[sacw] SACW | 24 August 02

[Harsh Kapoor]

South Asia Citizens Wire | 24 August 2002

__________________________

#1. Pakistan: Save Rukhsana Bunyad: The Blasphemy Law & Misuse of=20
Religion (WAF)
#2. Pakistan - India: Why this Independence Anniversary is Worth=20
Celebrating (Mubashir Hasan)
#3. Tryst with Fate - India and Pakistan in the War on Terrorism=20
(Radhika Desai)
#4. BJP's designs wrecked (Praful Bidwai)
#5. Invitation to the Screening of 'Paradise on a River of Hell' a=20
film on Kashmir by Meenu Gaur & Abir Bazaz (25 Aug, New Delhi)
#6. Transcript of 'A look at the rise of Hind Nationalism in India':=20
Q&A at CNN hosted by Zain Verjee
#7.India: Gujarat
- CM on India's CEC: In his own words, unedited and raw
- Chief Election Commissioner responds
- Simply the thing he is (Editorial in The Telegraph)
#8. Playing into the Sangh's hands (Kalpana Sharma)
#9. Thus spake Azad (Khushwant Singh)

__________________________

#1.

August 20, 2002

Save Rukhsana Bunyad: The Blasphemy Law and Misuse of Religion

On 7th August, Mianwali saw once again a manifestation of one of the=20
worst forms of religious extremism and fundamentalism in Pakistan,=20
when Rukhsana Bunyad, a local social activist and district councilor=20
was charged having allegedly made remarks against the Holy Quran. At=20
the behest of local politicians settling old scores and the religious=20
lobby in Mianwali with a case was registered against her under=20
section 295-A in the process fanning religious sentiments against her.

Speaking at a seminar on the proposed constitutional amendments,=20
Ms.Bunyad's remarks were misunderstood by a number of journalists who=20
started to protest. Clarifications were offered by participants=20
including ex-minister Sher Afghan, as well as an apology by the=20
speaker for having inadvertently hurt anyone's feelings. This is the=20
first time in the history of the country that a woman has been=20
charged with blasphemy and that too for merely trying to stress the=20
importance of the constitution. However this is not the first time=20
that an innocent citizen has fallen foul of this law by those who use=20
it to settle personal scores through the blatant misuse of the=20
religion they profess to uphold.

Rukhsana Bunyad was granted bail on 8th August but despite the fact=20
that 35 participants of the seminar and four local religious scholars=20
recorded their statements in her favour, bail was not confirmed on=20
the next hearing, which took place on 15th August. The next date of=20
hearing for her bail is set for 22nd August.

Considering these facts, Women's Action Forum, Lahore demands of the=20
government to repeal the Blasphemy Law, which has been repeatedly=20
misused. We also strongly urge that the case against Rukhsana Bunyad=20
be dropped and effective measures be taken to ensure the safety of=20
her life, as there are reports that a death squad has been formed to=20
murder her.

WAF Working Committee

_____

#2.

Mainstream
August24th2002
Volume No. XL No. 35

INTERVIEW
Why this Independence Anniversary is Worth Celebrating
Mubashir Hasan

Dr Mubashir Hasan, who served as Pakistan's Minister for Finance,=20
Planning and Development in Z.A. Bhutto's government in the=20
seventies, is now a champion of human rights and civil liberties in=20
Pakistan besides being an ardent advocate of Indo-Pak friendship at=20
the peoples' level. He was recently in the Capital to explore the=20
possibilities of reviving and reinforcing that friendship. He spoke=20
to Sumit Chakravartty on different issues in the backdrop of=20
Independence Day. -Editor

Question: Both Pakistan and India are celebrating the fiftyfifth=20
anniversary of their independence-Pakistan on August 14 and India on=20
August 15. Do you think there is a cause for celebration?

Mubashir Hasan: Well, I think there is certainly a cause for=20
celebration. Fiftyfive years ago our notion of what is good for the=20
country was based upon the concepts that we had learnt from the=20
imperialist democratic governments of Britain and the US. And we=20
tried to perpetuate the imperialist structure of governance retaining=20
a highly centralised state while simultaneously attempting to pursue=20
the Keynesian economics of a welfare state. Experience tells us that=20
those fundamentals were wrong.

People wanted freedom, nationalities wanted liberation. The very best=20
of our leaderships, highly dedicated persons of unimpeachable=20
integrity, could not deliver the goods to our teeming millions.

So our sticking to the structure of governance designed and invented=20
by the British produced two different results in the major parts of=20
the subcontinent. In Pakistan the military assumed power and=20
exercised sovereignty under the patronage of the United States.=20
Ethnic differences assumed nationalistic aspirations. Bangladesh=20
became independent. The gulf between the Centre and the provinces as=20
well as among the provinces continued to widen. The split nations,=20
Bangladesh and Pakistan, are still looking for stability.

In India the relatively peaceful polity and its masses in hundreds of=20
millions patiently bore as it was their tradition of thousands of=20
years. Inequities of wealth, caste, creed and the oppressive=20
imperialist state continued to multiply.
Both in India and Pakistan the levels of poverty, illiteracy,=20
disease, gender bias and illiberal concepts constitute an unenviable=20
record. But I suppose we had to go through these difficult times.

At last there is widespread awakening in the subcontinent about human=20
rights, participatory democracy, and economic, civil and political=20
rights of the people. And that is worth celebrating.

The tough battles and struggles that are seen in both the countries=20
are sure signs of awakening.

Ques : Despite the fact that we became independent fiftyfive years=20
ago today we have the largest concentration of poverty in this region=20
of South Asia. To what would you attribute the failure in this regard=20
on our part?

MH : Poverty in India and Pakistan is only one side of the coin. On=20
the other side you have the extreme riches and power garnered by the=20
ruling elite. Industrialists of India and Pakistan in particular,=20
traders in both countries, high officers of civil and military ranks,=20
and the elites of our parliaments have done very well for themselves.=20
In the short span of fiftyfive years the acquisition of wealth and=20
influence by these tiny groups has broken all the historical records.

Should the Mughal princes come to life today, the present scions of=20
business and industry will be-dazzle their eyes and senses. Thus the=20
systems adopted by India and Pakistan have not at all failed for the=20
rulers. The rest do not matter for them.

Ques : We are marking our anniversary of independence this year in=20
the wake of whatever happened in the United States on September 11=20
last year and the aftermath of September 11 for our region. The=20
launching of 'Operation Infinite Justice' or 'Operation Enduring=20
Freedom' in Afghanistan witnessed the physical presence of US troops=20
in Pakistan. Is this development a stabilising or a destabilising=20
factor for Pakistan and South Asia?

MH : American presence means first of all American strategic support=20
to the Government of Pakistan irrespective of its democratic=20
credentials. One of the most recent reports of the Congressional=20
research team came to the conclusion that, although not entirely=20
desirable, a military regime in Pakistan is preferred to a democratic=20
dispensation which cannot maintain security. The interests of America=20
and Musharraf's government overlap when it comes to curbing=20
fundamentalism and fighting the nationalists. But it is going to be a=20
tough problem eradicating militants from the tribal areas of Pakistan.
As for the Americans, the principal problem is the general hatred in=20
the minds of the Pakistanis for America. This does pose a minor=20
danger for the life and security of Musharraf and his colleagues.

In economic terms the American interest is welcome. However, it is=20
not of critical importance. Pakistan went through a period of 13=20
years when there was economic hostility between Pakistan on the one=20
side, and the US , World Bank, IMF and other international financial=20
institutions on the other. Pakistan's informal economy is very=20
robust. The official figures do not tell the real story.
Ques : But doesn't the stationing of American troops in Pakistan=20
result in the abridgement of Pakistan's sovereignty?
MH : When India, a country which has most zealously guarded its=20
sovereign status since its independence, offers all possible help to=20
the American military during its operations in Afghanistan, what can=20
I say? After all, Pakistan have never had that kind of tradition at=20
the level of the government. However, at the level of the people=20
nobody wants US military presence.
Ques : I asked the question in the context of the fact that both our=20
countries are now observing the fiftyfifth anniversary of their=20
independence.

MH : Well, it must be realised that this fiftyfith anniversary of=20
independence for our two countries is being observed under the grey=20
shadows of American hegemony.

Ques : Your objective of coming to India at this juncture is to give=20
a push to people-to-people interactions between Pakistan and India=20
regardless of the current dismal scenario in the relations between=20
our two countries. What has been the outcome of the meetings and=20
discussions you have had here?

MH : Our aim was to find out how best we can, in cooperation with our=20
Indian friends, impart fresh momentum to people-to-people contacts=20
and connec-tions between the two countries. My meetings here have=20
been highly successful. My view is that at the level of the peoples=20
of the two states we are now much closer to each other than we were,=20
say, a year ago.
Ques : How would you sum up the results of your visit?

MH : I am returning as an optimist. I feel our bilateral ties have=20
bottomed out. They can now only improve. And we have to find ways and=20
means to ensure that improvement.

_____

#3.

[ The following article is being posted in 2 parts. Part one is=20
posted below and the reming part will follow in SACW, 25 August 2002]

[Part 1]
EPW Special Article
August 17, 2002

Tryst with Fate
India and Pakistan in the War on Terrorism

The origins of the tension between India and Pakistan go beyond=20
diplomatic imperatives, as each country is keen to pose itself as=20
America's lead ally in the region. This paper while situating the=20
relationship between the two nations against the backdrop of new=20
American imperalism, argues that the conflict will remain unresolved=20
until its very terms and those defining partition, the relationships=20
between communities too, are revisited.
Radhika Desai

I
Dimensions of Danger in South Asia

In announcing her 'tryst with destiny' India's first prime minister=20
fixed his gaze forward on the prospects offered by independence, and=20
determinedly away from the messy and bloody business of partition. He=20
thus laid the foundation for the systematic evasion of the other=20
reality of that historic moment. But there has never been any=20
guarantee that seekers after destiny could escape fate. Now, more=20
than half a century later, India and Pakistan find themselves instead=20
keeping an altogether different appointment with an uncomfortable and=20
dangerous truth: partition had never been, was never meant to be, a=20
solution to the underlying problem of the terms of the relationship=20
between south Asia's majority Hindus and minority Muslims.

In the context of the US's war on terrorism, the costs of this=20
evasion, for long counted in terms of limited wars and more or less=20
localised 'communal riots', are mounting. Howeve apocalyptic as=20
things appear, that original rendezvous manqu=E9 with the truth of=20
south Asia's 'communal problem' will not even now be kept. Current=20
domestic, regional and global dispensations promise instead another=20
instalment of bloodshed and carnage. And there is another, graver=20
possibility which they also contain - the demise of the state of=20
Pakistan with levels of violence and mayhem which have not yet been=20
seen, even in south Asia.

As the US's current war in Afghanistan continues indefinitely, so=20
does the precarious high wire act on the part of Pakistan, poised=20
between the competing demands of the US's war on terrorism, and the=20
one which India launched, thus far diplomatically but on the brink of=20
military engagement. A mis-step threatens to plunge the Pakistan into=20
a fearsome abyss made up of the continuing strength of Islamic=20
militancy, that by all accounts affects the military as well the deep=20
problems of domestic and international legitimacy, of which the=20
recent 'referendum' on president Musharraf's tenure in power was such=20
a complex symptom, regional tensions and economic disorder, straining=20
it to breaking point.1

That point appears, moreover, to be the single-minded focus of the=20
Indian strategy in piggybacking its own war on terrorism on=20
America's. After the December 13 attacks on the Indian parliament,=20
India broadened her 'politics of brinkmanship',2 resuming her=20
diplomatic efforts to have Pakistan labelled a rogue state, and to=20
reduce it, if possible, to the status of a 'failed' one. The latter=20
term is the new currency in the discourse of the US's re-charged=20
imperialism of the last decade, denoting states in financial or=20
political receivership whose affairs are now the open and legitimate=20
business of the US, its European and local allies. According to Achin=20
Vanaik, a growing section (albeit still a minority) of the Indian=20
elite has become progressively more belligerent and believes that=20
Indian security cannot be achieved through any strategy of=20
co-existence with Pakistan but only through the dissolution of the=20
Pakistani state.3

Such attitudes are not a product of September 11 or December 13. Two=20
years ago, after the Kargil war and amid belligerent talk of 'hot=20
pursuit' by Indian authorities, Mohammad Ayoob argued=20
persuasively that the Indian subcontinent was in a state of 'arrested=20
unipolarity': India's long-standing urge towards unipolar regional=20
dominance was being arrested by Pakistan's 'defiance and=20
adventurism', ultimately based, as New Delhi correctly saw it, on=20
'transient and externally induced factors'.

In the short term =8A.Pakistan's increasing audacity has brought India=20
nothing but frustration. The continued infiltration of foreign=20
mercenaries and terrorists into Kashmir and the deployment of=20
Pakistani regular and irregular troops across the LOC into=20
Indian-administered territory, which have escalated since the summer=20
of 1999, may elicit a sharp response from New Delhi. It is now=20
conceivable that India could take the conflict into Pakistani=20
territory, first covertly and then overtly, with the explicit goal of=20
hastening the process of Pakistan's disintegration.4=20

India's belligerence has reached a new peak. Imitating the US, India=20
has not presented full and credible evidence of Pakistan's=20
involvement in the attack on parliament, seeking instead to create a=20
presumption of Pakistan's guilt, and demanding that Pakistan clamp=20
down on Islamic militants, stop cross-border terrorism and avenge the=20
attacks. Even as president Musharraf acted to curb the resources and=20
activities of Islamic militants in Pakistan and made at least vague=20
gestures towards democratisation, the ruling BJP sought to exploit=20
Kashmir, terrorism and Pakistan in its electioneering in state=20
elections in February, while its fraternal organisations renewed=20
their campaign on the issue of the Ram temple in Ayodhya.

Soon enough, Hindu militants were running amuck in the streets of=20
India, killing thousands of Muslims. With a government at the centre,=20
headed by the Hindu nationalist BJP, not effectively restrained by=20
its coalition partners, these militants seem to have the bit between=20
their teeth, and nowhere more so than in BJP-ruled Gujarat. With the=20
Pakistan president expressing concern over the fate of Indian Muslims=20
in the current carnage in India, militants on both sides, with or=20
without their respective sponsors in control, have acquired a violent=20
purchase in an already volatile situation.
[...].
[ continues in the upcoming dispatch from SACW for 25 Aug 2002]

_____

#4.

The News International
22 August 2002

BJP's designs wrecked
[ by Praful Bidwai]

Amidst India's dismal political situation -- marked by a sordid=20
internal power struggle in the Bharatiya Janata Party, by growing=20
communal venality, two brand-new large-scale scandals, the Kashmir=20
stalemate and by a general weakening of democratic institutions --=20
comes a ray of hope. This is the Election Commission's decision to=20
defer the ill-conceived elections to the Gujarat legislative Assembly=20
called by Narendra Milosevic Modi.

The EC's decision defeats the BJP top leadership's plan to grab power=20
by cynically exploiting raw hatreds in Gujarat, which continues to be=20
strife-torn six months after the Godhra outrage triggered the worst=20
pogrom of a religious minority in Independent India.

The EC's order is based on sound logic and Constitutional=20
correctness. As its core are two premises. The first is that the law=20
and order situation in Gujarat remains abnormal, volatile, and=20
violence-prone; the second, that the minimum pre-conditions for the=20
free and fair exercise of the elector's franchise cannot be fulfilled=20
today, given large numbers of "missing", uprooted or insecure voters,=20
as well as the impossibility of a quick revision of the electoral=20
rolls.

The long-term consequences of the butchery of 2,000 people in=20
March-April and the terrorising of millions since then are still=20
unfolding in Gujarat. Some 27 lakh poor families continue to receive=20
free rations from the government as "affected" people. The=20
violence-affected belong to as many as 154 out of Gujarat's 182=20
Assembly constituencies in 20 out of its 25 districts. They come from=20
151 towns and 993 villages.

The administration cannot trace many of those who fled their homes in=20
mortal fear. Some 20,000 people have moved out of the state=20
altogether. These address-less people are liable to disappear from=20
the electoral rolls. Besides, it is just not possible to revise the=20
rolls by early September, as would be necessary if the BJP's demand=20
for constituting the new Assembly by October 6 is to be fulfilled.

Even weightier than these practical-procedural considerations is the=20
EC's substantive argument. This is that the "wounds of the communal=20
divide following the riots have not yet healed." The EC concludes=20
that "the people have lost confidence in the local police, civil=20
administration and political executive ... In this environment,=20
election campaigns evoking passions will only shatter the fragile=20
peace unless adequate confidence-building measures are taken ...=20
Foremost among these would be to arrest and punish the guilty=20
irrespective of their status and rank...."

Gujarat remains in the grip of terror, intimidation and imminent=20
violence. There are frequent reports of stabbing. June showed a 14=20
percent rise in cases of "rioting" over the previous year. "Hindu=20
Rashtra" signs and slogans are painted all along the state's highways.

Gujarat's communal polarisation remains near-complete. There is no=20
expression of remorse by the religious majority for the bestiality=20
visited upon the minorities. Those who were responsible for planning=20
and executing the violence remain in power. They continue to=20
intimidate the business community and the NGOs who are embarrassed by=20
the lawlessness and want it remedied.

Honest officers trying to book the guilty are being persecuted. The=20
guilty get away. The police have filed charge sheets in a paltry 32=20
percent of the total of 4,208 first information reports pertaining to=20
the pogrom. Most charge sheets are too shoddy to withstand the=20
rigours of the prosecution process.

The state of relief and rehabilitation is unspeakably bad. Modi has=20
closed down all but eight of the 121 relief camps, which once housed=20
1.4 lakh people. Nobody has received more than Rs50,000 to rebuild=20
houses, each of which costs lakhs. Some have been paid as little as=20
Rs200 to 350 in "compensation" for destroyed houses.

The religious minorities continue to be reviled, personally targeted,=20
psychologically humiliated, physically isolated, ghettoised, and=20
economically ostracised in Gujarat. Quite simply, millions of people=20
have been reduced to second-class citizens.

Gujarat's public cannot possibly exercise a rational, cool-headed,=20
electoral choice in these grotesquely abnormal, stressful=20
circumstances. And yet, without such a choice, the very idea of=20
democracy based on free and fair elections becomes meaningless. The=20
EC thus rightly concludes that elections should not be held=20
immediately. It will review the situation in November-December to see=20
if "conditions conducive to holding free and fair elections" have=20
been created.

The EC's decision is a blow to the BJP. But true to type, the party=20
of Hindutva has feigned injury and questioned the Commission's=20
authority and integrity, and decided to refer the verdict to the=20
Supreme Court for its legal-Constitutional opinion.

The government's sole argument against the EC's verdict is based on a=20
misinterpretation of Article 174(1) of India's Constitution, which=20
says that not more than six months should elapse between two sessions=20
of a state Assembly. Constitutional authorities have stated that this=20
applies to two sessions of the same Assembly, and not to two=20
different Assemblies.

This stands to reason. Consider a simple example. Suppose a state=20
Assembly came into being on October 13, 1997. Its five-year term=20
would expire on October 12. Suppose that for various political=20
reasons, it did not meet after April 13, 2002. Should the=20
to-be-elected Assembly be compelled to meet on October 12, even=20
though the term of the existing House extends to that day?

The answer is, obviously not. The existing Assembly cannot be=20
deprived of its right to perform its legislative functions till=20
October 12. There could thus be a short interval between the expiry=20
of its term and the formation of a new House. Normally, during the=20
interval, the chief minister would continue as caretaker. Abnormally,=20
e.g. under a Constitutional breakdown or a "disturbed" situation,=20
there would be President's (Central) Rule.

Gujarat cries out for a spell of President's Rule with unbiased=20
advisers who can begin the process of healing. The BJP is too=20
enamoured of Narendra Modi to accept this. So it now insists that Art=20
174(1) applies not to two sessions of the same Assembly, but to two=20
different Assemblies, only because that suits its nefarious plans in=20
Gujarat.

The BJP has total contempt for Constitutional values. It has=20
repeatedly violated the Constitution's secular and pluralist spirit.=20
It itself advocated the exactly opposite position on 174(1) just=20
before the last elections in Uttar Pradesh because that suited it=20
then. Such double standards distinguish the BJP as India's most=20
hypocritical party, truly "the party with a difference".

It would be bad enough if all this deviousness and skulduggery were=20
confined to the BJP's "private", internal, sphere, in which there is=20
indeed plenty of back-stabbing. All the leaks about India's latest=20
scandals, including the Pump-scam, the Delhi land-grab, and the=20
Shivani Bhatnagar murder case, are traceable to internal differences=20
in the party.

But the BJP happens to be India's principal ruling party. It is=20
eating into Indian democracy's vitals by making a mockery of=20
Constitutional norms and political decency.

The BJP will not be easily restrained, and not by=20
Constitutional-statutory authorities alone. It has to be fought=20
politically. But India's Opposition lacks clear direction or=20
strategy. The country's progressives and liberals must thank their=20
stars that there exist functioning institutions like the Election=20
Commission which stand by Constitutional values. But, in the absence=20
of deeper social and political change, for how long?

_____

#5.

Paradise on a River of Hell
a film by Meenu Gaur & Abir Bazaz

The violence Kashmir witnessed in the 1990s shattered human dignity=20
and changed everyday life beyond recognition. Years of insurgency and=20
counterinsurgency not only interrupted the continuity of Kashmiri=20
lives but forced Kashmiris into roles in which they no longer=20
recognize themselves. Not attempting to situate the 1990s in this or=20
that event, person, space or time, the film's mappings of personal=20
and collective memories bears witness to Kashmir's historical=20
solitude.
We invite you to the screening of our film, Paradise on a River of=20
Hell at The Auditorium, India Habitat Centre on Sunday, August 25th=20
at 4:30 PM. The film is being screened as a part of the Film=20
Festival, The Open Frame 2002, being organized by the Public Service=20
Broadcasting Trust (PSBT) and UNESCO.
Please forward the invitation to those of your friends in Delhi who=20
might be interested in the film. Thanks.
Warmly,
Meenu Gaur Abir Bazaz

_____

#6.

Q&A at CNN hosted by Zain Verjee
Aired August 23, 2002 - 12:30:00 ET

TRANSCRIPT
ZAIN VERJEE, CNN ANCHOR: Welcome to Q&A.

Tonight, a look at the rise of Hind Nationalism in India. Just how=20
much support is there for it, and what's fueling it?
http://www.cnn.com/TRANSCRIPTS/0208/23/i_qaa.01.html

_____

#7.

The Indian Express
Saturday, August 24, 2002
State CM on India's CEC: In his own words, unedited and raw
http://www.indian-express.com/full_story.php?content_id=3D8178

o o o

The Hindu
Saturday, Aug 24, 2002

Despicable, says Lyngdoh

New Delhi Aug. 23. The Chief Election Commissioner, J.M. Lyngdoh=20
today hit back at the Gujarat Chief Minister, Narendra Modi, for=20
attacking him on religious grounds saying it was ``quite despicable''=20
and ``gossip of menials'' who have not heard of atheism.

Breaking his silence on the controversy over the Election=20
Commission's decision not to hold early Assembly elections in=20
Gujarat, Mr. Lyngdoh defended his action saying he had acted entirely=20
on the basis of ground realities and the Commission's decision was=20
unanimous.

``Well it is quite despicable. I can say in a few words that it is=20
the gossip of menials who have not heard of atheism,'' he told Star=20
News TV channel when asked about his response to the criticism of his=20
decision.

The criticism was a ``reflection of how poor the polity is'', he said=20
while maintaining that it did not affect his work.

Asked how he felt when his religion was questioned in the wake of Mr.=20
Modi referring to his Christian faith, Mr. Lyngdoh shot back ``I have=20
no religion. In fact, I think that religion is responsible for many=20
of these problems.

To a query whether he does not get drawn towards competitive politics=20
following criticism of his order on the Gujarat elections, he said=20
``I don't think it is competitive politics. I think the politics=20
today is dirty, vitiated and tendentious.''

Asked if was sure the Commission was on firm legal round on its=20
Gujarat order, Mr. Lyngdoh said, ``the more the criticism, the more I=20
think it is the right decision".

He also dismissed speculation that the EC order on Gujarat was not=20
unanimous saying, "I do not do karate on my colleagues.''

On the Assembly elections in Jammu and Kashmir, Mr. Lyngdoh said he=20
absolutely supported the concept of Governor's rule in that State=20
ahead of the polls. - PTI

o o o

The Telegraph
August 24, 2002 | Opinion

Simply the thing he is

Mr Modi's latest remarks on Mr Lyngdoh and Ms Gandhi reveal the naked=20
sectarian prejudice which informs political goings-on in Gujarat

Mr Narendra Modi's detractors have now been vindicated - perhaps more=20
than they had bargained for. Their worst hunches have now been=20
publicly confirmed, and even outdone. Mr Modi had once proposed an=20
ahimsa university in his state where the "Gujarat state of mind"=20
could be studied with scholarly disinterest. His latest public=20
statements, at a rally in Vadodara, could kick off such a study of=20
prevalent attitudes in the state - if one has a stomach for the vile.=20
Naked sectarian prejudice, with a coating of very poor jokes, beams=20
out of Mr Modi's words. He does not stop at declaring that the chief=20
election commissioner was politically pressured by the Congress in=20
vetoing early elections in Gujarat. He spices this up by adding that=20
anybody wondering whether Mr J.M. Lyngdoh was Italian ought to ask Ms=20
Sonia Gandhi's late husband. He also infers that there must be some=20
"relations" between Mr Lyngdoh and Ms Gandhi since "they meet=20
sometimes in church". And from all this it is deduced that "only the=20
minorities are important" for the Election Commission. Never has the=20
"Gujarat state of mind" been made so splendidly evident.

So this is the mind - if such a word could be used here - which=20
allowed the carnage in the state to happen. This is also the mind=20
which is now supervising the aftermath of the violence, and has=20
persisted with the idea of a gaurav yatra through the state to=20
restore the flagging morale of its Hindu electorate. There is a whole=20
range of machinations through which such a mindset manifests itself -=20
carnage, carnivals and communal bawdy being only a few. The=20
constitutional framework of a democracy, the electoral process and=20
the entire party machinery could be just as easily at its disposal.=20
Mr Modi's trick of forcing the EC's reluctant hand by dissolving the=20
Gujarat assembly, and then getting his party's smoothest talkers to=20
tie Article 174 into knots are yet other modes of operation. This has=20
now grown into a palaver involving the Centre, the Supreme Court and=20
the president. Nitpicking over constitutional "knots and anomalies" -=20
as Mr Arun Jaitley puts it - has now drowned the relentless integrity=20
of Mr Lyngdoh's survey, and what it had revealed.

Mr Modi's wit, bravado and burgeoning confidence make him Gujarat's=20
most persuasive mascot. He seems even to be relishing his own=20
demonization these days. His latest remarks in the Vadodara rally,=20
together with their terrible prehistory, make him a ghoulish=20
caricature of the very essence of Hindu fundamentalism. But this=20
essence is a complex and multifarious machinery in Gujarat,=20
expressing itself in many guises. The governor puts in a quiet word=20
for early polls, the party general secretary laments=20
"pseudo-secularism and pseudo-democracy", Mr Jaitley keeps on his=20
legal roller-skates, the deputy prime minister lauds Mr Modi to the=20
British, and the prime minister walks his eternal tightrope, this=20
time between the EC and his party. But eschewing all political=20
sophistry, Mr Modi remains - crudely but indomitably - where all the=20
ladders start. Simply the thing he is shall make him live.

_____

#8.

The Hindu
August 24, 2002

Playing into the Sangh's hands

By Kalpana Sharma
The Sangh Parivar's strategy of scotching efforts to expose its=20
communal character is working beautifully in Maharashtra thanks to=20
the police and the State Government.

A PRIVATE screening of Anand Patwardhan's significant documentary=20
"War and Peace" is cancelled. A meeting on peace and communal harmony=20
is denied police permission at the last minute. A poster exhibition=20
on the Gujarat violence is disallowed. The local police stop a=20
screening of two documentary films on Gujarat and the films are=20
temporarily confiscated. All these incidents have taken place in=20
Mumbai in the last three months, in the capital of Maharashtra, which=20
is ruled by a Congress Government.

If you look at them separately, they might appear isolated incidents.=20
But seen together, they add up to a disturbing pattern of state=20
intervention that disallows legitimate and democratic discourse on=20
important developments in the country. Even though the Bharatiya=20
Janata Party does not rule Maharashtra, the long-arm of the Sangh=20
Parivar seems to be ensuring that even here criticism of its actions=20
in Gujarat is not voiced.

The last of the above-mentioned incidents, in particular, is worth=20
noting. A private college in a Mumbai suburb had agreed to screen two=20
recent documentaries on Gujarat =97 Gauhar Raza's "In Dark Times" and=20
"Junoon Ke Badte Kadam" =97 for its students. A student group, the=20
Satyashodhak Vidhyarthi Sangathan, was also bringing along a poster=20
exhibition on the Gujarat violence. The principal of the college knew=20
about the screening and had agreed to it. Incidentally, these films=20
have already been shown in many parts of the country and in fact the=20
Congress used them as part of its election campaign against the BJP=20
in the recent Goa elections.

When the organisers of the film show arrived at the college in a=20
taxi, the police were waiting for them. The films were confiscated,=20
and the organisers and the taxi driver were asked to go to the police=20
station. Here a senior police officer told them that he would have to=20
view the films before they could be shown and that the entire process=20
could take up to three to four days. He also told them that he was=20
doing this because "in the State of Maharashtra, we have decided not=20
to have any riots".

This intervention was not the work of an overzealous police officer.=20
It was prompted by a complaint registered by the student wing of the=20
BJP, the Akhil Bharatiya Vidyarthi Parishad, that had got wind of the=20
plan to scree n these films. And the police, because they had been=20
instructed by the Government not to allow any situation that could=20
result in a conflict, decided to stop the screening altogether. It is=20
extraordinary that it did not occur to the police that the students=20
were not committing a crime and that the job of the police in this=20
instance should have been to ensure that the screening of the film=20
went through without any disturbance.

What this incident illustrates is that the Sangh Parivar's strategy=20
of scotching efforts to expose its communal character is working=20
beautifully in Maharashtra thanks to the police and the State=20
Government. All they need to do is to be alert, raise objections and=20
register complaints, and their job will be done. No one can blame=20
them. The ire of the organisers of such events will necessarily have=20
to be focussed on the police and the Congress Government.

A similar strategy was used to have Mr. Patwardhan's film cancelled.=20
Someone from the BJP alerted the Censor Board that the film was being=20
shown. It had not yet received a censor certificate but as the=20
showing was for a private, invited audience, it did not need to have=20
a certificate.

In any case, Mr. Patwardhan's film had been screened publicly and had=20
already collected two awards, including at the Mumbai International=20
Film Festival. Despite this, the Censor Board called those who=20
managed the hall where it was being screened, and said that it could=20
not be shown. And the film was cancelled.

In Kerala, too, a showing of Mr. Patwardhan's earlier film, "Ram ke=20
Naam" which deals far more explicitly with communalism than "War and=20
Peace" was also stopped from being shown by the Collector of=20
Malappuram district. Ho wever, in this instance, the local people who=20
demonstrated were vociferous in voicing their objections to the ban,=20
did street plays on the "Ram ke Naam" theme and ultimately succeeded=20
in getting the film screened. This film, incidentally, has a censor=20
certificate, has won a national award and after a court battle, was=20
finally screened on Doordarshan.

In the case of "War and Peace", Mr. Patwardhan is still fighting to=20
get a censor certificate. The first examining committee demanded six=20
cuts while the second screening committee demanded 22 cuts. Mr.=20
Patwardhan has not agreed to any of these. So the film now goes=20
before a tribunal. In the meantime, a new chairperson has taken over=20
the Censor Board. He is a former BJP MP from Gujarat, Arvind Trivedi=20
Lankesh, who incidentally played the ro le of Ravana in the TV serial=20
"Ramayan".

In the past, too, the threat of creating trouble has often worked in=20
favour of the Sangh Parivar and in Mumbai, the Shiv Sena. People in=20
Mumbai have not forgotten the hesitation on the part of the Congress=20
Government to arrest the Shiv Sena leader, Bal Thackeray, during the=20
1992-93 riots because they were told that if this was done "Bombay=20
would burn". No one in the Government was prepared to test out the=20
proposition.

In fact, giving in to the Shiv Sena has become the norm in Mumbai. As=20
a result, successive Congress Governments have contributed directly=20
to the strength of the Shiv Sena, at least in its ability to bring=20
the city to a standstill.

Unfortunately, once again the Maharashtra Government led by Vilasrao=20
Deshmukh appears to be allowing the Sangh Parivar to get its way.=20
Gujarat has a close relationship in particular with Mumbai. Something=20
that happens there is bound to have repercussions in the Maharashtra=20
capital. But the desire to prevent the communal virus from spreading=20
southwards from Gujarat does not mean the Government should stop all=20
discussion on communalism and suppress the voices calling for harmony=20
and peace. On the contrary, these voices need to be encouraged and=20
heard.

The task of a Government is to uphold the values in the Constitution,=20
and support those who also believe in these values. Instead, the=20
Maharashtra Government and the police seem to be inadvertently=20
encouraging those who go against the spirit of the Constitution. It=20
is also setting a dangerous precedent by equating legitimate=20
democratic activity with actions aimed at inciting communal hatred.

Is it not ironic that in Ahmedabad, the entire police force is called=20
out to ensure that the annual Rath Yatra, a constant source of=20
tension between communities, is allowed to go through peacefully=20
while in Mumbai the police will not permit people to organise=20
meetings calling for communal harmony? It is time members of the=20
ruling party in Maharashtra realised that if this State follows in=20
Gujarat's footsteps, a good part of the blame will rest on their=20
shoulders.

_____

#9.

Hindustan Times
(August 17)

Khushwant Singh

Thus spake Azad

Maulana Azad was a devout Muslim and an authority on the Koran
and Islamic traditions. But he was not a bigot. V.K. Kaul of Sialkot
has sent me Maulana=92s retort to a delegation of Muslims who came
to protest against the building of a school on a site which was once
a Muslim graveyard.

Azad snubbed them saying: "Ilm kee raah main qabristan to kya
agar Allah bhee aa jaye to main usay hataa doon." (If anything
comes in the way of education, never mind a graveyard, I will even
remove Allah if he came in the way.)

_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/

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