[sacw] SACW | 15 Oct. 02

Harsh Kapoor aiindex@mnet.fr
Tue, 15 Oct 2002 03:26:43 +0100


South Asia Citizens Wire | 15 October 2002

__________________________

#1. US in Iraq: Not in Our Name (Angana Chatterji)
#2. Children in the post-conflict Gujarat (Satchit Balsari)
#3. India paying a heavy price for giving up its battle against=20
social evils sanctioned by tradition and religion. (Praful Bidwai)
#4. Trupti Shah & Rohit Prajapati - Averting Riots The Tandalja Way=20
(Johannes and Nandini Manjrekar)
#5. A yatra of shame (A.G. Noorani)
#6. India: Public Discussion on current Gujarat Political situation=20
and screening of
A short film "Akrosh" on social impact of Gujarat violence (16=20
October , Bombay)
#7. Conference on Understanding Prejudice in the Indian Psyche ( Nov., Bomb=
ay)

__________________________

#1.

Op-ed, The Asian Age, Daily Newspaper, New Delhi, October 13, 2002.

US in Iraq: Not in Our Name
By Angana Chatterji

Not in our name. The cry reverberates across the United States, as=20
thousands demonstrate their dissent against a US war with Iraq.=20
Republicans, Democrats, Greens, trade unionists, left, right, center,=20
students, Muslims, Native Americans, Latin-Americans,=20
Asian-Americans, Jews, African-Americans, Buddhists, Jains,=20
European-Americans, Gay, Lesbian, Transgender people, Christians,=20
refugees, artists, white and blue collar workers, the homeless and=20
working poor, Atheists, Hindus, Sikhs, Bahais, government workers,=20
small business owners, musicians, writers, Goddess worshippers, dock=20
workers, teachers, reporters =AD not in our name.

Is the US government=B9s impending war with Iraq connected to weapons=20
inspections? Not long ago, this war was marketed as a response to=20
Iraq=B9s assistance of Al-Qaida. The impulse for war shifted as the US=20
government insisted that Iraq be attacked for amassing weapons of=20
mass destruction while refusing to allow weapons inspection.=20
Following Iraq=B9s agreement to unconditional inspection, the latest=20
reason for war is simply Saddam Hussein. The decision to attack Iraq=20
remains steadfast, the justification is refabricated. While critical=20
issues of oil supply from an increasingly distressed Saudi Arabia and=20
deflated Iraq remain, perhaps more important domestic reasons power=20
the US governments decision for this war. The nation=B9s gigantic=20
military-industrial complex requires continual conflict to legitimate=20
its immense costs and flex its power. It corrupts decency, condones=20
the death of innocent children, women and men. US sanctions have=20
already killed close to 500,000 children in Iraq, a reasonable price=20
to pay for protecting the free world, we are told. Inhumanity must=20
not become a nations legacy.

Americans, the people of the United States, are being asked to name=20
their enemies, but not ask what prompts such hostility. The people of=20
the United States are being asked to overlook the legacies of=20
colonization, irresponsible globalization and militarization that=20
have brutalized people the world over. They are asked to support the=20
sanctity of oil in determining policies connected to the Middle East,=20
but not question why relations with Saudi Arabia remain =8Cnormal=B9=20
while the US prepares to attack Iraq again.

Americans are told that to oppose the Israeli government=B9s oppression=20
of Palestinian peoples is anti-Semitic. They are asked to not make=20
distinctions between the Jewish people and the Israeli state, just as=20
they are asked to not make distinctions between the US government and=20
its people. Since when have =8Cthe people=B9 become their state?

The corporate media and an arrogant government ask Americans to=20
overlook the history of US support of dictatorships that have=20
fomented violent regimes in Asia, Africa and Latin America.=20
Disturbingly too, the war against terrorism is increasingly confused=20
with a prevailing worldwide contempt for Islam, enabling the bigoted=20
misinterpretation of Muslims as monolithic and violent across=20
differences of nation, class, politics, gender, race and culture.=20
Afghanistan, post-Taliban, is in ruins as the US and the=20
international community fail to provide adequate security and=20
resources for her reconstruction, strengthening regional warlords and=20
disabling Afghanistan's new government. The failure of human rights,=20
the violation of women, the disenfranchisement of returning refugees=20
continue. Such practice dishonors the commitment to fight terrorism.=20
Peace remains elusive because of a paucity of commitment to justice.

Within the framework of the campaign against terrorism, the executive=20
arm of the United States has increased its powers of surveillance and=20
interrogation, and expanded provisions of detention. This erodes the=20
scope of public scrutiny and the process of law, while narrowing=20
civil liberties. Extending similar jurisdiction to allied states, the=20
US and the European Union have remained silent on Russian=20
mistreatment in Chechnya. Egypt, Uzbekistan, Indonesia, Malaysia have=20
systematically stilled their commitments to democracy and secularism.=20
China has attempted to use the campaign against terror to justify its=20
repression of ethnic Uighurs in Xinjiang, including Muslim minorities=20
and peace advocates. The Government of India introduced the=20
Prevention of Terrorism Ordinance, a modified security law that=20
empowers the government to torture and detain minority groups and=20
political opponents alleged to engage in terrorism. Governments=20
worldwide, post 9/11, have utilized law and order to subjugate=20
opposition in the guise of fighting terrorism. The question =AD what=20
produces and defines terror is not asked, it is consecrated to the=20
custody of the state. It is of grave concern that democratic dissent=20
and free speech are increasingly languaged as anti-national where=20
=8Ctraitors=B9 must be disciplined.

The US citizenry is asked for an abiding loyalty to a government that=20
has shown no accountability. The attempt is to infantalize Americans=20
into silence. They are either for the ruler or against him.=20
Democratic processes are dispensed with while asserting a unilateral=20
right to invade other nations, to make regime changes, to violate=20
international law. Such hubris, as history reveals, accompanies=20
imperial power.

Meanwhile the other war of impoverishment and disenfranchisement=20
continues in the US. The shrinking wages of the American working=20
class, the increasing disrepair of rural life, escalating costs of=20
living in urban areas, single mothers without jobs that pay, children=20
without health care, schools without textbooks, women and men that=20
cannot afford a college education. Young African-American men fill=20
the prisons -- casualties of institutionalized racism. Countless=20
Vietnam veterans, hated by the right for losing and the left for=20
fighting, are homeless. Native Americans, on whose genocide this=20
nation was built, are forced into brutal dispossession as the state=20
systematically dishonors treaties made with native nations. In a=20
country of 288 million people, 35.6 million live below the poverty=20
level. Environmental pollution, endangered wildlife, nuclear tests,=20
sweatshops, toxic spills, gang wars, hunger, rising diseases. Well=20
kept secrets? The national economy is failing, foreign debt is about=20
$2.5 trillion, workers are being indiscriminately discharged under=20
circumstances that underscore corporate irresponsibility. This too is=20
life at the center of the empire. There are no plans for atonement.=20
Ever vigorous trade and war with an expanding number of peoples and=20
countries will not resolve internal crises. It is a tired strategy=20
that only compounds the disarray.

The horrors of September 11 have jolted the national fabric.=20
Hopefully its legacy is the awakening of new forms of American=20
citizenship =AD pro-active, pro-conscience, and affirmative of a global=20
commitment to human rights predicated on social justice. In the=20
center of empire named the United States of America, the people are=20
taking it to the streets.

Angana Chatterji is a professor of Social and Cultural Anthropology=20
at the California Institute of Integral Studies in San Francisco.

_____

#2.

Dr. Satchit Balsari, Harvard School of Public Health spent several=20
weeks in Gujarat, with a focus on the children there, post-conflict.=20
His observations are available at .
http://childreningujarat.tripod.com

Dr. Satchit Balsari, MBBS, MPH
Research Associate, Program on Humanitarian Crises
Harvard School of Public Health
651 Huntington Ave., 7th Floor
Boston, MA 02115

_____

#3.

October 25, 2002

Frontline Column: Beyond the Obvious

Praful Bidwai

Costly retreat from social reform

Indian society is paying a heavy price for giving up its battle=20
against social evils sanctioned by tradition and religion. The=20
commonest victims are women and Dalits, and the greatest casualties=20
are freedom and reason.
***********

Last December, the dusty village of Chakwara in Rajasthan, 50=20
kilometres from Jaipur shot into the limelight--for the second time=20
in 65 years. The first occasion was the mid-1930s, when the Bairwas,=20
a Dalit caste, defied the village savarnas, by cooking desi ghee=20
(clarified butter) which the casteist tradition forbids them from=20
doing: the substance is not only a =ECluxury=EE associated with savarna=20
consumption; it involves the cow, with its special status in the=20
Hindu sacred order.

The Bairwas paid heavily for this symbolic revolt. The upper castes=20
sacked their homes and poured dirt and dung into the ghee. The=20
government did nothing to punish them. Large parts of Rajputana of=20
the pre-Independence days were under the rule of Rajput feudal=20
princes who loathed social reform and had a stake in maintaining a=20
rigid caste hierarchy.

On December 14 last, the Bairwas committed another sacrilege when two=20
of them, Babulal and Radheshyam, bathed in the village pond at the=20
common ghats from which they are barred by parampara (tradition).=20
This time, the law was on the Bairwas=ED side. So was practical reason.=20
Chakwara=EDs Dalits, like its savarnas, have for decades contributed=20
funds to panchayat programmes (financed largely by the state) to=20
build and maintain the common ghats at the pond, as well as the Shiva=20
temple that stands by it. By rights, they should have access to this=20
common property resource.

Legally, the Dalits=ED exclusion from it is prohibited not just by=20
Article 17 of the Constitution abolishing =ECuntouchability=EE, but also=20
by the Protection of Civil Rights Act, 1955, and above all, the=20
Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes (Prevention of Atrocities) Act,=20
1989 (POA), which was written explicitly to provide exemplary=20
punishment to those who perpetrate abuse and violence upon Dalits, or=20
aid, abet or condone its perpetuation. Abuse is here defined=20
comprehensively, i.e., beyond name-calling and banning entry into=20
places of worship or ritual sites; it includes subtler forms of=20
discrimination too.

Despite its vastly enlarged powers and obligations in relation to the=20
1930s, the state did nothing last December. More accurately, the=20
district authorities and the police tried to gag the Bairwas by=20
preaching to them that they must respect parampara (tradition), and=20
not cross the =EClimits=EE it sanctifies--in other words, give up their=20
demand for access to the pond. They refused to act on the First=20
Information Report filed by Babulal and Radheshyam Bairwa on December=20
22--although the preceding eight days had witnessed extremely=20
disturbing events in the village, and although the POA obligates the=20
police to treat anti-Dalit discrimination as a cognisable offence=20
warranting arrest of the accused.

In those eight days, the Bairwas were subjected to vile abuse,=20
threats of a =ECbloodbath=EE, a nightly siege of their mohalla, stoning=20
of their homes, and a crippling social boycott. No savarna landowner=20
would employ them; they could not buy vegetables or a cup of tea in=20
the village; the local doctor would refuse to treat them; they would=20
be heckled at the village handpump.

On January 3, terrified, exhausted and subjugated, some of them were=20
forced by the savarnas--backed by the administration--to sign a=20
rajinama, a =ECcompromise=EE agreement, which effectively erased their=20
right to bathe in the pond. The agreement produced discontent and=20
resentment--which has simmered ever since.

In September, discontent culminated in another concerted effort by=20
the Bairwas to assert their rights. They planned a rally for=20
September 20-21 from another village, Chaksu, through the tehsil=20
headquarters Phagi, to Chakwara, in collaboration with other human=20
rights organisations, including Centre for Dalit Human Rights,=20
Jaipur, People=EDs Union of Civil Liberties, and Dr Ambedkar Vichar=20
Manch.

The savarnas, led by the Jats--who comprise about 200 of Chakwa's 500=20
households--decided to confront the Dalits =ECphysically=EE, i.e.,=20
violently. A menacing mob of 10-15,000 men armed with lathis, sticks=20
and gophans (slings which can deliver heavy stones over long=20
distances, often to grievous effect) gathered at Phagi. By 10:30=20
a.m., it was raring to go, defying the police. The Dalits, sensing=20
big trouble, and not assured of police neutrality, decided to=20
terminate their rally at Madhorajpura, rather than go to Phagi.

A major confrontation ensued between the savarnas who attacked the=20
police with a fury driven by raw caste hatred and lust for power,=20
combined with apprehension--fuelled by carefully planted=20
rumours--that the Dalits were about to =ECdesecrate=EE the village temple=20
too. The police had to use tear gas and open fire. More than 50=20
people were injured, including 44 policemen, some badly.

Today, the savarna-instigated confrontation has, ironically, pitted=20
the state machinery temporarily against them. The district=20
administration, under a new Collector, is pursuing complaints lodged=20
against the caste Hindus. The change in the power equations has=20
encouraged the Bairwas to bathe in the pond regularly. But the=20
savarnas have kept away from it since September 24--another =ECboycott=EE=20
to show their anger.

There has been no dialogue or process of reconciliation between the=20
savarnas and the Dalits in Chakwara or the other 200-odd villages in=20
the vicinity with significant Bairwa population. No high-level=20
government functionaries or politicians, nor even broad-based social=20
organisation, has intervened to break the savarnas=ED intransigence.=20
The seeming calm on the surface is partly explained by the presence=20
of the police and frequent visits by tehsil-level officials. Once=20
this presence thins--it cannot be permanent--the calm could give way=20
to turbulence.

Chakwara seethes with tension, fear, apprehension and anger. Unless=20
an initiative is launched for reconciliation, and reliable protection=20
is provided to the Dalits, there could be another explosion of=20
caste-Hindu violence--and a bloody carnage.

Rajasthan has witnessed numerous anti-Dalit atrocities, the worst of=20
which in the recent past was the massacre of 17 Jatavs in 1992 at=20
Kumher. The chairman of the State Human Rights Commission, Justice=20
Saghir Ahmed, told me that =ECthe caste situation in Rajasthan is=20
extremely bad, the Dalits are terribly insecure=EE. Rajasthan has a=20
dismal record of offences against the Dalits, with an annual average=20
of 5,024 crimes registered in the last three years. These include 46=20
killings, 134 rapes, and 93 cases of grievous injury--every year.

There is extensive discrimination against, and abuse of, Dalits in=20
all parts of Rajasthan. These abuses include name-calling and=20
practices such as prohibiting Dalit women from using footwear in the=20
village, denial of services like the barber=EDs, segregation of=20
schoolchildren, forcing Dalits to sit at the back of the classroom,=20
prohibition of rituals such as riding a horse during weddings, and=20
gross inequality in access to water and other common resources such=20
as village pastures and wasteland. There is systematic discrimination=20
in state-run employment-generation and drought-relief programmes.

The situation stands aggravated by the drought in Rajasthan which has=20
all but destroyed the kharif crop in rain-fed areas. Many Dalits=20
complain of biases in relief work allocation and payment of wages to=20
women well under the statutory minimum.

The religiously sanctified discrimination and violence are calculated=20
to perpetuate the hierarchical Hindu social order, freeze=20
inequalities, including inequality of opportunity, and preserve=20
conditions for upper caste-upper class exploitation of the lower=20
orders. None of this social bondage and servitude would have been=20
possible, even conceivable, without the mediation of =ECreligion=EE and=20
=ECtradition=EE.

It might be argued that =ECtradition=EE is often invented, distorted, and=20
tailored to suit contemporary power calculations. Equally, =ECreligion=EE=20
can be self-servingly interpreted, for instance, to legitimise the=20
varna system or practices that are grossly anti-women and=20
male-supremacist, or simply inhumane--e.g., like chopping off limbs=20
as =ECQuranic=EE or Sharia-based punishment, or pouring molten lead into=20
the ears of shudras who might chance to hear Vedic chants, as=20
supposedly prescribed by the Manusmriti. This may well be true up to=20
a point (although perhaps also largely false, except on a very=20
charitable view). It is also valid to argue against a literal=20
interpretation of the scriptures torn out of their social context in=20
antiquity or the Middle Ages.

However, invoking tradition is a poor way of arguing for any practice=20
or idea, however worthy, or defending or apologising for one that is=20
not. Arguments about what is right and wrong, and socially acceptable=20
or worthy, have to be derived from contemporary ethics,=20
constitutional principles and modern law--themselves linked to what=20
may be called a social compact or contract based on the universal=20
values of freedom, equality and justice. In the last instance,=20
vicious inequalities like those involved in varna or caste, or in the=20
devadasi system, violate these values. Their rationalisation is=20
always--indeed has to be--premised upon tradition, custom, or norms=20
of conduct sanctified by religion.

No humane and just society can possibly evolve without a critical=20
attitude to tradition and faith. It may not reject tradition per se,=20
but it can only accept that part of it which meets elementary=20
criteria derived from today=EDs standards, from modern ethics and ideas=20
of justice. This premise is at the very core of India=EDs great=20
movement for social reform, which was an integral part of the Freedom=20
Movement, indeed in some respects preceded it and infused social=20
content into its political goals.

One of India=EDs greatest tragedies is that social reform has been put=20
on the backburner not just by the political leadership, but even by=20
progressive social forces, including the liberal intelligentsia,=20
since the 1940s. With the eclipse of the Nehruvian consensus, the=20
vacuum has been increasingly filled by ultra-conservative and=20
reactionary ideologies and movements, which invoke =ECtradition=EE=20
(usually its worst, most intolerant and illiberal aspects) to oppose=20
the values of equality, justice and social emancipation.

Hindutva is the most pernicious manifestation of this trend. But=20
there are other expressions too: the explosion of superstition all=20
around us, the growth of irrationalism, mumbo-jumbo methods of=20
healing, snake-oil remedies, and rising interest in the occult, and=20
spread of horribly obscurantist notions such as, the Vedas had it=20
all, and Indian (=ECAryan=EE) civilisation is =ECeternal=EEthe greatest in=
=20
history, indeed the only great one.

Increasingly, these views and practices intrude into the public space=20
through examples set by people in high places. Thus, Vice-President=20
B.S. Shekhawat thinks it is =ECnormal=EE that he should delay moving into=20
his designated official residence till the present shraddha month=20
(according to one of many calendars) ends; that he must bring his=20
favourite cows into the compound, for which it is being redesigned at=20
public expense; and that he should have been weighed in blood. This=20
last episode occurred, according to the Hindustan Times, in=20
Sriganganagar in Rajasthan on September 12, when 150 sachets of=20
frozen blood were brought in from blood banks by Shekhawat=EDs=20
admirers. The story has not been convincingly denied. Local sources=20
independently confirm it.

Earlier, L.K. Advani condoned gory blood-based rituals during his=20
infamous rath yatra. And as for Murli Manohar Joshi, too much has=20
been written of his wildly obscurantist views to bear repetition. The=20
plain truth is that thoroughly irrational ideas like Vedic=20
mathematics and astrology, derived from blind faith in sanctified=20
tradition now enjoy a respectability they have never before=20
had--certainly not in Modern India=EDs public discourse.

Each time a caste panchayat burns a couple alive for violating=20
=ECcustoms=EE, each time an unspeakably barbaric punishment like gang=20
rape is imposed upon woman suspected of having an extramarital=20
affair--and it is always the women who is singled out for=20
Neanderthal-level retribution--, each time a Dalit bridegroom is set=20
upon for having had the audacity to mount a horse, each time there is=20
sati, the rationalisation always comes from zealous proponents of=20
=ECtradition=EE, often offered as a cure for =ECmodern=EE society. These=20
proponents now include even the higher judiciary--witness the 1996=20
Hindutva-as-a-way-of-life Supreme Court judgment, the NCERT textbook=20
case, or the Rajasthan High Court=EDs recent order more or less=20
permitting sati worship.

Such retrograde trends have gathered great momentum under the rule of=20
the sangh parivar and the wicked ideas of hierarchy and inequality it=20
canvasses. Unless they are spiritedly combated, they bid fair to turn=20
India into the world=EDs cultural and intellectual backwater--a dark=20
region where the majority of the people will never be allowed to=20
break out of social bondage and the stranglehold of ignorance and=20
superstition--and hence to develop their true human potential and=20
become arbiters of their own fate.--end--

_____

#4.

FACE TO FACE : TRUPTI SHAH & ROHIT PRAJAPATI
AVERTING RIOTS THE TANDALJA WAY BY JOHANNES AND
NANDINI MANJREKAR
IN "ONE INDIA ONE PEOPLE" The Magazine for a Great
Strong United India (October 2002]
_______________________________________________________
While the rest of Vadodara City was engulfed in
Violence in week following the Godhra outrage,
Tandalja, an area with about 40,000 residents in some
50 housing colonies and slums, resolutely resisted all
attempts to foment trouble. People from various
socio-economic classes have moved to Tandalja from the
=EB90s.
_______________________________________________________

When the trouble started, what was the reaction of the
local people ?

Rohit : There was a great deal of fear. Both Hindu and
Muslims were terrified by all that was happening.
Refugees started streaming into the area from the
first day, bringing fist-hand accounts of the
violence. Almost all the Muslims have had family
members injured or killed and suffered loss of
property.

How did you initiate the effort to maintain peace in
Tandalja ?

Trupti : On the second day (February 28) we had a
meeting with people from one of the Hindu housing
societies. A meeting was arranged the next day with
representatives from a number of other societies,
which we attended. After this it was decided that a
communication system would be set up - a few people
from different societies and localities, were
identified as contacts in case of any tension or
apprehension. This system worked well in keeping
channels of communication open and in dissipating
rumours and tensions.

Rohit : The idea was that Hindus and Muslims would
inform each other in case there was any trouble
anticipated, if there were unknown people in the area
and so forth. We stressed the fact that whatever
happen in our area. As a result Tandalja was under
curfew only for the fires four-five days even as the
rest of the city remained so for long periods.

Trupti : In fact, both sided realised that it was in
their own interest to preserve the peace in the area.
It was perhaps more a pragmatic attitude than one
arising from a sense of communal harmony. At the same
time, It must be said that a number of Hindus came
forward to make substantial contributions to relief
when the refugees started coming in.

Wasn=EDt there a demand at one stage that Tandalja be
declared a disturbed area ?

Trupti : Yes, that demand came not from Hindu
societies in Tandalja, but from upper class societies
located further away. They submitted a memorandum to
the Collector. It was ironic as well as absurd that
such a demand should be made with respect to the one
part of Vadodara which had remained peaceful.

Rohit : In fact, the Tandalja experience could have
been used positively to promote peace in the city=D6=D6

Are Hindus leaving Tandalja ?

Rohit : In the prevailing situation of communal
polarisation, this has been happening here too as in
many places in Gujarat. Indeed, some of the more
affluent Hindu families have left or are considering
moving out. But most do not have this choice. On the
other hand, many Muslims from affected areas of the
city are buying or looking for places in the are
because they feel Tandalja is safer.

What would you say are the lessons from this
experience ? How can others work in the community both
in crisis situation like the one immediately following
February 27 as well as on a more sustained basis ?

Trupti : A non-partisan image is important. One of the
reasons we were accepted by people was that we were
known not to be in electoral politics. People have to
be able to identify with anyone wishing to work among
them, they must be seen as one of them. We were both
clear that we should be seen to be independent of
party affiliations.

Rohit : The most important thing is to be seen to be
part of the community, to share its concerns and
problems. The second thing is that we must give people
the space to talk, to express themselves freely. If we
go to people with our own agendas, to convince them of
something we feel they must believe in, if we are not
prepared to listen to them, we will not get very far.
Above all, in a crisis situation it is very important
to be able to reassure people when they panic, to
appear in control of the situation.

It must have been very difficult. There must have
been so much pressure on you, staying up nights having
meeting, dealing with the insecurities of your own
child in this situation.

Rohit : Yes, it was difficult at times, the situation
was so volatile that we were not always sure of how
things could go. Another factor was that people knew
that we could get in touch with the city
administration, and exert some pressure on them to
act.

Trupti : It wasn=EDt easy for our eight-year-old so; we
tried to spare him some of the tensions. We always mad
sure that he was asleep before people started
gathering for the night vigils.

What is the mood now in the wake of the elections ?

Rohit : There is a sense of injustice among Muslims.
On the whole, one must say that the Muslim community
has reacted with a great deal of dignity and
restraint. One theme that was emerged from our
discussion is that violence and counter-violence can
never be a solution, that long-term political
solutions area essential for improving the situation.

What about the Hindu residents - were they under
pressure ?

Trupti : the local Hindutva organisations kept up
strong pressure. Even till the end of April. Constant
vigilance has been necessary throughout, and there
were many occasions when minor tensions and situations
with the potential for creating trouble had to be
defused. But after the experience of the past months,
there is an increased confidence in the ability of the
community to maintain peace. And definitely a sense of
pride too =D6.

Rohit : Communal polarisation, which the Hindutva
organisations have been working to build up in Gujarat
over the past 10 years or so, has reached serious
proportions. We cannot expect it to go away for a long
time. Our experience has shown us that we have to keep
working with people.

Trupti : Cultural work is very important in these
efforts. We have to strengthen our cultural resource
to be able to counter Hindutva propaganda.
_______________________________________________________
=85 Rohit Prajapati and Trupti Shah who live in Patrakar
Colony in Tandalja, area well-known social activist in
the area - Trupti Shah is with Sahiyar (Stree
Sanghatan), and Rohit is active with Vadodara Kamdar
Union and Paryavaran Suraksha Samiti. Both are active
members of the PUCL-Vadodara Shanti Abhiyan.
=85 Johannes and Nandini Manjrekar interviewed Rohit and
Trupti about their experience working with the
community to maintain peace while other areas of city
were in the grips of violence.
=85 Johannes and Nandini Manjrekar work at M. S.
University of Baroda and are members of Vadodara
Shanti Abhiyan. ( For more detailed report on
Tandalja, see Violence in Vadodara - A Report at
www.onlinevolunteers.org/gujarat/report/vv_chepter4.pdf)

_____

#5.

Tuesday, October 15, 2002
HindustanTimes.com

A yatra of shame
By A.G. Noorani

The media was, understandably, indulgent towards Morarji Desai. His=20
foibles, failings and distinctive tastes in libations were dismissed=20
in jest. But women=B9s groups were not so indulgent when he made one of=20
his sweeping remarks with characteristic assurance. Women politicians=20
tend to be autocratic, he said. Witness Indira Gandhi, Sirimavo=20
Bandaranaike and Golda Meir. He added, with prophetic accuracy, that=20
Margaret Thatcher would also be autocratic. As the clamour mounted,=20
Morarji met the agitators half way; or, so he thought. He said he=20
would apologise; but, only to foreign women. None could resist this=20
delightful evasion.

It is, however, not amusing but disgusting to find the prime minister=20
of India and his deputy expressing contrition abroad for the Gujarat=20
massacres, while defending Narendra Modi at home. Atal Bihari=20
Vajpayee won undying fame for his speech at Goa on April 12. But, he=20
said in New York on September 13, with poetic delicacy, that the=20
Gujarat riots were =B3not good=B2. He amplified, though, that =B3a=20
situation should not be created at home which forces us to bow our=20
heads in shame before others (abroad)=B2.

Lal Krishna Advani hailed Modi in the Lok Sabha on July 24 as the=20
chief minister who had done the best job in the last 50 years in=20
handling the riots. In London on August 22, he said: =B3Gujarat is a=20
blot on the government (sic). It is indefensible. I just cannot=20
defend it. We (the PM and himself) were just outraged and shocked by=20
the violence.=B2

On September 8, Narendra Modi launched his Gaurav Yatra. A week=20
later, Advani, having returned to his home turf, lauded Modi=B9s Gaurav=20
Yatra in New Delhi on September 15. All this time Modi has been busy=20
delivering inflammatory speeches against Muslims, and transferring=20
officials who did their duty by the law. On June 9, he said that no=20
funds would be released for rebuilding Muslim shrines demolished=20
during the killings. That goes also for the historic shrine of the=20
great Urdu poet, Vali Gujarati, in Ahmedabad, right opposite the=20
police HQ. At all stop-overs during the third leg of his yatra, Modi=20
kept reminding the tribals in south Gujarat about Godhra.

The PM and his deputy do not enhance the country=B9s gaurav (pride) =8B=20
or, for that matter their own =8B by delivering apologies abroad and=20
apologias of Modi at home. The latter are coupled with a total=20
indifference to the task of relief and rehabilitation. Not even words=20
of sympathy are spread for the victims. They are treated, instead, to=20
the Centre=B9s unqualified support for the chief minister, whom they=20
loathe; and not they alone either.

The Gaurav Yatra must be viewed in its context. Ironically, Advani=20
did so, though he defined its objective wrongly as enhancement of the=20
state=B9s gaurav (pride). Its objective, as everyone knows, was=20
political. It was to shore up the credibility of a discredited Modi.=20
There is another aspect to it and, indeed, to all such yatras. They=20
are meant to deliver a message to opponents by a massive show of=20
force. Protestants in Northern Ireland insist on marching in=20
procession to celebrate William of Orange=B9s victory over James II in=20
1690. Had the Protestants not won, the English crown would have been=20
Roman Catholic. Northern Ireland was set aflame by such a march on=20
August 12, 1969. Its peace was shattered for three decades till the=20
Good Friday Agreement of 1998. It is in none too good a shape now,=20
either.

What happened on August 12, 1969, is set out in the Report of the=20
Tribunal of Inquiry headed by one of the greatest judges of the last=20
century, Lord Scarman: =B3As the long columns, three deep, with its=20
bands and regalia moved through the streets, it evoked a sense of=20
pride and triumph in Protestant hearts, but a feeling of irritation=20
and frustration in some of the Catholics. In the sultry communal=20
climate of August 1969, its length, its noise and the unrestrained=20
defiance of a few of its supporters must have played on the nerves of=20
the Catholic youth along the processional route.=B2 A gesture of=20
contempt by some members of an otherwise orderly procession was all=20
that was needed to serve as a provocation. Missiles flew and riots=20
followed.

We know the ravages wrought by Advani=B9s rath yatra from Somnath to=20
Ayodhya; from September 25, 1990, till his arrest in Dhanbad on=20
October 23. Authentic figures are available of the numbers killed in=20
the riots that ensued en route, thanks to no small extent to his=20
supporters=B9 rhetoric. The then BJP president, Murli Manohar Joshi=B9s=20
Ekta Yatra to Srinagar in January 1992 helped only the militants=B9=20
cause.

The then Union Home Minister, S.B. Chavan=B9s statements left none in=20
doubt as to the gravity of the harm which Joshi=B9s yatra inflicted on=20
the national interest. On January 22, 1992, he said: =B3The tone and=20
tenor of the speeches raised during the yatra have led to=20
accentuating communal polarisation in some areas.=B2 This was before=20
the yatra had reached its sorry end. Two days later, he pointed out=20
that the security forces had to be diverted from positions in=20
sensitive areas on the border. It was =B3unfortunate=B2 that the=20
situation in the Valley, which had shown signs of improvement, had=20
once again deteriorated in view of the yatra, whose purpose was =B3to=20
gain political mileage=B2.

The day after Joshi had enacted his farce at Lal Chowk in Srinagar =8B=20
with official help =8B Chavan said that the yatra had united the=20
militants and the efforts to contain them had suffered a serious=20
=B3setback=B2.

The pattern is a familiar one and it was ably described by Roy=20
Jenkins, British Home Secretary, in the light of experience. In the=20
Thirties, fascists deliberately marched through the Jewish areas of=20
London. In the Seventies, the National Front marched through=20
immigrant areas. Both led to serious public disorder.

Speaking on the radio programme =8CThe World This Weekend=B9 on July 25,=20
1976, Roy Jenkins described the technique which such processionists=20
follow =8B =B3to stay just on the right side of the frontiers of the law,=20
while hoping by their provocative manner to provoke others into the=20
violence of language and action that will bring them the publicity=20
and advantage which can develop out of a general sense of disorder.=B2

That explains the Sangh parivar=B9s wilful insistence of marching=20
through Muslim areas. Ashok Singhal asserted at a mammoth rally in=20
New Delhi on April 4, 1991, at which Advani and other leaders of the=20
BJP, the RSS and the VHP were present, that =B3our Shobha Yatras=20
(religious processions) could pass through every locality=B2.

India has a forbidding record of communal riots triggered off by such=20
processions =8B the Ranchi riots of August, 1967; the Ahmedabad riots=20
of October, 1969; the Bhiwandi riots in May 1970; the Tellicherry=20
riots in December 1971; and the Jamshedpur riots in April 1979, right=20
down to the Varanasi riots in November, 1991. The pattern is clear =8B=20
provocative slogans in particular localities, predictable attacks on=20
the procession and predictable massive retaliation all over the place=20
for which preparations had been made well in advance.

Commissions of inquiry in all these cases have pondered over the=20
problem of the incendiary procession. Unless a non-partisan approach=20
is adopted, a solution will be hard to find. That quest should not be=20
abandoned because of the heinous crime perpetrated at the=20
Swaminarayan temple in Ahmedabad on September 24.

_____

#6.

Dear friends,

A senior Gandhian leader, Prakash Shah, convener of Lok Sangharsh=20
Samiti and movement for Secular Democracy (MSD) from Ahmedabad and=20
Rohit Prajapati, senior social activist from Baroda, will be=20
addressing press and gathering on 16th Oct. 2002 at 3:00 p.m. at=20
Press Club, Near Azad Maidan, V.T. [ Bombay, India] about current=20
Gujarat Political situation which has been organized by Jatin Desai.
A short film "Akrosh" on social impact of Gujarat violence will be=20
shown at the venue made by Yusuf Mehta, Ramesh Pimple and Geeta=20
Chawda from Ahmedabad and Shobha De, columnist and writer, will be=20
present at the time of screening of the film.
You are requested to kindly attend the meeting and spread word about=20
it to activists, friends and media people.

Regards,
For People's Media Initiative
Rumana Shaikh

_____

#7.

Conference on
Understanding Prejudice in the Indian Psyche
College of Arts, Science & Commerce
Department of Psychology [Bombay, India]

November 29-30, 2002
VES College of Arts, Science & Commerce
Sindhi Society, Chembur
Mumbai 400 071
Ph: 5227514/5227470
E mail: vespsych@y...

INTRODUCTION
India is a country characterized by heterogeneity. There are
differences along the lines of community and religion, social class,
gender, and ethnicity. While these differences add to the rich
diversity of Indian culture, they also have the potential to rip
asunder the social fabric of the nation. Recent events have provided
ample evidence of the impact of these divisions in our society. For
example, the disturbances caused due to the reservation policy, riots
due to communalism, and female foeticide, are all manifestations of
the deep prejudicial views held by people in our society. As social
scientists, it is time that we began to understand these processes,
and how they operate within our culture. It is only from the research
generated within our socio-cultural context that we will begin to
understand and deal with this prejudice and discrimination.

The Conference
The purpose of the conference is two-fold. First, it is an attempt to
create an understanding of the prevalent processes of prejudice.
These may be in the areas of community, work, healthcare, or gender.
Second, and as important, is the aim of creating an interest in
research in the student community. Through this, students will also
be sensitized to these processes in society. Keeping these goals in
mind, the proceedings of the seminar will be published as a book that
will serve as a reference for the future. Also, only students will
research the papers presented at the conference. Any teacher involved
in the research will be listed as the last author.

Papers Research
Papers are invited in the following areas:
Prejudice and communalism
Gender discrimination
Discrimination due to disability
Discrimination at the workplace
Social class and prejudice
Discrimination in healthcare

The papers submitted have to be reports of original research. The
papers will be screened by a Scientific Committee to determine their
conformity with the theme of the conference. Abstracts of papers
should be
submitted by September 30, 2002. The full text of the paper should
reach the Scientific Committee before October 31, 2002.
[...]

further details, contact: Dr. Dilip Panikker Head, Department of
Psychology Phone: 9821036268 e-mail: dr_dp@y... Ms. Gayathri
Narayanan Lecturer, Dept. of Psychology e-mail: gay72@r...

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