- and what she did. The account she gave was moving and it=20
captivated the hearts and minds of local intelligentsia which was=20
simply bowled over by her unvarnished account and her own personal=20
sincerity.

Before Deshpande spoke the Pakistani speakers at Karachi seminar=20
hammered away at the theme of peace in South Asia as an imperative.=20
President of Pakistan Peace Coalition called for unilateral action by=20
Pakistan in not only stopping all reliance on, and aid to, Kashmir=20
Mujahideen altogether but also to withdraw Pakistani troops from=20
their current war deployments without requiring Indian to do that=20
first or even simultaneously. He advocated a firm peace policy being=20
imposed on India and a paradigm shift in Pakistan policies --- a=20
settled policy of PPC --- that includes eschewing the use or threat=20
of using armed force in pursuit of any objective, demilitarisation of=20
the society and taking a concrete action to denuclearise South Asia=20
by at least 50 per cent. He argued that Pakistan's nuclear deterrent=20
has failed adequately to deter India. Hence a policy of peace has=20
become inevitable.

It was not starting at all to talk of peace and being logical about=20
it; peaceniks can be expected to do that in any country. The=20
remarkable thing was the size and kind of the audience (big) and its=20
response (active approval). All the three seminars addressed by the=20
former member of Rajya Sabha in Lahore, Islamabad and Karachi were=20
well attended, though admission in all cases was of necessity by=20
invitation because of security considerations. The way Karachi crowd=20
enthusiastically cheered all the peace promoting ideas was something=20
to be seen. One is told that this was what happened in Lahore and=20
Islamabad also.

Then came the second Indian invasion a week later. This was a lot=20
bigger, indeed a huge, affair. It was led by a deceptively frail=20
Arundhati Roy. Her left and right flanks were covered by N. Ram,=20
editor of Frontline, and Shekhar Gupta, editor of Indian Express.=20
While N. Ram was scholarly and analytical in his approach to=20
Indo-Pakistan problems and in explaining the rise of religious=20
intolerance in both countries, Shekhar caused listeners to chuckle by=20
his humour, not that he was not serious or trenchant. Both brought=20
the message of peace, brotherhood and reconciliation from the Indian=20
people.

A new English language newspaper of Lahore was their host and the=20
functions in the three cities were to launch and promote that=20
newspaper, the Daily Times. This newspaper apparently wants to=20
benefit from the largely untapped upswelling of a yearning for peace=20
in this country. It so happens that Pakistan=92s image, and with that=20
of its rather educational class, is one of some specie of fanaticism.=20
Religion-based political rhetoric have always underlined the politics=20
of even the so-called modernist rightwing parties like PML's various=20
factions --- some half a dozen this week --- even the once=20
socialistic PPP has become a shrill rightwing party, with the=20
proclivities and prepossessions that can only be a fascistic=20
phenomenon. Both parties vie in restricting the politics to God,=20
country and Kashmir. Both glory in Pakistan's great achievement in=20
becoming the seventh or eighth nuclear power; they swear their rather=20
demonstrative anti-Indian patriotism on their sleeves. But unnoticed=20
there are so many others that few thought exist.

But unlike any normal political event, the kind of person that was=20
attracted by Ms. Roy was different. The unassuming Roy, who made=20
rather a short speech, saying that she does not know how to make=20
speeches to crowds like these. One is tempted to extrapolate Karachi=20
event=92s significance to those in Lahore and Karachi, though=20
organisers admitted that the number of people sought invitation cards=20
in Karachi far exceeded their wildest expectations. True, "lower=20
social orders" were represented. Those who came mostly owned their=20
own cars. Also the so-called chic brigade, fashionable young females=20
in mod dresses, was there in amazing strength. The five star hotel=20
where the newspaper launch took place could not find the number of=20
chairs or space for those who did come. But they cheered at things=20
that went against the gung ho patriotism the regime is fanning.=20
Younger crowd happily vacated chairs so as to let elders sit and the=20
spaces in aisles, around, in front, sides and rear of platform were=20
filled by the young; indeed a few sat on the unoccupied parts of the=20
stage itself.

Well it can be also said they had come to have a look at and hear=20
Arundhati Roy, the celebrity with a glamour all her own because of=20
sturdy individuality, courage to take on the high and mighty and an=20
endearing simplicity. I know of a few who came there just to see the=20
person who has such a facility with words and as for the turn of her=20
phrases, connoisseurs of English language cannot stop admiring. She=20
mostly read from her famous essay End of Imagination and quite=20
appropriately too at a time when the threat was real of an unwanted=20
and unnecessary war in which the dread weapons might be used. When=20
she said a flag is a "piece of cloth that shrink-wraps the mind and=20
later becomes the shroud" there was a storm of cheers. Or when she=20
described her own "cessation from the nation state and becoming a=20
walking sovereign republic of one person" her voice was drowned in=20
applause. When she ended, the length and nature of standing ovation=20
seemed unique even to veterans of many popular rallies.

One's repeated mention of cheers and enthusiastic welcome was not=20
simply because one was carried away. It is deliberate, meant to=20
underline the keen hunger for peace that people in Pakistan feel;=20
these fervent applauders were doing an act of political courage by=20
sending a message to the military rulers: that all their massive=20
promotion of a militant patriotism and constant flag-waving does not=20
impress them; they still want peace --- "see how we applaud the much=20
maligned Indians". The point being made was that these Indians too=20
want peace, they are tired of their own murderous communalists and=20
militarists. The two people can, and want to, live in peace.

[...].
_____

#4.

The Hindustan Times, New Delhi, August 23, 2002

Platform/Praful Bidwai

Vive la difference!

"The party with a difference" is showing its unique colours as=20
India's most viscerally communal, sectarian, devious, scam-ridden,=20
and internally incoherent, political organisation.

Whatever one's political predilections, one must concede that the BJP=20
is truly a "party with a difference"; it is absolutely unique in a=20
variety of ways. For instance, many Indian parties have from time to=20
time flirted with communal politics. Some passively acquiesce in or=20
appease ethnic-religious exclusivism and some actively recruit or=20
collaborate with conservative religious leaders as if they=20
represented the mainstream views of an entire political community.

However, the BJP alone has elevated communalism to the level of a=20
distinctive, full-fledged, ideology and trademark politics. Visceral,=20
muscular, aggressive communalism is the BJP's differentia specifica.=20
It alone is committed to violently reshaping Indian society and=20
politics to establish Hindu primacy or supremacy under the garb of=20
"cultural nationalism".

It alone has consciously fomented and then used communal violence as=20
a strategy of political and electoral mobilisation.

Past evidence for this comes from the analytical work of Paul Brass,=20
Asghar Ali Engineer and Ghanshyam Shah, and journalistic accounts of=20
M.J. Akbar (Riot after Riot), amongst others. It shows that=20
RSS-VHP-BJP-sponsored riots too are "riots with a difference"!

Current evidence about the purposes of BJP-instigated violence hits=20
us in the face from Gujarat. After having set off Independent India's=20
worst communal conflagration in "Hindtuva's laboratory" state, the=20
BJP wants to harvest raw hatreds and terrible insecurities to grab=20
power through premature elections to the Assembly.

This deeply deplorable exercise in cynicism has now received a=20
powerful rebuff from the Election Commission. But true to=20
sanctimonious type, and with characteristic cheap sophistry, the BJP=20
has tried to turn the tables on the EC. Rather than gracefully accept=20
the Commission's Constitutional authority and its soberly argued=20
report, it has maligned it.

J.M. Lyngdoh, an extraordinarily upright, thoughtful, responsible=20
officer-who is the opposite of the publicity hog once personified by=20
T.N. Seshan-now stands accused of not doing his "job" (pseudo-Sardar=20
L.K. Advani),"disregarding" the Constitution (Arun Jaitley), acting=20
at "the Congress' behest" (V.K. Malhotra), and worse, showing a=20
"Christian" bias, like that other "Christian" Sonia Gandhi (the RSS's=20
MG Vaidya, VHP's Praveen Togadia, and now Narendra Milosevic Modi=20
himself).

No other party would have the gumption to do this, nor harbour the=20
likes of Modi, Vaidya or Togadia among its members/associates-without=20
even the pretence of an apology for their hate-speech. Nor would=20
another party so cavalierly vilify a statutory authority like the EC=20
for so flimsy and frivolous a reason as a poorly argued, illogical,=20
self-serving interpretation of Article 174(1).
Most Constitutional experts have taken the opposite position, and=20
said the Article mandates a maximal six-month gap between two=20
sessions of the same Assembly, not two different Assemblies. The BJP=20
zealously advocated this very view only last October in Uttar=20
Pradesh, and the Attorney General-India's highest law officer-swore=20
an affidavit to this effect!

But then, as a party ideologue explained-using the=20
third-class-railway-coach-insider-outsider analogy in respect of the=20
party's reversal of India's 50-year-long nuclear policy-, the BJP's=20
moral and political positions vary according to its perceived=20
short-term interests.

Once you are "inside" the unreserved coach, you join your former=20
adversaries in keeping the "outsiders" out by force. Earlier, you=20
condemned the global Nuclear Club as a form of "apartheid". Now that=20
you've joined it, enjoy apartheid's privileges. No other party would=20
actually aim at such spectacular inconsistency!

The BJP has introduced bitter conflict and contention in institution=20
after Parliamentary institution, taking wantonly adversarial=20
positions from time to time against the President, Comptroller and=20
Auditor General, National Human Rights Commission, the Councils of=20
social science and historical research, even the Attorney General. It=20
has shown it is loath to accept the constraints of Constitutional=20
arrangements and democratic accountability.

The BJP's turns out to be a government "with a difference" for=20
another reason. It has cultivated a thicker skin than any other,=20
barring the Emergency regime, in respect of media censorship. Many=20
Central and state governments have tried to control or gag the media=20
and harass journalists.

But none has been as completely impervious as the NDA to widespread,=20
spirited, protests by editors and reporters of all hues against such=20
gagging-witness Tehelka or Iftikhar Geelani. Yet, none has been more=20
sanctimonious in claiming it respects press freedom.

Two other singular features of the BJP are noteworthy. It claims=20
special organisational coherence for itself even though its internal=20
power struggle has never been fiercer. As the origin of every leak=20
pertaining to all the latest scandals (Pump-scam, land-grab, and=20
sudden activation of the Shivani Bhatnagar investigation) suggests,=20
the inner-party struggle is becoming truly internecine.

The BJP survives in power largely because the Opposition lacks a=20
strategy to dislodge it.

"The party with a difference" has channelled and institutionalised=20
corruption in truly daring ways. No one else would have thought of=20
doling out 3,800 petroleum dealerships-compared to Satish Sharma's=20
pathetic 70-with many going to RSS-VHP nominees through well-defined=20
selection boards headed by former judges, no less.

Nor would public property have been so quickly converted into=20
Hindutva real estate or corporate assets as it was in the past two=20
years: witness the Delhi land-grab and the Rs. 26,000 crore=20
disinvestment programme, one of the world's most mindless.

Perhaps the swayamsevaks are finally exhausted. The passions of youth=20
have turned into the lusts of old men. That is "the party with a=20
difference". Amen.-end---

_____

#5.

Breaking the Spell of Dharma and other essays

by Meera Nanda

ISBN 81-88394-09-2
Rs.160 (India) $18 (overseas)

The essays in this book connect religious fundamentalism with fascism=20
and talk about the responsibility of intellectuals, argue for linking=20
rationalism and science for the cause of social justice and provide a=20
detailed critique of anti-rationalist and anti-secularist currents=20
dominant in several academic and research circles in India. This=20
little book is a timely reminder to all those who believe in the=20
necessity of intellectual and moral intervention in the present=20
affairs of society and culture.

Dr. Meera Nanda is a teacher, researcher and a philosopher of science=20
currently working in US. Her forthcoming book is titled Prophets=20
Facing Backward: Postmodern Critiques of Science and the Making of=20
Hindu Nationalism in India (Rutgers University Press, and Permanent=20
Black). She was trained as a biologist and has worked with the=20
people's science movement and as a science correspondent in India.

=A92002 Three Essays Press

Three Essays Press
4/5, Kalkaji Extension
New Delhi-11019
India

Phone: +91 11 623 4468
+91 11 643 9642
+91 11 643 7085
E-mail: info@t...
Website: http://www.threeessays.com

_____

#6.

Manushi
No. 130 of 2002

Attack on Indian Secularism
by Mike Madhusudan

In the wake of the Godhra massacre and subsequent riots in Gujarat, we
are witnessing an elaborate blame-game among Indian journalists and
commentators. Attack on secularists by the BJP led Gujarat government,
their VHP supporters and the local Gujarati press was expected. They
have been joined by several 'patriotic' commentators like M.V. Kamath,
Balbir Punj and others writing in the English national dailies and of
course the NRIs on the Internet.

All these worthies refer to liberal minded intellectuals as
pseudosecularists, phoney intellectuals, and hypocrites. The approach
adopted by the secularists is viewed as an encouragement to Islamic
extremism as well as a factor directly contributing to the festering of
Hindu-Muslim violence in Gujarat. It is pathetic that instead of holding
governments of past and present to account for their inability to
control riots and terrorist acts in the country, the intellectuals and
journalists have resorted to their old favourite sport: the blame-game.

If the Gujarat government had pursued and punished the perpetrators of
the Godhra carnage swiftly, it would have arrested subsequent riots.
There would not have been any secularist backlash even if it involved
arrests of hundreds of Muslims suspected of violence. The bottom-line is
that the government has failed to protect its citizens, whether they are
minorities in Kashmir or minorities in Gujarat.

India did not become secular democracy by accident. Nor was democracy
imposed by the departing British on their colonial subjects. Secular
democracy was the vision of our freedom fighters and all the progressive
political parties of pre-independence India. It was the best, most
logical and correct policy for the new state to follow given the
multi-culturally embedded Indian society. Only religious parties like
the Muslim League, the Hindu Mahasabha and such others found no use for
secular values.

Secular democratic values served India well at home and abroad for the
first two decades after independence. But after the split in the
Congress engineered by Indira and due to ascendancy of regional parties
and regional power brokers, Indian secularism weakened and it has not
recovered since. Also the International Islamist terrorism of last two
decades has badly ruptured the secular fabric of Indian Republic. The
ideology of secularism is also wrongly blamed for policies such as
reservations, vote bank politics, insistence of Muslims to stick to
their own "personal laws", and other gripes of minority pampering. It is
in this vein that the critics allege that secularists have failed to
criticise the plight of Kashmiri Pundits and their forced migration from
Kashmir. For this, in my view, the blame again lies with the past and
present central governments. No amount of criticism by secularists or
even a signed petition by all the secularists put together to ISI or
Osama bin Laden would have helped Kashmiri Pundits and other minorities
of Jammu and Kashmir.

Cynical though it may sound, it is realistic to think that more than
secularist politics, actions of the Kashmiri Pundits and their Hindu
nationalist supporters such as carrying out armed raids by their own
underground organisations across Pakistan or the hijacking of Pakistan
Airlines or kidnapping some high-profile Pakistanis would have worked
better in bringing the world's attention to the plight of the Pundits.
Why the champions of Hindu nationalism never got into any such action,
is a fact worth pondering over. For, in the event of their organising
such an action, the government could also have supported them through
promoting and assisting the Mohajirs, Shiaites and other Pakistani
minorities to organise armed insurgencies against the Pakistani
Government.

Of course, while doing this it would have strongly condemned and totally
dissociated itself from such actions of Hindu extremists. Such are the
games modern, sophisticated states play - including of course some
not-so-modern states in our own neighbourhood. It could even be argued
that by encouraging the out-migration of Kashmiri Muslims (like what
Bangladesh has been doing to its minorities) and by inducing
non-Kashmiri Indians to populate the Kashmir valley (like what the
Chinese state has been doing in its minority populated areas) the
governments could have prevented the spread of Hindu chauvinism in the
country. Besides Pakistan, the other Muslim countries such as Sudan and
Iran, who played a part in the ethnic cleansing of Kashmir, also need to
be dealt with. If the Indian state had any strategy in this regard, it
has been a well-kept secret. All that the Kashmiri Pundits and their
supporters were encouraged to do was adopt a 'peaceful' method of
breast-beating and self-pitying and the internationally respectable
action of presenting their case in front of the U.S. senate!

This inability of governments to deal effectively with Pan-Islamic
communal assaults on India's secular democracy resulted in a diffusion
of Hindu communal sentiments, marked by an impotent rage, all over the
country. This collective sense of political impotency has now assumed a
fascist dimension in Gujarat, but there is no guarantee of other regions
remaining immune to this virulent virus. Thus seen, the growth of Hindu
fascism is an outcome of the abysmal failure of the Indian State to
protect its citizens, a blame, which is now being 'credited' to the
secularist intellectuals' account.

The other main reason for the hatred of secularism and secularists by
the Indian (more particularly Gujarati) middle-classes is that they
equate secularism with leftist politics. Interestingly, many secularist
intellectuals, though great promoters of statism, have discouraged the
Indian state from assuming a proactive role in combating the terrorism
which often comes to India in a pan-Islamic, communal garb. Secularism
is, however, a concept autonomous of leftism. Left-secularist policies
as practiced earlier by the Janata Dal and today by some
state-governments have in fact given rise to reverse communalism. They,
for example, promoted caste-communalism (Mandalism) as an antidote to
Hindu communalism which in their view is the only dangerous form of
communalism. In fact they are convinced that the only form communalism
can take in India is Hindu communalism.

A case can be made that the root of present riots in Gujarat lies in the
anti-reservations agitations of the 1980's which culminated in communal
strife and riots. Gujarat's upper caste-middle class launched a frontal
attack against reservations in 1980s, to retrieve the political
dominance they had lost in the Gujarat society during the emergence of
KHAM politics in the decade of the 1970's. This period saw the
consolidation of the OBCS, Dalits, Tribals and Muslims within the
Congress fold. This strategy however failed as the grip of non-dwijas
continued, rather was strengthened, within the Congress party and in
larger politics as they became more unified through the
anti-reservations movement. And when their politics of regaining
hegemony through anti-Reservations movement was frustrated the Gujarati
upper caste-middle class deflected the movement by targeting the
Muslims. Anytime there is collective political frustration and social
unrest experienced by the Hindu middle-class, the anger is directed
against the religious minorities.

The other main gripe of enemies of secularism is the Muslim personal
law. The practice of applying Sharia laws of the sixth century hurts
Muslims more than others. This is an issue they have to sort out among
themselves. Pray enlighten, how many Hindus practice Hindu property
division law that treats man and woman equally?

Many critics have blamed vote bank politics for the predicament in which
India finds itself now. In all democracies, political parties create and
nurture vote blocks for their benefit. India is no exception. Without
the Ayodhya issue, BJP and its supporters were in political wilderness
for decades. VHP and its supporters today do not have any issue other
than building more temples at other 'disputed sites'. The so-called
secularist parties, more precisely the castist-Left parties are equally
'issueless'. But they find the rhetoric of secularism very useful for
hiding their real political agenda i.e., securing and maintaining power
through collaborating with forces representing crime, corruption and
casteism in society.

It is true that a large section of the population is disillusioned at
the way in which secularism is practiced by the Indian state since
Independence. It has been a policy of alternating appeasement of the
majority and the minority, practised at the detriment of the basic
values by which a modem state is expected to function. But is making
India a Hindu rashtra an answer? Imagine India sans secular democracy.
The Indian Republic would not have lasted beyond a decade after
independence had it been formed as a Hindu Republic. In that
eventuality, the Sikhs would have certainly got their own homeland and
the Christian minorities forced to migrate in disenchantment to western
countries or wherever they found refuge. A large number of Muslims
manifolds larger than the number which left India during and soon after
partition-would have been forced to leave the country or demand many
more partitions. What kind of blue print for governance would this
religious state have had for the Hindus? It is difficult to imagine, for
there is no such precedent in history of such a state in India. All
Hindu rulers of past were neither theocratic nor secular in the modem
sense. But they did practise tolerance for religions other than their
own. If however one thinks that this Hindu rastra would have become some
kind of a liberal democracy, he or she lives in a fool's paradise. This
new nation would have copied the next-door Islamic Republic of Pakistan
in all aspects. Leadership of this theocratic state would have naturally
fallen in the hands of our sadhus, sants and babas of all kinds.
Business classes of the Hindu society could not have asserted any power.
Nor this nation would have produced ethos favourable to the growth of a
warrior class dear to the Hindutvavadi imagination, a class that would
defend the territorial integrity of the Hindu rashtra. Look at RSS, VHP
and Sangh Parivar leadership of today. Do they have any agenda either to
enrich the worldly life of their Hindu followers or any ability to
protect national sovereignty? If they were at the helm the universities
would have been exclusively teaching the dhan-nasastras and astrology to
their students and places of higher learning been cleansed of all
foreign sciences and philosophies. As it is we are now witnessing
consequences similar to those of the Islamic revolution in Iran. But it
seems the Sanghis envy the Iranians for having beat them to a religious
revolution. On a more serious note, do the citizens of any country
governed by religious forces, enjoy even a reasonable degree of
individual freedom and prosperity? Prosperity and freedom in modem
times, whether one likes it or not, is associated with and ensured by
the functioning of secular and democratic institutions of the state. For
example, the moment George Bush heeds advice of Christian
fundamentalists in matters other than religion, the WAPS hegemony in
America, and the American hegemony in the world would be finished.
Sooner the Hindu nationalists realise that it is secular democracy and
not Hindutva that would secure the Indian nation-state for the Hindus,
better will it be for them as well as for rest of us-=20
Hindu-Muslim-Sikh-Isai and Secularists!

(The writer is based in Calgary, Canada.)

_____

#7.

GUJARAT, NOT MY COUNTRY
M H Jowher

Gujarat: where the mind is full of fear and the head hangs in shame;=20
the thinking head, that is. Where every town and every village has=20
been broken up into fragments of narrow religious walls. Where, for=20
four long months anarchy and incessant hatred stretched their arms=20
towards destruction. Where the only ones walking about without fear=20
are those guilty of murder and rape. From that land of mobocracy=20
comes this sigh of disclaimer: Gujarat is not my country.
Mohandas Karamchand Gandhi put Gujarat on the world map. But for over=20
a hundred days Gujarat witnessed everything that the Mahatma loathed.=20
The state broke all tenets of ahimsa and, indeed, of dharma. As=20
sanity returns repulsion is growing. With each passing day more=20
Gujaratis wake up to the gruesome reality that gripped the best part=20
of the state for several weeks.
But this sanity returns five months too late for the angel-faced=20
Yasmin just entering her teens. It returned too late for the two-year=20
plus cherubic Yaqoob, bravely struggling to erect a pyramid of=20
pebbles atop a broken grave in the Chartola Kabrastan Relief Camp.=20
Both lost a parent each to the marauders. Like a thousand other kids=20
rendered orphan during the mindless violence that followed Godhra=20
killings. The wisdom of Gujarat returns a bit too late for the eight=20
hundred odd widows who do not know why their husbands were killed.=20
And for thousands of those who between them lost a son, a brother, a=20
sister, a child=8A It came certainly late for the brother who finds the=20
sister painfully bowing down her head in inexplicable shame.
Gujarat is estimated to have three thousand huts and houses=20
completely razed to the ground. Ahmedabad alone accounts for around=20
14,000 homes requiring minor to major repairs. Over five thousand=20
commercial establishments were reportedly gutted statewide. As the=20
state looked askance the fascists reigned supreme.
If religion is opium then Gujarat got intoxicated a bit too much, for=20
a bit too long. The seeds were sown systematically over a decade ago=20
with propaganda showing Hinduism endangered by Muslims. To bring BJP=20
to power in Gujarat, to reap the harvest as it were, the ground was=20
prepared through a two-fold strategy: BJP chose the path of mass=20
agitations: frequent Gujarat Bandhs and relentless character=20
assassinations. Simultaneously, its cousins in the Parivar unleashed=20
covert and overt propaganda against the minorities. In retrospect the=20
BJP's clarion call: Have ek tak Bhajap ne (now, one opportunity to=20
BJP) unfolds its true meaning. They have "taught the Muslims a=20
lesson". And cost Gujarat the growth of a generation. Welcome to=20
Hindu rashtra.
One may fool some people for long, but not everyone for all times. As=20
a confident Congress reasserts in Gujarat, increasing numbers of=20
Gujaratis are discovering how they have been taken for a ride.=20
Gujaratis ask, for instance, why Keshubhai Patel was replaced with=20
Narendra Modi. Because he was not performing, they were told. So, how=20
many schools has Modi constructed, built new roads, supplied water to=20
the parched villages or laid bridges? How much FDI has he brought in,=20
what new industries were set up during his short tenure? Why did=20
Gujarat slide to the 8th place amongst industrialized states from its=20
top position? How many new jobs did he provide to Gujarat's IT=20
experts who now travel to Bangalore and Chennai for jobs? What, then,=20
was all this "Gaurav" [pride] about the yatra he planned? Is it the=20
pride of the lesson he taught to the Muslims? Or of shame and=20
all-round decay he, and BJP, brought to Gujarat?
Vaghela, the new GPCC Chief, says it wasn't the whole of Gujarat that=20
indulged in mass violence. Indeed, he says no more than one or two=20
percent Gujaratis actually participated in the violence. He should=20
know better. After all, he was the superior of Narendra Modi in the=20
Sangh. Mercifully, Vaghela's Congress is focusing on development=20
rather than appeasement, whether of the minority or the majority. The=20
only lesson that both BJP and Congress needed to learn a long time=20
ago.
But surely one Modi couldn't have polluted entire Gujarat single=20
handedly and overnight. Surely the intellectuals were silenced by the=20
powerful Hindutva rhetoric; the bureaucrats lacked the spine and hid=20
with their skeletons inside the cupboards. Surely the teachers lost=20
moral ground to their misguided young. The religious gurus could not=20
prevent their disciples from adharma either. Some neighbours betrayed=20
the trust. Those entrusted with security and required to uphold the=20
law shirked in their duty, too. After all, not one police officer=20
protested loud enough. Surely some could have hung their uniforms and=20
walked out.
Be it the opium effect or the weak spine, what happened in Gujarat=20
points to a very disturbing state of affairs. Fortunately, Gujaratiat=20
is resurfacing slowly but steadily. Though the state assembly is=20
dissolved, Modi rules by default - perhaps busy salvaging what he can=20
and destroying damning evidence, lest his successors tried him for=20
genocide. The mood in Gujarat is surely changing, leading a local=20
English daily to proclaim. Good Bye Modi, Welcome Vaghela.
Let us hope that post election, non-Gujarati Indians will not have to=20
say: Gujarat is not India. And let us resolve that India will never=20
be Gujarat. As we saw it recently.
The author is the President of a voluntary organization, SPRAT=20
(<http://www.mysprat.org>www.mysprat.org)

o o o

HANG YOUR UNIFORM
M H Jowher

Left, right, left, right, left=8A the crackling of their boots to the=20
beats of the drums had fascinated the child in me. So did their=20
discipline, punctuality and dutifulness. I wanted to become a Police=20
Officer when I would grow. How happy I am I didn't.
"Served in Gujarat during 2002" is one entry that most police=20
officers of Gujarat would do well to erase from their biodata. Serve,=20
they did not. Oh, yes, they did. Themselves they served.
In business, profession and service most of us face challenges=20
everyday. Some kind of political or other interference and pressures=20
always work. What is so unusual about this in our society? But those=20
of us who have guts manage to stand up to the call of duty.
Most of us work primarily for our salaries and perks. But we do not=20
barter our conscience or abandon our duty in wholesale as these=20
august gentlemen did during the recent Gujarat carnage.
Consider that the force is there to enforce the law, protect the=20
lives and property of people, nab the law-reakers. This is their job.=20
They are trained and armed precisely for this. And they are paid=20
their hefty pays and perks from our taxes for ensuring that we live=20
in peace. What else is their productivity, their usefulness to the=20
society?
"The police force was inadequate" is an oft-repeated argument. Lame=20
excuse, asserts Ribero, former DGP of Gujarat. Were there not those=20
sterling instances, on this very soil, when a conscientious bunch of=20
cops were able to ward off a huge mob. "Part of society" laments=20
Ahmedabad's Police Commissioner. Very well, good-bye democracy!=20
Welcome mobocracy!
The truth of the matter is that there aren't any more noticeable=20
numbers of conscientious officers around, officers with a spine, with=20
a vision and an ideal. Most of them constitute a bunch of=20
nincompoops, by and large, ready to do the licking and bidding for=20
the crumbs. It is because of their insignificant numbers that the=20
political class gets away with its unconstitutional manner. The=20
glaring distinction between labour and profession has not registered=20
on these gentlemen.
Factually all it required was just two or three officers, at the top,=20
say an IGP, a Commissioner.. to stand up firmly. Even in utter=20
helplessness nobody prevented them from putting in their papers,=20
hanging their uniform. Even that would have made a big difference.=20
Either they willed to be a party to the goings on, or they are=20
incapable of reemployment.
The force has turned out worse than the fanatics, because the latter=20
sacrifice, suffer and take risks for their cause. These men, on the=20
other hand, benefit by doing nothing. And this costs us our life, our=20
property, our peace. What a fall from grace! What an insult to the=20
fine uniform they wear!

o o o

MR LYNGDOH, THAT IS NOT THE WHOLE TRUTH
M H Jowher

No, Sir, Mr Lyngdoh, the particular officer whom you called a joker=20
is not alone. We in Gujarat live in a circus, largely packed with=20
spineless, yet pampered baboos. Except for some glorious exceptions=20
most of them have bartered their conscience and professionalism for=20
petty considerations.
But why Gujarat alone? Before you several others visited from the=20
"throne" and saw worse destruction, received far more half-truths and=20
greater lies. While some protested mildly, others swallowed and=20
digested the nonsense in complete disregard of their constitutional=20
and professional obligations. It was left, finally, to your=20
Commission to call the bluff of Gujarat establishment.
You asked a district Collector if he is not ashamed of dishing out=20
falsehood. Sadly shame is not one of the virtues of Gujarat=20
bureaucracy. How many senior officers challenged the political class=20
and put their foot down firmly to uphold the dictate of the=20
Constitution? Did one senior Police officer - an IGP or a=20
Commissioner - refuse to obey the illegal orders even as hundreds of=20
innocent Indians lost their lives and property? If they could not=20
have their way, they could surely quit and embarrass the government.=20
That they didn't suggests their connivance at worst or shows them=20
incapable of re-employment at best.
No, please don't infer from this that our officers don't have guts=20
and ingenuity. Most of them do. Notice how ruthlessly they closed the=20
relief camps. Or observe how firmly our police refuses to permit any=20
public rallies and meetings that even remotely attack the=20
establishment. Just the other day a group of established NGOs planned=20
to take out a silent public rally to highlight inadequacy of=20
compensation paid to the riot victims. You know what they did? They=20
harassed the organizers for hours, checking each and every placard=20
and banner meticulously - effectively immobilizing them for hours and=20
frustrating their plans at a crucial time. Do you know what slogans=20
they objected to? "We want peace before elections", "No peace without=20
justice", "Sita ke desh me Sita ka apman kyoon?" and asked the=20
organizers to refrain from highlighting inadequacy of compensation.=20
Reason? "These things will disturb the emerging harmony". Killing is=20
all right in Gujarat, protesting against it is unacceptable.
So it was left to one man, one professional, J M Lyngdoh, to stand up=20
and tell the truth as he saw it. One professional with a spine. Thank=20
you, Mr Lyngdoh, for restoring our faith in our institutions. And in=20
our nation.

_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/

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