[sacw] SACW | 30 Sept. 02

[Harsh Kapoor]

South Asia Citizens Wire | 30 September 2002

__________________________

#1. Institutions and democracy (Ishtiaq Ahmed)
#2. BJP=B9s agitprop (J Sri Raman)
#3. A protest organiser in Pakistan has been arrested for leading=20
demonstrations demanding government action after the massacre of=20
seven Christians at a Karachi charity
+ NGOs, trade unions slate murderous attack on Idara-e-Amn-o-Insaf
+ The God of lesser Pakistanis (Editorial, Daily Times)
#4. A history of their own (Dr Tariq Rahman)
#5. Demographer, public health activist and feminist Dr. Malini=20
Karkal died on 28 September 2002 (note from Forum for Women's Health,=20
Bombay)
#6. And The Games Played On (Dilip D'Souza)
#7. Lightening strikes again (Najid Hussain)
#8. Mr Virendra Prakash, the author of Hindutva Demystified=20
available for talks in the US

__________________________

#1.

Daily Times
September 30, 2002

Institutions and democracy
Ishtiaq Ahmed
http://www.dailytimes.com.pk/default.asp?page=3Dstory_29-9-2002_pg3_2

_____

#2

Daily Times
September 30, 2002
BJP=B9s agitprop
J Sri Raman
http://www.dailytimes.com.pk/default.asp?page=3Dstory_29-9-2002_pg3_5

_____

#3

BBC News-Friday, 27 September, 2002, 12:48 GMT 13:48 UK
Arrest after Karachi Christian protest

Christians mourn the death of seven charity workers

A protest organiser in Pakistan has been arrested for leading=20
demonstrations demanding government action after the massacre of=20
seven Christians at a Karachi charity.

Baseer Naveed was taken into custody on Thursday and held overnight=20
at a police station in the southern city of Karachi where the=20
killings took place two days earlier.

Protesters demand more action from the government

Police say he was detained for activities which threatened peace and order.

Meanwhile, Christian groups are holding a second of three days of=20
mourning for the victims of the attack.

Police have so far arrested no-one in connection with the killings,=20
but suspect militants angry at the US-led war on terror are to blame.

"This is strange. The killers are at large but those protesting are=20
being detained," Mr Naveed, a Muslim, told The Associated Press news=20
agency from his cell.

Execution

On Friday, Pakistani President Pervez Musharraf said the killings=20
were an attempt to destabilise Pakistan.
There were angry protests after the latest attack

Pakistan attacks:
* 9 Aug - five nurses die in missionary hopital attack in Taxila
* 5 Aug - six dead in missionary school attack in Murree
* 14 June - 11 killed in bomb attack outside US Karachi mission
* 8 May - Karachi bus blast kills 15
* 17 March - five killed in Islamabad church grenade blast
* October 2001 - 18 killed in Punjab church attack

Pakistan's Islamic militants
General Musharraf also said the authorities were investigating the=20
possible involvement of India's intelligence agency, known as the=20
Research and Analysis Wing (RAW), in the killings.

Police have been questioning one of two survivors of Wednesday's=20
execution-style attack. One other is in a critical condition.

Two gunmen entered the third-floor offices of the Institute for Peace=20
and Justice (IPJ) and shot their victims in the head, before escaping.

Police said the victims had their hands tied and their mouths had=20
been covered with tape.
Officials are investigating possible links between the killings and a=20
string of attacks on Christian and Western targets that have taken=20
place in the country in recent months.
Police are also looking at a possible link with the mysterious murder=20
of the charity's former chairman four months ago.
He was found dead in his office after being injected with poison.

Black flags

Pakistani Christian groups say they are not reassured by government=20
pledges to protect them following Wednesday's attack, and are being=20
increasingly victimised because of US policy.

Black flags are flying over churches and Christian areas in Karachi=20
for a second consecutive day as protests continue at the latest=20
killings.
Shops, schools and churches in Christian-dominated districts are also close=
d.
Non-Muslim organisations say recent attacks show that hardline=20
Islamists are trying to force Christians to leave the country.
Karachi was the scene of an attack on the US consulate in June and a=20
suicide bombing against French naval engineers in May.

o o o o

The News International
September 27, 2002

NGOs, trade unions slate murderous attack on Idara-e-Amn-o-Insaf

By our correspondent

KARACHI: The representatives of political, social, and professional=20
bodies, trade unions and NGOs, have strongly condemned the attack on=20
the Idara-e-Aman-o-Insaf office, killing of seven Christens and=20
termed the act a "criminal attack" on civil society, Human Rights,=20
peaceful movements, and all religions.
Expressing solidarity with the affected families, the representatives=20
decided to observe Friday as a day of mourning against this inhuman=20
and criminal act and appealed to the people to wear black armbands=20
and hoist black flags atop their houses.
The decision was taken at a meeting of the representatives of social,=20
political, professional bodies, trade unions, and NGOs at PMA House=20
on Thursday under the chairpersonship of Dr Tipu Sultan and=20
reiterated that the struggle for the peace and promotion of human=20
values would continue.

It was also decided that a joint protest rally would be brought from=20
the Karachi Press Club to the Mazar-e-Qauid-i-Azam on Saturday. The=20
meeting also appealed to the citizens to participate in the final=20
rites of Christians on Sunday at St Patrick's Cathedral at 12 pm.
The meeting through resolutions adopted at the meeting demanded of=20
the regime to dismiss the interior minister Moin Haider, the Home=20
Secretary, the IGP (Sindh) and city Nazim Niamatullah Khan and lodge=20
murder cases against them.
Expressing concern over the arrest of the eyewitness, Robin, and=20
pointed out that Robin's life was in danger in detention. They also=20
demanded compensation for the affected people.

The representatives of PMA, Action Committee for Civic Problems,=20
Muttahida Qaumi Movement, PPP, Labour Party Pakistan, NAPP, NDP, NWP,=20
Urban Resource Centre, HRCP, Lawyers for Human Rights,=20
Idara-e-Aman-O-Insaf, PILER, Sindh Professors' and Lecturer=20
Association, UTA, Dialogue, Development Forum, Pakistan Fisher Folk,=20
Takhleeq Foundation, KUJ and Muttahida Labour Federation attended the=20
meeting.
The city PPP Minority Wing also held its emergent meeting under the=20
chairmanship of Anwer Lal Din and expressed concern over the=20
situation. The wing announced that a protest rally would be held at=20
the KPC on Friday against the terrorist incident.

o o o

The Daily Times (Lahore)
September 28, 2002

Editorial: The God of lesser Pakistanis

The brutal killing of seven Pakistani in Karachi two days ago by a=20
band of unknown terrorists was a dastardly and reprehensible act. It=20
must be condemned in the strongest manner. But this won=B9t suffice. We=20
should examine the causes of such attacks and explain why these are=20
related to our internal regression over the past three decades and=20
are also linked in some way to external developments in the last year=20
or so.
We use the term =B3Pakistanis=B2 consciously because the term=20
=B3minorities=B2 tends to suggest that some Pakistanis may be more=20
Pakistani than others or, worse, that the issue might be underpinned=20
by religion rather than birthright. Having said this, we must now=20
acknowledge with a heavy heart that our heads hang in shame that the=20
=B3Pakistanis=B2 killed in cold blood were =B3Christians=B2 and that their=
=20
faith might have been their fatal =B3flaw=B2.
It is easy for our bigwigs to blame India for doing this, just like=20
it is =B3natural=B2 for India to dismiss the possibility of internal rot=20
and pin the blame for the equally reprehensible and cowardly Gujarat=20
temple killings on Pakistan. But the fact is that both events may=20
have more to do with how societies have evolved in the two countries,=20
though one cannot deny the urge on both sides to exploit such=20
fissures as part of the zero-sum game in which they are bitterly=20
locked. Yet, and this is important, no external adversary can succeed=20
unless the fruit is ripe for the picking.
The past five terrorist attacks on Christians and the arrests and=20
killings of the perpetrators in Pakistan clearly show that the=20
attackers belong to our own erstwhile jihadi-sectarian groups. Even=20
if there are other possibilities, past evidence must determine this=20
as the strongest theory. There is no reason for anyone to begin with=20
a condemnation of India for the simple reason that there is no proof=20
of that country=B9s involvement in the past attacks on Christian=20
targets as well as other terrorist attacks. All these attacks have=20
been linked to either the banned sectarian terrorist group Lashkar-e=20
Jhangvi or to the new incarnation of the banned Harkat-ul Mujahideen,=20
with the added suffix of =B3Al Aalami=B2.
External events of the past year may have given a fillip to the=20
situation with insane fanatics attacking Pakistani Christians to=20
avenge the US attack on Afghanistan or Washington=B9s impending war on=20
Iraq and so on, but the roots of this malaise run much deeper and go=20
much further back in time. The disease is of our own making. When=20
anti-Qadiani riots broke out in Lahore in 1951, the Munir Commission=20
was set up to hold an inquiry into the rioting. Among other things,=20
the Munir Report established two facts clearly: politicians are not=20
averse to using religion and religious fissures to their own=20
advantage; and the ulema, including top-of-the-line scholars, have=20
woefully inadequate understanding and conception of a modern state=20
and the principles underlying its functioning.
These two factors have continued to inform our political, legal and=20
social existence. When Mr ZA Bhutto saw his throne tottering, he=20
brought Islam into play to try and save it, little realising that the=20
reasons for disenchantment with his rule lay elsewhere. Then General=20
Ziaul Haq consciously enacted laws that ghettoised not just=20
Pakistanis who were non-Muslims but also those who had denominational=20
differences with the fiqh he wanted to make the basis of legislation.=20
The Afghan war came as windfall for Zia=B9s enterprise. His deadly=20
legacy is the national schizophrenia with which we have to live today.
But that is not all. A further reason for the metastasisation of this=20
cancer has to do with the state=B9s national security policies. These=20
groups came in handy and were used to create trouble wherever it was=20
necessary to do so in the region. But even here the state signally=20
failed to control these proxies. Indeed, the handlers got=20
ideologically involved with these elements, creating other problems.
The situation has reached a head. When General Pervez Musharraf was=20
forced to make a turnaround first on Sept 13 and, later, on Jan 12,=20
the state tried to break itself free of these elements. But that was=20
easier said than done. What we are witnessing today is the blowback.=20
General Musharraf=B9s other enterprise, of putting the mainstream=20
political parties down, is no help either because it stops him from=20
opening a front where it is necessary to do so. His joint electorate=20
scheme, commendable generally, has unfortunately again singled out=20
the Ahmadiya from the country=B9s mainstream. Now there also seems to=20
be a backtracking on the commitment he gave the international=20
community that he would permanently block the jihadi route to Kashmir.
General Musharraf is living with too many contradictions and trying=20
to juggle too many balls. Clearly, this cannot be called a stable=20
situation. There is need to review the policies even as the state=20
moves in to tackle this problem in the short-term as a law and order=20
situation. In the longer term it relates to taking measures to remove=20
all discriminatory laws from the statutes books and bringing the=20
so-called minorities back into the mainstream. Let us give them back=20
their Pakistani identity.

_____

#4.

The News on Sunday
Sunday, September 22, 2002

A history of their own

By Dr Tariq Rahman

For a long time, well-meaning people in both India and Pakistan have=20
been concerned with the school textbooks in both countries. In=20
Pakistan several scholars, including historian K K Aziz and=20
sociologist Rubina Saigol have pointed out that our textbooks are=20
propagandist. These books distort facts to create hatred against=20
India and the Hindus. They also attempt to brainwash children into=20
supporting aggressive policies and glorify war and the military.

On the Indian side some scholars, including famous historian Romila=20
Thapar, have protested against increasing 'saffronisation' -- that=20
is,. the rewriting of history from the point of view of the extremist=20
Hindu lobby, which results in creating hatred for Pakistan in=20
particular and the Muslims in general. The ruling Bharatia Janata=20
Party is said to support this project but the efforts of some=20
scholars have impeded it.

The book under review is another such effort. But it is not an appeal=20
to the government or the public to do this or that. It is a scholarly=20
analysis of how history is represented in the school textbooks of=20
Pakistan and India. From this, of course, we are meant to draw=20
lessons and possibly make efforts to write different kind of=20
textbooks. To understand what is wrong with the textbooks and why,=20
this analysis, however, is necessary.

Krishna Kumar, a known scholar, is Professor of Education at Delhi=20
University. He has already come up with insightful studies of=20
violence and educational process with special reference to India. In=20
this book he compares the history textbooks of both Pakistan and=20
India with focus on the freedom struggle and Kashmir.

He made students write essays on the same topics in both countries=20
and also talked to school children while researching for the book.=20
With this data base he uses the comparative method to find out what=20
imperatives make the writers of textbooks focus upon some subjects=20
and ignore others; look at the same events and interpreting them=20
differently; and, finally, how the pupils feel about these events.

First, he says, the school textbooks are not written so as to enhance=20
historical understanding. Their function is to make the pupil a=20
citizen. This means that the state's power project and the rationale=20
on which it is based takes precedence over the truth.

Secondly, according to him, history is written with "a deep awareness=20
of the 'Other'". Pakistan is the 'Other' for India as India is the=20
'Other' for Pakistan. Even more to the point, India is seen as=20
'Hindu' though, of course, it has a large number of Muslims and Sikhs=20
as well. However, since this 'Othering' requires sharp stereotypes,=20
it ignores complexities and concentrates on some essential points=20
which may be highly distorted or simply untrue.

Krishna Kumar points out that India and Pakistan both have different=20
narratives of the freedom movement which happen to be rival=20
discourses. These narratives have three features: the polities of=20
mention, the pacing and the conception of the end. The first feature=20
refers to which event or personality is mentioned. While India's=20
textbooks name a certain set of events or personalities, Pakistan's=20
prefer another set. The choice of whom to include and whom to exclude=20
is political in the sense that it is meant to serve the state's=20
ultimate political rationale, that is, what kind of image it wants to=20
project to the public and what reasons it offers for existing at all=20
or being the state it says it is.

The term 'pacing', as used by the author, refers to the pace at which=20
the book moves from event to event. This pace is generally fast but=20
whether it is faster when moving from events which do not fit in with=20
one's political rationale, or legitimising myths, is a political or=20
ideological decision. Thus in both countries the pace is hastened or=20
slowed down to justify the image one wants to present.

As for the third feature, it refers to the point where history=20
textbooks stop. In India it is generally 1947 when independence took=20
place while in Pakistan the history of the new country is also=20
included.

After establishing the theoretical framework, Dr Kumar goes on to=20
discuss the treatment of specific events (the anti-British uprising=20
of 1857, the Khilafat Movement, the Congress ministries, riots and=20
partition etc). He tells us that the tendency in both India and=20
Pakistan is to call 1857 a 'war of Independence'. This is done by=20
suppressing many inconvenient facts: that most of the Indian rulers=20
did not fight against the British; that many eminent Indians --=20
including poet Ghalib and the reformer Sir Syed Ahmed Khan -- were=20
against the anti-British fighting (they called it 'ghadar,' the=20
mutiny). For Pakistani textbook writers there is the further=20
embarrassment of Punjab and the North West Frontier Province having=20
sent soldiers to suppress the anti-British forces. But such facts are=20
ignored, suppressed, rapidly paced over and very often changed in the=20
process.

After this the Indian historians turn to constructing a composite=20
Indian nationalism ignoring the dissident voices of the Muslim League=20
which is mentioned in passing only when it becomes impossible to=20
ignore it. The Pakistani historians begin demonising the Hindus,=20
ignoring the many friendships and ties with them which existed at all=20
levels in society. Moreover, the fact that Lakshmi Bai (the Rani of=20
Jhansi), Tantea Tope and many other anti-British fighters of 1857=20
were Hindus finds passing mention, if at all, in Pakistani texts.

Both Indian and Pakistani historians also have broad all-encompassing=20
conspiracy theories about the freedom movement. Indian historians=20
refer to the theory of 'divide and rule' which states that the=20
British, in order to continue ruling over South Asia, divided the=20
Hindusand the Muslims so that both would not combine to throw them=20
out. A corollary of this theory is that the British favoured the=20
Muslims finally, even dividing India to show their hatred for the=20
Congress which had fought to throw them out. The Pakistani conspiracy=20
theory is that the British and the Hindus conspired to deprive the=20
Muslims of their legitimate share of resources, jobs and power. The=20
Muslim League, under the leadership of Quaid-e-Azam Muhammad Ali=20
Jinnah, defeated this conspiracy and wrested Pakistan out of the=20
British and the Hindu hands.

Most of the decisions of what to include, and what to exclude, and=20
what pace to follow is ultimately controlled by these conspiracy=20
theories which are part of the master narratives of both countries.=20
This ensures that children in India do not understand the nature of=20
the demands of the Muslims. They either become confused about them or=20
believe that it is in the 'nature' of the Muslims to betray high=20
ideals. In Pakistan children learn that the Hindus, as well as the=20
British, are Machiavellian and anti-Muslim. This kind of thinking=20
makes for increased antagonism between the two countries.

Children's essays included in chapter 11 reflect this antagonism.=20
Kashmir is a greater issue for those children who believe that India=20
is a Hindu and not a pluralist nation in both India and Pakistan.=20
Others in India are disenchanted and weary, while Pakistanis from=20
elitist English-medium institution are less hardliners (this,=20
incidentally is confirmed by my survey of children's opinions in my=20
book Language, Ideology and Power).

What is worrying is Krishna Kumar's contention that college and=20
university campuses have taken a rightward turn in both India and=20
Pakistan since the 1980s.

The author ends the book by arguing that history be rewritten so that=20
it should be a shared discourse. This, of course, is what we need but=20
I doubt whether this is possible for the majority of our children who=20
are in state schools. The state in both Pakistan and India seems to=20
need the 'Other' and history is used for this 'Othering'. Thus,=20
unless objective conditions change first, it does not seem likely=20
that any substantial change will occur by merely changing some=20
history books. Krishna Kumar is aware of this but he is right to have=20
written a very insightful book which will provide us with a roadmap=20
of what to look for in history if we ever create 'history for=20
understanding and peace' -- something which I, like Professor Kumar,=20
ardently desire.

_____

#5.

Well known demographer, public health activist and feminist Dr.=20
Malini Karkal expired this morning [28 September 2002] in Bombay.

Dr. Karkal worked for many years at the International Institute for=20
Population Sciences, Bombay. She was a demographer who looked at=20
human beings and not merely the numbers counting them. She also=20
constantly emphasised the importance of looking at quality of life=20
rather than talk in terms of numbers while discussing the issue of=20
population.

Although she retired from formal institutions almost fifteen years=20
ago, she has ceaselessly worked in popularising demography. She has=20
written innumerable academic papers as well as articles for English=20
and Marathi newspapers and periodicals. her work in generating a=20
critique of national and international population policies from this=20
perspective of looking beyond numbers and at quality of life, has=20
been acknowledged worldwide and has also had a positive impact on=20
decision making processes.

As part of the campaign against sex determination and sex=20
preselection tests, she brought to notice the connection between the=20
widespread prevalence of these and the apparent sanction to it=20
through the government's policy of NRR1 -- which meant achieving=20
replacement of=A0every reproductive woman by one woman.She has also=20
worked extensively on the issues of reproductive health like on long=20
acting contraceptives, abortion, morbidity studies for women to name=20
a few.

She is survived by her ideas, work, dreams and a large number of=20
friends, supporters and admirers.

Forum for Women's Health, Bombay.

_____

#6.

Rediff.com
September 28, 2002

Dilip D'Souza

And The Games Played On

>From outside my home, as I write this, come the roared cheers and "Howzats=
"
of an impromptu street cricket match. Down the road, for two rare souls who
seem to dislike cricket, it's badminton. The corner fruit-seller has covere=
d
up his cart and lies on the ground beside it. He did not dare try selling
anything today; the lack of business, he says, means he is unsure about
eating today. (Besides his own fruit). On a far more massive scale than his
economic loss is that to my city and my country: Rs 1.3 billion and Rs 100
billion respectively, industry figures told The Times of India.

How much is Rs 100 billion? One way of putting it in perspective: it's twic=
e
what we are paying to Russia for the aircraft carrier Admiral Gorshkov.
(Aside: forgive me, it is actually free. We only agreed to pay $1 billion t=
o
"refurbish" it. See my column But The Aircraft Carrier is Free).

So here we are: in what its organisers called a "total and spontaneous"
bandh to express outrage and grief over the atrocity in Gandhinagar, the
country's economy suffers a loss equal to two aircraft carriers. Slap this
loss on top of what happened the previous day in Gujarat, largely shut down
by yet another bandh. As a friend wrote in a note he circulated:

'There is a large group of Indians who are eager to complete the agenda of
the terrorists. The VHP and the Shiv Sena have played this despicable role
of acting as the implementors of the wishes of India's enemies by calling
for an India bandh...'

And if that's not bad enough, the most visible signs of the outrage and
grief we are being asked to feel are cricket matches on empty streets.

Yes, on the Wednesday and Thursday following the massacre of over forty
brother and sister Indians, we found two ways to grieve for them: playing
games and choosing to bleed our country ourselves. What do you think, would
they have wanted to be remembered like that?

As you ponder that, consider a few choice ingredients you can add to this
odd mixture.

First, I'm losing count of the number of people who write me angry mail
about the holidays on our calendar. The lack of "Hindu" holidays, they say,
is yet another way Hinduism is "being denigrated" (really). You can note
that our calendar is already crowded with holidays for such occasions as
Holi, Diwali, Janmashtami, Dassehra, Gudi Padwa, Navratri, and Ganesh
Chaturthi, with many more regional variations. But I wonder how giving a
country even more opportunities to laze about at home amounts to respect fo=
r
a religion. For anything. Then there's a bandh as an apparent mark of
respect to 44 murdered Indians, and I wonder no more. Or I wonder some more=
.

Second, why did we not experience bandhs after -- oh, let's pick three
occasions at random -- the massacre of 3,000 Indians in Delhi in 1984, the
massacre of 1,000 more Indians in Bombay in 1992-93, and the massacre of
another 1,000 more Indians across Gujarat in February and March this year?
After all, those were terrorist attacks, assaults on our country, exactly a=
s
much as the slaughter at Akshardham was. Why did we not to choose to grieve
for those several thousand murdered countrymen by shutting down the country
and playing street cricket? (I'm grateful we did not, I'm just asking why).

Third, these bandhs were orchestrated by the very organisations accused of
having blood on their hands from those three random occasions: the Congress
in 1984, also in 1992-93 (Gujarat bandh on Wednesday); the Shiv Sena in
1992-93 and the VHP in 2002 (India bandh on Thursday). What value must we
place, then, on their proclaimed grief over the attack on Indians in
Gandhinagar?

Fourth, from the chief minister of Gujarat to the home and prime ministers
of the country, much ministerial and bureaucratic talk blamed Pakistan for
Gandhinagar. 'The terrorists either belong[ed] to PoK or the neighbouring
enemy nation,' said the chief minister. In what appears to be a serious
report out of Ahmedabad (Times, Friday), officials have 'ruled out the
possibility of the two terrorists being local Gujaratis.' Ah, good; but on
what evidence did they do this ruling out? 'One usually expect(s) tosee the
bodies of well-built, weather-beaten militants with hardy hands. Instead,
what they had seen were two young boys who did not even have stubble on
their faces.' No stubble, therefore Pakistan.

Yes, this appears to be a serious report.

Aside: on this day for street games, I wonder what kind of evidence they us=
e
across our Western border. On Wednesday, not even a day after Gandhinagar,
seven Pakistanis at the Institute of Peace and Justice in Karachi were tied
up, gagged and shot dead. The Inspector General of Sindh told the press:
'Apparently, it was an act of terrorism... there was a possibility of RAW
hand in this ugly incident.' Other 'analysts' (who they were, this
particular serious report does not say) 'opined that [RAW] might have
engineered this gruesome murder of seven Christians to distract world
attention from the communal killings in India.' No stubble in Gandhinagar,
therefore point to Pakistan. What did or didn't they find in Karachi that
pointed to India? End of aside.

Fifth, why the urgent ministerial urge to blame Pakistan, to proclaim that
the two thugs were not Gujaratis? Because then the ministers can dismiss th=
e
most obvious reason we ordinary folks might ascribe the Gandhinagar crime
to: it was in retaliation for the 1,000 massacred in Gujarat in February an=
d
March. You see, retaliation for the horror of Godhra was 'justified' and 'a=
n
understandable reaction.' But retaliation for that retaliatory horror? No
way! Because acknowledging it as even a possibility would mean it too is
'justified' and 'an understandable reaction.' Therefore, quickly blame
Pakistan.

Sixth, but most important: some among us chose to express our feelings afte=
r
Gandhinagar in ways other than bleeding the country. I can do no better tha=
n
end this with what one of them, my good friend and inspiration Deepika,
wrote today.

Why I walked to work

On Thursday 26 of September 2002 I walked to work.

I walked because a national bandh was called by the so-called powers that
be. And there were no buses, trains or taxis to take. Because two terrorist=
s
entered the Swami Narayan Temple and killed several innocent people. The
terrorists claimed that they did it to take revenge on what happened in
Gujarat post Godhra.

I see very little difference between Bush, Osama, Musharraf, Modi, Advani o=
r
Thackeray. Each one claims to offer retaliation as a form of retribution.
Retribution where only innocent people's lives and livelihoods are
irrevocably hurt and futures threatened. Where Singhal's threat to replicat=
e
the 'experiment of Gujarat' hangs over us all.

I walked because I wonder whether it would be easier to die in a communal
frenzy or in a bomb attack of a suicide bomber.

And I wonder whether the 'Government of India' has any plans to fight the
terrorists within its institutional folds or do they feel that they can
guard every temple, car or public place from future 'revenge
bombers/terrorists'.

I walked because I know that the Constitution of India assures every citize=
n
equality, fraternity and justice.

And because I believe that the Rule of Law and the idea of a Secular
Democratic state is what Tilak, Gandhi and others fought for, and if this i=
s
not what the present leaders elected or otherwise believe in, they should
not be allowed to stand for election or represent the people of India, and
need to be tried under the very laws they have created, for disturbing law
and order and threatening national peace and security.

I walked also because I know that in the face of all this violence and hate=
,
that the humanity of the ordinary Indian is still alive, maybe hidden like =
a
tuber but very much alive.

Even as I walked the few cars on the road stopped and asked if I needed a
lift. But I continued to walk along with hundreds of others -- ordinary
people like myself who refused to be intimidated, and who know that a futur=
e
for our country, our people and our children lies in health, jobs, educatio=
n
and conserving our environment. In justice and equality, not in wars, arms
or yatras.

_____

#7.

29 September 2002

Lightening strikes again

Najid Hussain
Violence is bad. But when it occurs in the name of religion, it is=20
despicable and should be condemned by everyone regardless of=20
religious affiliation or sympathy.

As someone who has lost a family member in the communal violence of=20
Gujarat, I understand exactly the agony and pain of those who have=20
lost their family members or friends in the Swaminarayan temple=20
shootout at Gandhinagar. For me and my family, it is suffering the=20
same pain and trauma all over again. Our heartfelt condolences and=20
commiserations to those who have lost their loved ones in this=20
senseless violence. Attacks on innocent people in itself is=20
abhorring. Attacking a place of worship is simply inexcusable. The=20
culprits must be found and punished with the severest of the=20
penalties allowed by law. May God also give the families of those=20
who are killed or injured, strength to cope with the pain and courage=20
to lead the path to peace and tranquility.

In the aftermath of the brutal killing of my father-in-law, Ahsan=20
Jafri, I had visited Gujarat to support other family members and=20
friends. During that time, I visited several relief camps in=20
Ahmedabad. Seeing me at the camp, hundreds of Muslim youth will=20
typically gather around me and detail me about how their family=20
members were targeted, brutalized and killed. Stories of rape,=20
mutilation and burning will repeat from person to person. During one=20
such meeting, as I was listening to their woes, an ambassador car=20
pulled in. A thirteen year old girl was taken out in semi conscious=20
condition. Her clothes were torn and blood stained. We were told=20
that her mother was killed and she was being raped and mutilated when=20
rescued. The pain of those around me suddenly got converted into=20
anger and a tide of revengeful talk broke out. There were shouts,=20
"we are not weak", "we can also show them our might", "we can also=20
rape their girls, kill their women and children", "and we will".....=A0

For several minutes, while the shouting continued, I did not speak.=20
I couldn't. I was also afraid to say something which could be=20
construed as insensitive or against the sentiments of the angry=20
youth. Giving them some more time to vent their anger, I raised my=20
hands in a gesture to say something. The gathering became silent.=20
The boy standing next to me, Qasam, twenty something, had lost his=20
wife and the child too. I asked him, "where is your son?" He=20
started crying. I asked the rest, "many of you had children; where=20
are they?" There was a quiet. Seeing the tide turned, I continued-=20
"What do you people want? Do you like it as it is- your children=20
dead- or you would have liked to see your children going to schools,=20
coming back home, giving you hugs and giving your lives a purpose?"=20
Still quiet. Sobs could be heard now. It did not take much time, or=20
the effort to take them away from the mindset they were entering- the=20
mindset of revenge which may take away many more innocent lives=20
including their own.=A0

I realized the need to engage those youth with positive talks and=20
agenda several more times in the coming days to make that change we=20
seem to have achieved permanent. The fact that I was not going to=20
return to that camp again was troubling. My biggest worry at that=20
time was about the next day or the day after when I will be gone and=20
those boys again will come in contact with the elements of other=20
extremist groups and organizations, who will challenge them with=20
their hateful agenda and rhetoric of revenge. Also troubling was the=20
fact that there were too many camps where the youth and others who=20
have suffered needed proper counseling. Today, hearing about the=20
carnage at Swaminarayan temple, although I still don't know who=20
carried out the shooting, I am afraid that my worst fears are going=20
to come true. The bandhs' declared by the political parties, just as=20
they were in the aftermath of Godhra incident, are giving me and many=20
of my friends and colleagues, sleepless nights. I appeal to the=20
people on either side of the communal divide to uphold peace and=20
avoid temptation for retaliation, or revenge. Remember what Buddha=20
has said, "We will not be punished for our anger. We will be=20
punished by our anger." Let us not punish ourselves any more than=20
what we already have.=A0

As I have found and many know it, it is not difficult to change the=20
mindset of the ordinary people. Let us change it for the good of our=20
people regardless of their religion or race. Let us not allow=20
several groups who see the opportunity in further fanning the=20
communal fire for personal or political benefit. It is a challenge=20
to our intellectuals and social workers to start the campaign of=20
educating our fellow brothers and sisters to be positive. If we=20
fight extremism with extremism, what will remain will only be=20
extremism. Let us not allow that. In the face of what has just=20
happened in Gandhinagar, that task has become that much more=20
difficult. But let us take the challenge to ensure the law prevails=20
and justice served.

_____

#8.

Dear Friends,

Mr Virendra Prakash, the author of Hindutva Demystified, will be in=20
US from October 6th-till December end, 2002.
I think this is a very good opportunity to invite him and organise=20
his lectures around the theme of communalism. The exact themes you=20
can work out with him directly.
He will be in Washington 6=AD11 and Atlanta 12=AD16 October and then back=20
in Washington till end December.
You will have to look after his internal travel and he can stay with=20
any of you.
I am pasting below info on him and you will realise that coming from=20
him , it will have a lot more impact. He will need power point for=20
his presentation. He is a wonderful and very effective speaker.It=20
will also be very good in keeping the pressure on and getting more=20
stories in the US media.His e-mail: viren1204@y... and his=20
telephone in Washington-301 588 5183
Sincerely
Shabnam Hashmi

Virendra Prakash ( b. 1937), Master=B9s from Harvard, a Master=B9s in=20
Economics from Agra and Bachelor=B9s in Science from Lucknow.
A senior administrator, he retired as Secretary to the Government of=20
India, having served in the Capital of India as Chief Secretary,=20
Municipal Commissioner, Development Commissioner among others. Post=20
retirement he headed Delhi=B9s first Finance Commission. In his long=20
years in Delhi, he gained, by close association, keen insight into=20
the minds of some of the top guns of the Sangh Parivar.

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