[sacw] SACW | 2 Oct. 02

[Harsh Kapoor]

South Asia Citizens Wire | 2 October 2002

__________________________

#1. A subcontinent's blight (M B Naqvi)
#2. Truth Commissions: A retrospective healing process ? =AD Part I=20
(Indika Bulankulame)
#3. An Open Letter To The President of India (Shahrukh Alam, Namita=20
Malhotra, Warisha Farasat.)
#4. Say no to war on Iraq (Praful Bidwai)
#5. Father, Son and The Unholy Mission - Book Review by Ram Puniyani
#6. Sahit : Forum of Creative People For Peace - cultural programme=20
on 2 October 2002 in Ahmedabad
#7. Oct 2/New York/Films on Gujarat/Ram Rahman, Smita Narula
#8. India needs leaders like Bush, Sharon: VHP

__________________________

#1.

The News International (Pakistan)
Wednesday October 02, 2002

A subcontinent's blight

M B Naqvi

The incident in Indian Gujarat state's Gandhi Nagar Hindu temple on=20
September 24/25 night that killed 31 worshippers and another on=20
September 25 in Karachi that murdered seven persons in the office of=20
an NGO, Idara-i-Amn-o-Insaf. Both point to an ominous aggravation of=20
negative trends in India and Pakistan and the rest of South Asia.

The Gandhi Nagar carnage is sure to give a handle to the hate=20
merchants peddling a fundamentally anti-Muslim Hindutva, thereby=20
increasing Hindu-Muslim polarisation in Gujarat some more and=20
possibly succeed in spreading this virus to surrounding states. That=20
BJP and the rest of Sangh Parivar hope to win elections thereby is an=20
open secret; these groups, looming behind

BJP, rode to power on the crest of anti-Muslim feelings following the=20
destruction of Babri Masjid, widespread anti-Muslim rioting and the=20
growing communal polarity. Such incidents can help the hate merchants=20
no end.

That incident has other consequences too. It impacts on India's=20
Pakistan policy. Indian government has already held Pakistan=20
responsible. Although, India's reaction to December 13, 2001 attack=20
on Parliament with mobilising the Indian Army and threatening=20
Pakistan with an imminent invasion was losing credibility, these=20
suicidal killings in Gandhi Nagar may -- on the tit-for-tat logic of=20
communalism -- force Vajpayee government to make a demonstrative=20
response to assuage the hurt Hindu sentiment.

Consequently, India-Pakistan military tensions would again aggravate.=20
Communal passion, already widespread, will be reinforced by official=20
spin of blaming Pakistan. That should superficially make war certain=20
but both sides remain hesitant because of Nuclear Deterrents. It is=20
however a moment of supreme test for deterrence doctrine: would it=20
continue to hold back the Hindutva-preachers from taking a perhaps=20
limited -- but nevertheless demonstrative -- action?

It is pointless getting involved in the validity or otherwise of=20
deterrence concept. We can assume the two states will continue to=20
prevent an all-out war either themselves or with American help. The=20
net result will not be peace but prolongation of the present=20
no-peace-no-war situation, with both taking limited hostile action=20
but stopping this side of war. American influence over both Islamabad=20
and New Delhi is bound to grow. That will reflect on the rest of=20
Asia. Islamabad however seems scheduled to see the other face of US=20
diplomacy. The US may put harder and unbearable pressure "to do more"=20
in Kashmir -- and that might include accepting a final solution of=20
Kashmir against the wishes of Pakistani hardliners.

The Subcontinent is likely to remain dominated by communal passions=20
that stoke the fires of militarism. In India this militarism issues=20
from a supposed 'manifest destiny' and has deeper roots, while in=20
Pakistan it emerged ad hoc, first through international intrigue with=20
Pakistan's powerful bureaucratic coterie that had already usurped=20
power. Futile justifications predicated it on a shallow Muslim=20
Nationalism and later on an Islamic Ideology that glorifies a=20
reconstructed past. Democracy thus may increasingly become shallow=20
throughout South Asia for similar reasons.

The Karachi incident is certainly alarming. Terrorism in Pakistan is=20
hydra-headed. Authorities are fond of blaming India's RAW for all=20
atrocities in Pakistan or even in India. That is no defence against=20
Pakistani failure to protect minorities. Indian propaganda of blaming=20
ISI for all terrorist incidents is a photocopy: failure of its own=20
security agencies. What good are they, if they cannot stop the other=20
country's spooks from causing mayhem inside their own countries? We=20
had better look for true causes of terrorism in injustices and=20
communal hatred.

Pakistanis should concentrate on terrorist killers that after all did=20
not arrive from India. We must think about the process that created=20
these terrorists. Mother of all terrorism was the emergence of=20
Kashmir policy as a national cause by the bureaucratic coterie that=20
had cornered power by April 1953. This latter involved many things:=20
the collapse of Muslim Nationalism in which a powerful group of=20
politicians enabled bureaucracy to thwart democracy. Simultaneously=20
the US diplomacy bought over the bureaucratic coterie, supported by=20
C-in-C Ayub Khan, rather cheaply. This international intrigue also=20
helped shape domestic and foreign, especially the Afghan, policies.=20
The culmination of these factors were the Taliban regime, nuclear=20
detonations, Kargil and the current military confrontation with India.

While a militant Kashmir policy resulted in Army's political=20
pre-eminence, able to spend most of the revenues and determining the=20
development policy. This enriched both wings of bureaucracy while=20
strengthening Army's hold on power. It needed justification. A bogus=20
Pakistan Ideology was invented based on a new interpretation of=20
orthodoxy. It served the US well in 1980s -- to the immense=20
enrichment of generals -- and later in Kashmir Jihad. Becoming power=20
drunk after the Bomb, the generals could 'safely' convert Kashmiris'=20
spontaneous and non-violent movement in 1988-89 first into an armed=20
rebellion and later an Islamic Jihad. A red hot Islamic

Ideology provides inspiration for the

Jihadis. That it had to no link with the

Subcontinent's Islamic ethos bothered no one.

Bewildered Indians squirmed, tried to counter the Jihad with armed=20
repression. Eventually South Block remembered it too had the Bomb,=20
only bigger. So, when the Jihadis boldly attacked the Indian=20
Parliament, India confronted Pakistan with all its might. India went=20
on an offensive and threatened war. India is daring Pakistan to fight=20
a limited war and if it uses the Bomb, it would invite India's nuking=20
it in return. Which is

where both India and Pakistan stand deadlocked. No one can go=20
further. The Americans are able to play the honest broker to their=20
own political advantage.

Net results of Kashmir and Afghanistan policies is an oversupply of=20
Islamic extremists straining at the leash to strike at -- minorities,=20
sectarian and religious minorities, Indians and Americans or whoever.=20
Pakistan has just told the Americans that 33 dangerous activists of=20
Harkatul Mujahedeen al-Alami are still freely operating in Karachi,=20
after it had earlier arrested 24 of them in joint operations with=20
FBI. For all a layman knows, this group is perhaps as small as that.=20
But what about the many thousands of their soul mates who are=20
Taliban, the many Kashmir's Jihadi outfits, not to mention the=20
factions that content themselves with killing local Shias, Ahmedis,=20
Christians, Hindus etc. Their number would be much greater. They are=20
all the same: religious zealots of more or less the same theoretical=20
origins. Minorities and the country do need that they are reclaimed=20
with required patience.

It is a problem that has to be sorted out by Pakistanis. The US=20
interest is limited to preventing them from attacking American or=20
western targets. Indians only want Jihadis and zealots to stay at=20
home and leave them alone. But this country is now a snakepit of all=20
manner of Islamic extremists, wanting to kill all kafirs, Indians=20
(Hindus first), foreigners -- a travesty of Islam in historical=20
India. These fanatics are a bigger danger to Pakistan and its plural=20
society. For this American money, technology and advice is=20
irrelevant, though these might help if they are used to fight crime.=20
It is vital to seek the learned humanists from India, Europe, US=20
andindeed everywhere to help change Pakistan's social, political and=20
economic conditions that beget and sustain bigotry. Promotion of=20
tolerance is the task, requiring more employment and cultural=20
development as a prerequisite.

The particular Karachi incident does not seem to be a simple killing=20
of Christians by undifferentiated Islamic fanatics. It is not the=20
first of its kind in methodology -- first overpowering the victim(s)=20
through heavy sedation, tying their hands behind them and then taping=20
the mouths and noses for killing them through asphyxiation. Reason=20
for selecting them remains obscure. There was a similar case recently=20
in Karachi: two persons were murdered in a similar fashion (without=20
the use of a gun) in the office of Irtaqa Institute in=20
Gulshan-e-Iqbal locality. Even the putative murder of Omar Asghar=20
Khan is said to have been a similar case. One understands that many=20
more incidents of the kind have taken place in Karachi. The police=20
are reluctant to publicise them for some reason. But we shouldn't be.

Other victims of the same kind of killing were not members of=20
minority sect or religion. There seems to have been nothing common=20
among the victims, except one: some link with, or a reputation of=20
"progressive" ideas or left-of-centre politics. If this is true, we=20
have a new specie of terrorism -- some version of ultra-right death=20
squads, so characteristic of so many Latin American republics. That=20
opens up a whole new vista for inquiry. Another commonality is: all=20
religious fanatics are also ultra rightists in political preferences=20
and so are their friends and supporters.

_____

#2

The Island (Sri Lanka)
02nd October, 2002
Midweek Review

Truth Commissions: A retrospective healing process ? =AD Part I

by Indika Bulankulame
(University of Sussex, UK)
Undoubtedly, the peace process currently occupies a great deal of=20
conversation time from the regular mundane conversations Sri Lankans=20
often have with each other here and aboard.
[...]
As part of these conversations that are taking place, there is a=20
strong interest on the idea of "Truth and Reconciliation". It is in=20
this context that the recently concluded Neelan Thiruchelvam Memorial=20
Lecture delivered by Alex Borraine, former Vice President of the=20
South African Truth and Reconciliation Commission and a subsequent=20
workshop organised by the International centre for Ethnic Studies in=20
Colombo were clearly meant to open doors to the debate on the idea of=20
reconciliation. At this point, I would like to make two points. One=20
is that reconciliation comes at the end of a transition, a change or=20
a turn of events. In that sense, I do not feel that we have come to=20
that point as yet to talk about delivering the "truth" as part of the=20
peace process and reconciliation. The next point is, how much=20
reconciliation and how much healing can we hope to find through the=20
use of a mechanism such as a truth commission in a cultural context=20
such as ours?

This paper attempts to examine two commissions. One is the South=20
African Truth and Reconciliation Commission which, I have used for=20
its clarity and professionalism of process. The second is the=20
Commission of Inquiry into the Involuntary Removal of Persons=20
appointed in 1995, the first of its kind to be established in Sri=20
Lanka, which examine in considerable depth and highlight some=20
important issues and grey areas. The idea is not to compare, but to=20
understand the stand point of Truth Commissions appointed by state=20
agencies. At a time when we are this reflective of knowing the truth=20
we need to be aware from previous experiences the consequences of=20
knowing the truth.

Truth commissions are meant to be bodies that attempt to deal with=20
certain realities of atrocities committed by state agencies and=20
sometimes the activities of "armed opposition" (Hayner 2000). Broadly=20
looking at it, Pricilla B. Hayner describes in four ways " 1). truth=20
commissions focus on the past ; 2). they investigate a pattern of=20
abuses over a period of time, rather than a specific event; 3). a=20
truth commission is a temporary body, typically in operation for six=20
months to two years, and completing its work with a submission of a=20
report; and 4). these commissions are officially sanctioned,=20
authorised, or empowered by the state (and sometimes also by the=20
armed opposition, as in a peace accord)" (ibid 2000: 14). To date,=20
five major truth commissions and sixteen less prominent commissions 2=20
have emerged to address the atrocities that have been committed by=20
various bodies, political parties and resistance groups. In recent=20
decades, phenomena glossed as Truth Commissions have emerged as=20
central components of the peace settlements and political=20
=8Ctransitions=B9 that as Fiona Ross characterise =8Cpost something=B9 (pos=
t=20
- colonial, post - communist, post-apartheid, post dictatorship=20
state). Truth commissions have also acquired different names and=20
sometimes the word "truth" is not even in it. Hayner has classified=20
the commission under four main themes: " Commission on the=20
disappeared" as in Argentina, Uganda and Sri Lanka for example; "=20
Truth and justice commission in Haiti and Ecuador; a "historical=20
clarification" commission in Guatemala; and "Truth and reconciliation=20
commission in South Africa and Chile" (ibid 2000: 14-15) and others.=20
Although, there are similarities between them, the mandates and=20
powers of each commission, varies to suite the needs of the political=20
reality of each country.

There are a number of reasons, why a truth commission is established=20
in a country. "Truth Commissions are frequently described as an=20
important =8Cmechanism=B9 by which societies may begin to acknowledge and=20
remember the individual and the political and social damage wrought=20
by violence" (Ross 2000: 2 .b). These have become one of the most=20
important and central bodies through which to understand and deal=20
with the past, acknowledge activities of the past and the starting=20
point for accountability, reparation and reform programmes (CODEPU=20
1989, Hayner 1994, 1996, 2001, Ignatief 1997; also Weschler 1990;=20
Rosenburg 1992, Boraine, Levy and Scheffer 1994; Taylor 1994;=20
Borraine and Levy 1995, Minow 1998, Merdith and Rosenberg 2000).

[...]

The Idea of a Truth Commission in Sri Lanka

The Sri Lankan "Commission of Inquiry into the Involuntary Removal or=20
Disappearance of Persons" emerged in that context of the aftermath of=20
Political violence in the 1980s consequent to the electoral victory=20
of the PA.

The Sri Lankan Commission of inquiry (as I shall refer to it)=20
constituted of three separate commissions vested with the=20
responsibility off looking into allegations of disappearance in three=20
separate geographic locations in the country. This was the first body=20
of a formal nature that emerged in Post conflict Sri Lanka to=20
investigate the aforesaid period of terror. However, I must mention=20
in the year 1991 under Presidential directive a commission of Inq=20
uiry* was set up to inquire into disappearance. Compensation was made=20
to some victims although not in a form of consistency. Subsequently,=20
20 reports were produced to the Presidential Secretariat, however,=20
they were not published (Law & Society Trust 1993 P.70.).

Coming back to the Commission of Inquiry appointed in 1995 Hayner indicates=
:

"The period covered by the commissions included both the armed=20
conflict between government forces and the People=B9s Liberation Front=20
in the South from 1987 to 1990, and the conflict between the=20
government forces and the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam in the=20
northeast which began in June 1990" (Hayner 2001).

It=B9s objectives were wide, inclusive of giving recommendations, on=20
the legal implications of dealing with the people who were=20
responsible for these crimes and also who was to be the interlocutor=20
on behalf of the victims.

The commission was given an unrealistic goal of four months to submit=20
a report or an interim report on the findings and the final report=20
were submitted two years later and even then not all inquiries were=20
investigated. Which resulted in a further all island commission to be=20
appointed.

The three commissions, although were appointed on the same day, and=20
their mandates were identical, operated rather independently of each=20
other and hence had different =8Coperational and methodological=20
Strategies=B9. Rights workers, have observed that the three commissions=20
had also specific agendas; one According to Hayner commission=20
identified perpetrators and recommending prosecution; another=20
focussed more on the financial loss to each family and their=20
reparations needs; and the third took a more academic tone aimed at=20
reconciliation and the psychology of national healing" (Hayner 2001).=20
Also all hearings were held in private, one commission attempted to=20
have public hearings, but had to be closed down as a respondent=20
received threats after giving testimonies. The mandate of the three=20
commissions have eight points of which I quote A and C for the=20
purpose of this paper.

a.) "Whether any persons have been involuntarily removed or have=20
disappeared from their places of residence in (names of different=20
provinces as given above) at any time after January 1, 1988;

c.) The present whereabouts of the persons alleged to have been so=20
removed, or to have so disappeared;

The mandate, of the commission, point (a) and (c) attempts to=20
establish the nature of a person=B9s disappearance. However, members=20
found a distinctions between the disappeared or the abducted, and the=20
ones between disappeared and subsequently killed and therefore, never=20
returned. The mandate places heavy emphasis on those disappeared but=20
not on those who disappeared and subsequently killed. However, they=20
ruled that this class of person also fell within the mandate, despite=20
some opposition. The decision is important as the clause enables not=20
only =8Cstate=B9 but killings done by =8Csubversives=B9 also to be addresse=
d.=20
The total number of petitions inquired from all three commission are=20
over 27,000 (Hayner 2001. P.65).

Let us now proceed to the political and social consequences that were=20
implied and were brought about by such commissions. I would look=20
mainly, in the testimonies women gave and the comments they made in=20
the process before and after the commission. The objective of this=20
exercise is to analyse how truths, power and knowledge work, and how=20
victims resist in this context of post terror political and social=20
dilemmas.

The Issue of Compensation in Sri Lanka

There is heavy emphasis on compensation and reparations in these=20
reports. What are the subsequent consequences of compensation and the=20
psychological effect it has both on the victims and the community at=20
large?

Compensation payments began as early as 1988, under the Ministry of=20
Rehabilitation and Reconstruction under a programme called "Payments=20
of Compensation to Most Affected Persons (MAPs)". Under this scheme=20
handled by the Government Agent/Divisional Secretariat, compensation=20
was paid.1.

It is clear that to a certain extent, compensation was paid before=20
the PA government came to power. However, facts emerging from these=20
reports suggests that compensation was limited to a segment, those=20
victimised at the hands of the subversives and not so much by the=20
reprisal killing done by the state. A cabinet decision taken on=20
November 22nd 1989 also had a grave impact on the beneficiaries.

Firstly, the victim=B9s identity had to be cleared by the survivors.=20
The survivors were victimised by the unpleasant task of lurking at=20
police stations for the necessary clearances. One of the things that=20
were acted upon and implemented by the commissions was the=20
compensation to next of kin of public servants, who were earlier not=20
compensated due to their alleged connections with subversive=20
activities.

My fieldwork indicates that compensation brought ethical dilemmas to=20
those affected by subversive and by state sponsored violence. One=20
problem among these people was that all of them lived in the same=20
village in close proximity to each other. There seems to be a=20
tolerance of each other even though they knew who supported=20
subversive, who supported the government and who wanted to be left=20
alone. However, I feel that there is a burning issue underlying this=20
toleration, as they feel that no justice has been done.

For e.g. Amaraweera and his aunt were threatened at gun point, by=20
known subversives to keep their identities disclosed. He is still=20
very traumatised by the incident. Today, the wife of the chief=20
subversive in that area, who was a party to the above incident, has=20
been compensated for the killing of her husband by the security=20
forces. Ameeraweera had this to say:

"They all got compensation. We lived with fear of our own lives. For=20
the lives of my wife and two children we have nothing. Today we only=20
live with that fear. I will never be able to forget that; Yet we=20
interact with them as if nothing had happened."

Ceremonies conducted to distribute compensation to the victims=20
brought problems of ethics. The ceremony itself is politically driven=20
and is impractical, causing expenses to the victim. In the act of=20
receiving, they not only relive their pain and memories, but also=20
breeds revenge, hatred and shame. This lack of sensitivity is=20
psychologically damaging especially, as it comes after ten years=20
since the terror.

There is another point I want to make on compensation. It was given=20
to widows or mothers of unmarried children. The idea of compensation=20
is supposed to work towards reconciliation. The actual monies are by=20
way of making amends to sustain the survivors. If it is so, mothers=20
also witnessed their married children=B9s killings as was Rupa=B9s=20
mother-in-law. As Sriya her daughter says, "for mothers there is=20
everyday pain". I would argue that compensation has taken a clinical=20
nature, and the insensitivity factor has re-emerged, without serious=20
considerations and flexibility as would be culturally required.

Let me point to the Argentina reparation programme, which was brought=20
in ten years after the Truth Commission finished its reports.=20
Although there was no public demand for reparation as the need of the=20
day was to locate bodies, and establish truth and prosecute the=20
guilty. Thus compensation for some had a sour taste. One group that=20
represents the victims denounced state reparation as "blood money,"=20
"Life doesn=B9t have a price" (Hayner 2000:177).

It would argue that in the Sri Lankan context people or rather=20
victims testified with two objectives in mind; one was that the=20
perpetrators would be brought under the law, and the other in the=20
hope that there will be some compensation by the state. The first is=20
clearly seeking truth, knowledge and justice, which would pave the=20
way for healing. The other is the formal acknowledgement from a=20
larger political body of the reality that surrounded the death or=20
disappearance of their loved ones and the practical necessity for=20
accessing some funds for the sake of continued survival.

I would like to point out some problem areas. Many victims had a=20
sense of fear around them in giving =8Ctestimonies=B9 some of them in=20
fact were threatened. The threat also extended when it came to=20
receiving compensation or doing the paper work for it by way of=20
sexual harassment. The fear psychosis generated from agents of the=20
state in both situations.

Recommendations on legal procedures were very slow in coming. The=20
President did not publicly comment on the reports 12. The President=20
also did not take any immediate steps to bring to courts persons=20
allegedly charged in the armed forces due to the on going war.=20
However, in the report of the 1999 Amnesty International, it appears=20
that some were charged for their crimes (quoted in Hayner 2000: 66).

One of the things that women expected from the Commission was also to=20
have some social support. For i.e. one of my aged informants=B9 house=20
was burned down, which is now rebuilt. They showed me all over the=20
house the burnt marks left behind by the fire. This tour was no doubt=20
not only to show me the extent of the loss of property, but also to=20
ensure that I recognised death, justice and their present position.=20
This could hardly be visualised through the testimony of a commission

[Full Text at: http://www.island.lk/2002/10/02/midwee01.html]

_____

#3.

Outlook (India)
Web | Oct 01, 2002 =A0=A0=A0
COMMUNICATION
An Open Letter To The President
Some very committed friends of ours have been working with children=20
in post-riots Ahmedabad, trying to help them overcome their trauma=20
and be absorbed back into the mainstream...
SHAHRUKH ALAM, NAMITA MALHOTRA, WARISHA FARASAT

His Excellency Dr. A.P.J Abdul Kalam
President of India.

Dear Mr President,

Some very committed friends of ours have been working with children=20
in post-riots Ahmedabad, trying to help them overcome their trauma=20
and be absorbed back into the mainstream. We had recently accompanied=20
them on a trip to Gujarat, but sadly we proved to be rather inept=20
with children; at 25, we already tend to get impatient with them and=20
are not particularly understanding of their needs. It was then that=20
we thought of you and realized what a great gift you are to the=20
children of this country.

We also thought of you on another occasion: we had been playing with=20
children in Watwa, a locality where about 45 families, originally=20
from Naroda Patia (and then Shah Alam Camp), have been temporarily=20
resettled. Less than dedicated that we were, we soon grew tired and=20
went to sit by ourselves at the doorstep of a kholi there.=A0

We were informed that it was Shah Jahan=B9s house. Shah Jahan, who had=20
lost a sister and who had almost been burnt alive herself.=20
(Ironically, the bigger the loss suffered by a person, the more of a=20
celebrity she became, to be put forward before all visiting=20
dignitaries, media personnel, NGO types, etc.) This unfortunate=20
=8Ccelebrity=B9 was prodded out of her bleak room to be =8Cshown=B9 to us,=
=20
bandaged, pained face, and unable to play with the other children.

"She=B9s met the President", we were told. Shah Jahan smiled - probably=20
at the fond memories of her meeting with you (or if one were to be=20
cynical, at the thought of having to repeat her sorrows to yet=20
another batch of volunteers). Perhaps, that was the reason she chose=20
to steer the conversation towards you.

She did not talk of high ambitions, though, or of your compassion, or=20
even of your sensitivity -which she had clearly benefited from in=20
those few minutes with you. We suppose that was a given. She spoke,=20
instead, of the promises you had made her and how she clung to those=20
as the only words of security that had come to her in a long time.

She told us that you had promised to see to it that her burns were=20
properly treated. She asked us if we could take a message from her to=20
you, since we would be going back to Delhi (We told her we could not.=20
We were neither children, any of us, nor celebrities to get an=20
audience with the President).

She thought we were being lazy but told us what the message was,=20
anyway. She said that she had been waiting for her treatment; her=20
burns were becoming more painful, her face was scarred and it was all=20
too difficult. She believed that you had kept yourself abreast of her=20
situation, and wanted to discuss the next step with you.

(We tried explaining to her that perhaps she had misunderstood you -=20
misunderstood the fact that you had promised to have her fully=20
treated and ordered the state to pay for her treatment. Or, perhaps=20
you had recommended compensation, but the only reason it had not yet=20
been paid, and her treatment consequently stopped, was because there=20
were procedures to be followed before money could be handed over to=20
victims. Most of all we tried to explain to her that it was=20
impossible for the President to keep himself abreast of specific=20
cases - despite his concern).

She dismissed us, of course. It was a matter between her and the=20
President. She asked us to fill out your address on a post-card=20
(which also we were unable to do very accurately). She will be=20
writing to you. The post-card may reach or it may not.

Respectfully,

Shahrukh Alam, Namita Malhotra, Warisha Farasat.

_____

#4.

Rediff.com
October 1, 2002

Say no to war on Iraq
Praful Bidwai
http://www.rediff.com/news/2002/oct/01praful.htm

_____

#5.

Father, Son and The Unholy Mission

Book Review by Ram Puniyani

(Book Reviewed- The RSS and the BJP: A Division of Labor, by A.G.Noorani,
Left Word, 12 Rajendra Prasad Road, New Delhi 110001,PB, Rs.75)

In the aftermath of Babri demolition there was a new realization in the
country as a whole that RSS, whose volunteers are generally working in the
quiet fashion in the area of culture, are not so innocuous as it seemed.
The Khaki clad, male who worships his motherland daily morning is a part
of the organization, which in times to come wants to dictate the politics o=
f
the country, started becoming apparent. The reason for this is not too far
to seek. This 'quiet' work on one level acts as the patron for the
politics, which has shaken the democratic roots of the society. And it is
also the one, which provides volunteers to the children organizations for
strengthening the saffron politics, it is also the one which is the major
force which is saffronising the society in a subtle manner. Though BJP,
VHP etc. have hogged the limelight for times, their subservient loyalty
and devotion to the agenda of RSS started becoming apparent to all and
sundry. It is to unravel this deeper organic connection and the hidden
bridge and the concealed link that A. G. Noorani has put forward his case
in a manner, which not only is rigorous but also is flawless.

The strongest point of the book is of course the thorough research, which
has gone in to the writing of the book, which has very impressive list of
resources and rare references. Noorani has done a yeoman service in
marshalling the facts in this book, in turn making it a crucial source
book for all those who wish to understand this organization and its wily
methods of operation.

Though in popular eyes it is the BJP which is the vehicle of the politics
of Hindu Right, Noorani shows the controlling role of RSS right from the
beginning of the formation of the Bharatiya Jana Sangh, the less known
predecessor of today's BJP. The agenda of RSS is Hindu Rashtra based on
Hindutva and it adopts the definition of Hindutva as propounded by
Savarkar, Apart from religious aspect involved in the conception of the
words Hindu and Hinduism, Savarkar had to coin some new words such as
Hindutva, Hinduness, Hindudom in order to express totality of cultural,
historical and above all the national aspects along with the religious
one, which mark out the Hindu people as a whole. The definition is not
consequently meant to be definition of Hindu Dharma, or Hindu religion. It
is the definition of Hindutva, Hinduness.(Savarkar, 1942)

Noorani points out, based on the quotes from Golwalkar, that RSS regards
the non-Hindus as mere guests and not the sons of the soil. Also of these
non-Hindus, Muslims, Christians and Communists are regarded as internal
threats to the Hindu Nation. Noorani gives the correct analogy of RSS
methods in politics by pointing out that RSS wants to hold the empire
without becoming the emperor. This method of holding an empire has its
advantages as the negative impact of the day-to-day politicking and
corrupt practices of the progenies does not have direct adverse impact on
it and it can keep up its pure image.

Starting from this concept, RSS went on to train the young boys, well
indoctrinated in the ideology of Hindutva, as volunteers for its
activities. In one of the impeccably referenced chapters (The Sangh
Parivar and The British) the author shows the subservient attitude of
Hindutva politicians towards the British Empire, and Savarkars undertaking
to the British govt. to seek his release from Andamands. He also shows how
two outfits of Hindutva politics (Hindu Mahasabha and RSS) merged together
in the form of Nathuram Godse the killer of Mahatma Gandhi, Father of the
Nation. The need to form a political wing was felt after the post-Gandhi
murder ban on RSS, when its Supremo Golwalkar conceded to the request of
Shyama Prasad Mukherjee, an ex-Hindu Maha Sabha leader to form a new
political party for the agenda of Hindu Rashtra. RSS lent its Swayamsevaks
to work for Bharatiya Jana Sangh, the previous avatar of the current BJP.
Two of the most illustrious swayamsevaks are currently the major vehicle
of communal politics in India, Mr. Vajpayee and Mr. Advani.

Noorani gives apt quotes from original sources to prove his point. One of
the most poignant references is from Justice P. Venugopal commission of
inquiry, which investigated the Kanyakumari riots (March 1982) and from
Jitendra Narian Commission of inquiry (Bhagalpur riots 1979). These quotes
shows without any shadow of doubt the role of RSS in laying the base of
communal violence and the role of its cadres who have infiltrated in the
state machinery in sustaining it. Two features stand out in all the
riots-RSS men deliberately march in procession through Muslim areas
shouting offensive slogans and the slightest response is seized as pretext
to launch preplanned attacks (Noorani, 2000, 40) Noorani reminds us that
even Sardar Patel-who would have liked RSS to join Congress-accused it of
spreading communal poison. In the face of state repression RSS always bent
and the its attitude on its cadres being arrested during emergency, which
was opposed by RSS, is no exception. Its chief started sending the
messages of patch up to Indira Gandhi. In those messages he requested for
RSS cadres being released but never urged upon her to lift the emergency.

The author meticulously traces the birth of different organizations from
the womb of RSS and the assigned role of these for the politics of Hindu
Rashtra and their role in intensifying and vitiating the communal
scenario. Be it BJP, (political), VHP (quasi religious), bajarang Dal
(storm troopers) or the innocuous looking Vanavasi Kalyan Ashram, each of
them is controlled from the top by RSS volunteers. It is their coordinated
activity, which resulted in the demolition of Babri Masjid. The current
Anti-Christian campaign, and other programs of Sangh Parivar are also
elaborated very well.

Undoubtedly the facts, the quotes the events that give an insight to the
politics of RSS are presented extremely well. What is missing however is
the understanding of social base of this political outfit. Which social
sections support it and why? How are they able to mobilize the other sectio=
ns
in to its agenda? The analysis of RSS as a political onslaught has not been
elaborated. Why the agenda of RSS started getting more response from
the decade of 80s is not considered at asll. The book is weak on these
counts. Despite these omissions one gets a total and credible picture of
the making and functioning of RSS. It is strong on outlining the realtionsh=
ip
between the parent RSS and the children BJP, VHP etc. It is a good and hand=
y
book for the activists for secular democracy, good source for the meticulou=
s
references about the outpourings of its leaders. All in all it is a book, w=
hich
cannot and should not be missed by those striving for preservation of the
gains of our freedom struggle, the values of Liberty, Equality and Fraterni=
ty.

-
References:
S.S.Savarkar, Preface to Hindutva-Who is a Hindu, Nagpur, 1942
A.G.Noorani, The RSS and BJP, Leftword, 2000 Delhi

_____

#6.
SAHIT : FORUM OF CREATIVE PEOPLE FOR PEACE

SAHIT is a forum of the creative people of Gujarat who believe in and=20
strive for peace in these dark times through which Gujarat is=20
passing. It includes writers, artists, dancers, musicians, theatre=20
and media persons, filmmakers, journalists, academics, architects and=20
all those connected with creative activities. Deeply disturbed by and=20
concerned about the atmosphere of communal hatred unleashed by the=20
events of February-March 2002 in Gujarat, the creative community felt=20
a need to have a platform through which to reinstate and reinforce=20
the rich plurality of our culture; to create an atmosphere of=20
tolerance towards all races and religions in society and to talk=20
about social justice through creative expression.

A meeting of writers and artists was held in June 2002 in Ahmedabad=20
in the presence of eminent writer and activist Mahashweta Devi where=20
a need for such a forum was first expressed by those present. It was=20
felt that the creative people needed to engage in, on a sustained and=20
long term basis, activities on issues of communalism and fascism, to=20
create an atmosphere of trust and sharing among people, and to=20
promote plurality of cultures of our society. There were several=20
meetings, which followed to discuss the nature of the forum. Finally=20
on 28 July 2002, in a meeting attended by nearly 125 creative=20
persons, SAHIT was formally founded. Today about 150 artists are=20
actively or through their support connected with SAHIT. We hope that=20
many more will join through their participation in SAHIT programmes.

THE FIRST PUBLIC EVENT: AAVO CHALE SAATH SAATH

Time: 6 pm onwards
[October 2, 2002]
Venue: 'Rang Bhavan', C.N. Vidyalay, Ambavaadi, Ahmedabad

A cultural programme is organised by SAHIT on 2 October 2002 in=20
Ahmedabad , which will have music, dance, plays, poetry recitation,=20
puppet show etc by the artists of Gujarat to convey the message of=20
peace, unity and harmony among people. The programme will highlight=20
the syncretic culture of our country. An exhibition of paintings and=20
graphics on the same theme will also be on display. The programmed is=20
organised entirely through the efforts of the members of SAHIT=20
without any financial assistance from Governmental/non-governmental=20
organisations, political parties or corporate sector. It is a gesture=20
of solidarity of the artists who are committed to restoring peace and=20
justice in society and our cultural plurality through their=20
involvement in the activities of SAHIT. In the same way SAHIT appeals=20
for cooperation and contribution from all those who are equally=20
concerned about saving our rich heritage from all those forces which=20
threaten to destroy it.

FUTURE ACTIVITIES

In our democratic system the equality of language, religion,=20
caste/creed and gender is enshrined in the fundamental rights of the=20
constitution. SAHIT intends to strive to protect, through creative=20
expression, these basic rights which are under threat by the forces=20
that are out to destroy differences of our composite culture and=20
society. It intends to organise activities like plays, music=20
programs, exhibitions and writing and publishing for promoting a=20
sense of peaceful and just society among people.

Convenors: Kumudini Lakhia; Manishi Jani

Members: Prakash N. Shah, Atul Desai, Pravin Pandya, Ranjana Aragade,=20
Sanjay Bhave, Saumya Joshi, Neerav Patel, Kiran Trivedi, Jasmin=20
Mansoori, Amit Dave, Sarup Dhruv, Hiren Gandhi, Ashish Vashi, Bijoy=20
Shivram, Sadhana Bhatt, Raju Barot, Pathik Shah and many others.

Address:

"Kadamb"
Centre of Dance and Music
Parimal Garden
C.G.Road
Ahmedabad 380 006
Email: sahit@y...

AAVO CHALE SAATH SAATH : SOME FEATURES

Aavo Chale Saath Saath is the first programme organised by SAHIT,=20
which intends to present the syncretic cultural tradition of our=20
country. The event involves more than 150 artists from across the=20
state who will be presenting various performing and non-performing=20
arts, besides literature.

A unique feature of the programme is a collective dance performance=20
by six dance schools of Ahmedabad. Its source is six centuries of=20
rich Gujarati poetry from saint-poet Narsinh Mehta and=20
satirist-philosopher Akho to Umashnakar Joshi. Noted artists like=20
Kumudini Lakhia, Bijoy Shivram and Kalpesh Dalal have choreographed=20
the creation. Imubhai Desai has composed music.

A range of musical presentations is an equally important part of the=20
SAHIT event. Charul and Vinay who have created and sung songs of=20
communal harmony in various parts of Gujarat for several years and=20
won many hearts will present their songs.. Madhusudan Vyas will sing=20
the bhajan of Kutchchhi folk poet Dula Bhaya Kaag and a song from=20
Gujarat=92s rashtriya shaayar Jhaverchand Meghani. Raju Barot will sing=20
two of Kabir=92s bhajans. Muslim biradars will present a Kawwali=20
exhorting the Sufi humanism.

Theatre is an effective means to take ideas to people. Two small=20
plays, based on the partition stories of Urdu writer Sadat Hasan=20
Manto will be staged by a reputed and committed amateur theatre group=20
=91Fade-in Theaters=92 led by Saumya Joshi. Sambhavnath and his friends=20
will present a play responding to the recent carnage in Gujarat.=20
While these two are college students=92 productions, Pathik Shah will=20
direct deaf and dumb children to perform a play, giving a message of=20
communal harmony.

Some of the most concerned and committed writers of Gujarat will=20
recite their poems. While Saroop Dhruv, Barin Mehta, Raju Solanki and=20
Neerav Patel will read their Gujarati poems, Sultan Ahmed, Phoolchand=20
Gupta, Mrudula Parik and Sudha Mujumdar will read Hindi poems. Jayant=20
Parmar=92s Urdu verses will be an enriching experience.

Piyush Jadugar will display magic tricks exposing some superstitions.=20
Veteran puppet-master Mahipat Kavi=92s characters will have a word=20
about peaceful world. Painters will also contribute to this event.=20
The venue will have on display paintings and graphic posters about=20
peace and harmony. Two upcoming designers Piyush Solanki and Dilip=20
Parmar will co-ordinate the exhibition.

The script for this event, which celebrates the rich plurality of our=20
culture, is prepared by Ranjana Aragade and Pravin Pandya. Noted=20
compere Heena Saxena will anchor the event.

This programme has been put together by a number of artists who have=20
contributed in different ways. We hope that many people will=20
participate in the event so that our dream of a just and peaceful=20
society may come true.

_____

#7.

The Southern Asian Institute at Columbia University is
hosting a lunch-time brown bag screening and
discussion of two documentaries on the recent violence
in Gujarat, ' Hey Ram: Genocide in the Land of Gandhi'
by Gopal Menon, and 'Evil Stalks the Land' by Gauhar
Raza.

Ram Rahman, photographer and member of Sahmat, will
introduce the two films in the context of the
right-wing assault on culture and interpretations of
history, and Smita Narula of Human Rights Watch will
follow up with a discussion on the violence, relief,
human rights and justice for the victims.

Wednesday, October 2, 12 - 2 pm

School of International and Public Affairs
Columbia University
420 West 118th Street, 11th Floor
Tel: (212) 854-4565

University ID's required.

_____

#8.
The Times of India, TUESDAY, OCTOBER 1, 2002
India needs leaders like Bush, Sharon: VHP
http://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/cms.dll/articleshow?artid=3D23892239

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