[sacw] SACW #2 | 6 Feb. 02

[Harsh Kapoor]

South Asia Citizens Wire - Dispatch #2 | 6 February 2002

------------------------------------------

#1. India: URGENT: Wed 6th February , 5 PM, SAHMAT support meeting (New Del=
hi)
#2. India: Education Discussion Group workshop in Delhi (12th Feb)
#3. Petition supporting Anand Patwardhan's film screenings at the=20
American Museum of Natural History
#4. Indian Muslims' dilemma (M.H. Askari)
#5. Sant Yatra or Election Yatra? (Asghar Ali Engineer)
#6. EU declaration on India-Pak Crisis from Jan 29th
#7. Book Review: Name of the Book: Religious Minorities in South Asia

________________________

#1.

All in New Delhi on the SACW list are requested to attend the support=20
meeting for SAHMAT.
Please see forwarded message below.
Harsh Kapoor

0 0 0 0 0 0 0

Date: Tue, 5 Feb 2002 21:43:48 -0800 (PST)
From: ram rahman <ramrahman@y...>
Subject: URGENT: Wed 6th, 5 PM, SAHMAT support meeting

Friends,
Please join us at VP house lawns at 5 PM today,
Wednesday the 6th, at a support gathering. We were
evicted from the verandah office yesterday afternoon.
Rajen, Sohail and others have spent the night inside
the empty room and our files, posters, computers etc.
are all on the sidewalk under plastic sheets. We are
meeting to discuss future action.

Ram

o o o o o o o

SEE REPORT BELOW:

Tehelka.com
SAHMAT FINDS ITSELF ON THE STREETS

Safdar Hashmi Memorial Trust offices raided, reports Rinku Pegu

New Delhi, February 5
Is it mere co-incidence that SAHMAT (Safdar Hashmi Memorial Trust),=20
which has waged a consistent campaign against the government's effort=20
to communalise education, should find itself on the streets, after=20
its offices were raided on Tuesday?
The government has evoked a technical ground for doing so - SAHMAT is=20
occupying premises given to it by a political party (CPI-M) that has=20
forfeited the right to use it. SAHMAT was operating from a=20
balcony-turned-office space in a central Delhi
building. The flat was actually used by the Janwadi Lekhak Sangh, a sister
concern of the CPI-M.
Interestingly, the CPI-M, which had let out the office space to=20
SAHMAT, has been deprived of the right to use the premises because of=20
a modification brought about by the government. Six months ago, the=20
central government declared that only political parties having 50 or=20
more MP's would enjoy the facility of getting government quarters for=20
party workers and office use.
Under the earlier law, all political parties were entitled to=20
government accommodation for party workers and party offices. SAHMAT=20
was formed in February 1989, a month after Safdar Hashmi, political=20
activist and poet, was brutally murdered in broad daylight, and it=20
has since then been campaigning to strengthen the bonds of democratic=20
unity in the country. In the last ten years, it has been in the=20
forefront of the fight against regressive forces attacking democratic=20
institutions in the country.

"Rules can be changed but the selectivity of the government in=20
targeting us cannot be overlooked" said Rajandra Prasad,=20
spokesperson, SAHAMT. According to Prasad, government rules should=20
apply uniformly, and in his defence points out how there are several=20
organisations who are in the same position as SAHMAT using premises=20
in the same building but have not been thrown out in the streets.

Only three days ago, S R Pillai, a CPI-M MP in the Rajya Sabha, met=20
the director of the Estate Office and had verbally communicated that=20
he would exchange his official residence for the flat occupied by the=20
Janwadi Lekhak Sangh, from which SAHMAT was operating. Such exchange=20
of government accommodation is not uncommon.
Ram Rehman, a SAHMAT activist, said, "We have no doubt that the=20
government is trying to cow us down because of our concerted=20
endeavours to point out the BJP-led NDA's saffron agenda. As of now,=20
SAHMAT is literally on the streets with its members keeping a night=20
vigil.

______

#2.

Date: Wed, 6 Feb 2002 11:09:28 +0530

EDUCATION DISCUSSION GROUP

Dear Friends,
I write this letter to inform you that the National Council for
Educational Research and Training(NCERT) has published
Guidelines and Syllabi for school education in four different
volumes for primary, upper primary, secondary and higher
secondary stages. In view of the on-going debate on education
there is a need to scrutinize the texts on our own and come out
with informed opinion and analysis on them.

With this objective in mind the Education Discussion Group is
organising a workshop on the Guidelines and Syllabi of the NCERT
on 12th February, 2002 at the Indian Social Institute, between
2.30 =96 5.30 pm.

Besides an overview of the Documents, there will be four
presentations of 20 minutes each on the syllabus of the NCERT
from Dalit, Tribal, Women and Minority perspectives followed by
discussions. Prof. Anil Sadgopal, Prof. Gopal Guru, Prof. Imtiaz
Ahmad, Prof. Kumkum Roy, Dr. Virginias Xaxa are a few among
the speakers.

The Documents are available at the NCERT sales counter at Rs.
126/- (Rupees one hundred twenty six only).

We invite you to participate in this important seminar along with
friends and enrich the discussion with your valuable comments
and insights.

With regards,
Yours sincerely,
(Somen Chakraborty)
Education Discussion Group

_____

#3.

PROTECT FREE SPEECH: SUPPORT FILMMAKER ANAND PATWARDHAN

Petition supporting Anand Patwardhan's film screenings
at the American Museum of Natural History

So if you haven't signed the petition, please do so at
http://www.petitionsite.com/takeaction/783684768

All the signatures can now be viewed at the Ekta website
http://www.ektaonline.org/patwardhan/petition.htm

_____

#4.

Dawn
6 February 2002

Indian Muslims' dilemma
By M.H. Askari

With the militant Hindu elements continuing to harden their position=20
on the question of construction of a Ram temple at the site of the=20
demolished Babri Masjid in Ayodhya, the Muslims in India may be faced=20
with a highly unpredictable situation in the coming weeks.
The Vishwa Hindu Parishad (VHP) and other Hindutva parties have given=20
Mr Atal Behari Vajpayee's government until March to give them the=20
permission to commence construction of the temple. Without any=20
historical evidence, Hindu revivalists believe that the Babri Masjid=20
had been built on the site of a Hindu temple marking the birthplace=20
of the Hindu deity Ram, which was demolished by the Moghuls in the=20
16th century.
More than 2,000 persons were killed in the communal riots that broke=20
out all over India when the Babri Masjid was demolished mosque is=20
under the protection of the relevant court for the time being. Large=20
sections of Indians, including many historians and archaeologists,=20
maintain that there is no evidence to suggest that a temple ever=20
existed at the controversial site.
However, Mr Vishnu Hari Dalmiya, VHP president, following a meeting=20
with Mr Vajpayee last week, bitterly complained that the prime=20
minister was totally apathetic to their demand for a plot to build=20
the temple at the disputed site and for the grant of official=20
permission to commence construction in March, regardless of what the=20
court or the scholars say.
Since Mr Vajpayee is the head of the Bharatiya Janata Party-led=20
coalition, they expect him not to be ambivalent about their demand.=20
The VHP, along with several other Hindutva parties, support Mr=20
Vajpayee's government at the centre. However, the prime minister is=20
reluctant to override the court's verdict on the site. He fears this=20
could alienate him from the non-communal elements in the ruling=20
coalition.
Mr V.P. Singh, head of a short-lived National Front government in New=20
Delhi in 1991, in his deposition last November before a special=20
commission inquiring into the Ayodhya affair, held the BJP=20
responsible for the destruction of the Babri Masjid.
The BJP was in power in Uttar Pradesh (where Ayodhya is located) when=20
the Masjid was demolished. He accused the BJP of consistently=20
carrying out a hate campaign against religious minorities and=20
declared: "This is nothing new in history. The Nazis used the Jew as=20
a hate object; the same tactics are being used to unite the Hindu=20
society."
Many Indian critics believe that the same obscurantist mentality has=20
also prompted Mr Vajpayee's government to censor school textbooks,=20
specially those published by the National Council for Education=20
Research and Training (NCERT), and rid them of what it calls=20
"unpatriotic distortions" of history. A widely respected Indian=20
intellectual, Praful Bidwai, has recently expressed the view that=20
"rewriting of history" from this point of view is "an assault on the=20
pluralist-secular conception of India."
Quoting several instances of how statements in textbooks are being=20
replaced by a "convenient" version, Bidwai believes that the BJP has=20
been prompted to undertake the "rewriting of history" to appease the=20
Hindu orthodoxy and secure its support in the forthcoming elections=20
in two of India's major states - Uttar Pradesh and Punjab. Bidwai and=20
a number of other well-known Indian intellectuals also attribute to=20
BJP the same motive behind its on-going military stand-off against=20
Pakistan.
Although compared to some of his hardline coalition allies, such as=20
Lal Krishna Advani and Murli Manohar Joshi, Prime Minister Vajpayee=20
is regarded as a moderate, by going soft on extremist ideas and=20
elements within the country, he is also contributing to the=20
discomfiture of his Muslim compatriots. Since Mr Vajpayee's=20
government is fully supportive of the US-sponsored "war against=20
terror" spearheaded by the Americans, many Indian Muslims are=20
reluctant to criticize the US for its intense bombing of Afghanistan.=20
They fear that they may be seen as being unpatriotic.
The renowned Indian historian, Dr Irfan Habib of Aligarh University,=20
known for his liberal views, articulated the Indian Muslims'=20
predicament when he told an Indian news journal: "A Hindu can=20
criticize the US but if a Muslim does so, he is vulnerable to attack=20
as the BJP government is conducting its foreign policy with an eye on=20
the UP elections. It believes it can make use of the perception that=20
Muslims make up the major body of terrorists."
A young Muslim student of Aligarh University has been quoted by a=20
leading Indian weekly as saying: "If Osama is becoming a hero, it is=20
because the media has given him a larger than life image; and if some=20
(Indian) Muslims are glorifying him it is because they have no other=20
heroes and feel alienated from a system where they are repeatedly=20
asked to prove their nationalist credentials".
This view finds an echo in what a renowned Indian scholar, Prof=20
Mushirul Hasan of Delhi's Jamia Millia, has said. He has been quoted=20
as saying that for some Indian youth, bin Laden has become a symbol=20
of protest: it reflects their "tremendous sense of beleaguredness and=20
alienation from the mainstream, where they increasingly feel they=20
have no opportunities."
Syed Hamid, Chancellor of Delhi's Hamdard University, has explained=20
the position saying: "Even Muslim institution like Madressahs are=20
being unfairly attacked on the pretext that they are breeding grounds=20
for terrorism..."
While it is in the Indian Muslims' own interest to integrate=20
themselves into the national mainstream, the Indian leadership should=20
not need to be reminded that Gandhiji, although totally committed to=20
his Hindu faith, regarded communal antagonism and violence as "a=20
national catastrophe." The leadership in India that has since assumed=20
power is obviously devoid of any such belief. It has to be understood=20
on both sides of the border that the endemic state of confrontation=20
between India and Pakistan vastly adds to the tensions and=20
uncertainty which the Muslims in India have to face from time to time.
It has to be emphasized, even at the risk of repetition, that the=20
environment created by President Pervez Musharraf's decision to curb=20
religious extremism in Pakistan offers an opportunity for India to=20
reciprocate positively in a spirit of cooperation.
The aftermath of the trauma which the subcontinent has had to=20
experience with the rise of Taliban-type militancy in Afghanistan and=20
the subsequent "war against terror" launched by the international=20
coalition has its implications for both India and Pakistan. New Delhi=20
has nothing to gain by maintaining an attitude of mistrust and=20
hostility.
On the other hand, tensions between the two countries could begin to=20
abate if the Indian leadership accepts the determination expressed by=20
Gen Musharraf, in his interview with the Newsweek, that he is=20
determined to make peace with India.

_____

#5.

Date: Wed, 6 Feb 2002 14:39:48 +0530

SANT YATRA OR ELECTION YATRA?

Asghar Ali Engineer

(Secular Perspective Feb. 1-15, 2002)

Come election and Ayodhya issue is right on agenda again.=20
The BJP had promised its bhaktas (Ram bhakts or BJP bhakts? to=20
construct a grand Ram temple at the site of Babri Masjd in Ayodhya=20
once it came to power. However, it came to power with the support of=20
NDA (National Democratic Alliance) and had to pay the price by=20
renouncing the Ram Mandir issue to be in power. Since BJP's main=20
objective was to come to power and not to construct Ram Mandir, it=20
gladly agreed to renounce the issue to the great disappointment of=20
its bhaktas.

However, it could not wash its hands off the issue=20
completely. Not only the RSS and VHP it has to please the Sants also=20
who supported BJP during election campaigns from time to time in=20
return for promise for a grand Ram temple. Even the Prime Minister=20
Shri Vajpayee kept on obfuscating over the issue - sometimes saying=20
it is in the national spirit to construct the temple and sometimes=20
musing that it best be forgotten in the spirit of communal harmony in=20
the country. Shri L.K. Advani, however, persisted in his view in=20
favour of Ram temple though, as Home Minister, he could not obviously=20
insist on constructing it, like the VHP Sants (and not Ram Sants),=20
right away.

But whenever any election is near at hand the BJP and VHP=20
leaders spend sleepless nights as the hard core BJP supporters demand=20
concrete proof of BJP's sincerity to fulfil its promise to construct=20
the promised temple. The U.P. elections were expected near about=20
February-March and hence the VHP sants announced their intention to=20
take out a chetawani yatra (i.e. a warning march) from Ayodhya to=20
Delhi for expediting the construction of Ram temple in Ayodhya. And=20
when the Election Commission announced the dates of U.P. election the=20
VHP immediately organised the Yatra ahead of election schedule. This=20
is to please its hard core voters. It is another story that it did=20
not evoke any enthusiasm among those it was meant for.

There are two things that we should be mainly concerned=20
with. Though it is true that the Yatra failed to arouse any=20
enthusiasm (so much so that one paper editorially said that it is=20
chtawani to sants themselves rather than to the Government that=20
people are no more interested in such 'road shows') still we, the=20
people of India, should be warned that such gross misuse of religion=20
for electoral purposes amounts to a corrupt practice. The BJP uses=20
cover of VHP to raise this issue again and again for the Hindu votes=20
as VHP is supposedly not a political party. But this is only a=20
technical cover. The Election Commission should take note of the fact=20
that the BJP and VHP are closely related and BJP cannot disown=20
responsibility for what the VHP does.

The involvement of the BJP M.P. from Faizabad Mr. Vinay=20
Katyar also shows that the BJP approves of such Sant Yatras for=20
electoral benefits. The U.P. Chief Minister Shri Rajnath Singh also=20
said that individual BJP M.Ps are free to take part in the Chetawani=20
Yatra, if they so desire. How can a party M.P. take part in obviously=20
a political move like construction of a Ram temple albeit as an=20
individual. Will BJP allow its M.P's to vote as individuals on any=20
important national issue? Obviously not. How can then it allow its=20
M.P's to take part in the Chetawani Yatra of VHP Sants as=20
individuals. After the end of the Yatra the BJP has also announced=20
that no action will be taken against those M.Ps who participated in=20
the Yatra.

Mr. Vinay Katyar went to the extent of saying that those=20
who believed that the BJP had abandoned the temple issue did not=20
understand the gravity of the matter. He said the temple was a matter=20
of national pride and faith, and there was no question of ignoring=20
it. Can there be greater proof of involvement of BJP or at least its=20
approval in the matter? According to the news paper reports from=20
Lucknow not only the RSS-VHP combine is putting in all its energies=20
into yatra, the BJP-head quarters too indicate the level of=20
excitement sporting banners asking people to attend the Sadhus'=20
conference in Lucknow on Monday. The Dharam Sansad called upon the=20
sadhus to fight for the temple.

Should Election Commission not take notice of the matter. Use of=20
religion is obviously a corrupt practice as per the Representation of=20
the People's Act. When the Maharashtra State Election Commissioner=20
did not allow even the Mumbai Mayor to hoist the tricolour on 26th=20
January on the eve of Mumbai Municipal Corporation election (though=20
ultimately he relaxed) which is comparatively a minor matter and does=20
not leave any impact on voters' mind, should its U.P. counterpart act=20
on such a major issue? It is strange that it has not. In the interest=20
of free and fair election, which is a must in a democracy the=20
Election Commission should be highly vigilant and misuse of religion=20
cannot be condoned in any case.

The second major concern in this connection is protection and=20
promotion of our secular democracy. Our country is united thanks to=20
our secularism. The neighbouring Pakistan did not stay united even=20
for 25 years despite the Islamic bond, and disintegrated in 1971.=20
Thus it proves that religious unity is not sufficient condition to=20
ensure political unity. Secular democracy does provide a better=20
alternative to ensure political unity. The Kashmiri Muslims in 1947=20
had also decided to throw their lot with India because it had opted=20
for secular democracy. Kashmiri Muslims also felt alienated=20
subsequently as we did not fulfil their aspirations as real secular=20
democracy ought to have. Thus non-implementation of the political=20
ideals associated with secular democracy caused discontent in=20
Kashmir, and our constituency there was considerably weakened.

The case of Babri Masjid-Ramjanambhoomi controversy is even worse. It=20
did bring BJP to power (though not to absolute power) but at what=20
cost? It not only weakened our secular democracy but also spilled lot=20
of innocent people's blood. Thousands of people died during the=20
campaign. Religious fundamentalism or fanaticism is not healthy event=20
or a religious society, much less for a secular democracy.

The BJP swore by patriotism and nationalism. The RSS even talks of=20
what it calls akhand Bharat. But what it has been doing in practice?=20
It is polarising India on communal lines and weakening its unity. How=20
can it be construed as genuine patriotism. One must distinguish=20
between national chauvinism and genuine patriotism. In fact the=20
former is antidote of later. The RSS Sar -Sanghchalaks right from=20
Guru Golwalkar to Shri Sudershan idealise Hitler as the role model of=20
true nationalism whereas whole world has rejected Hitler including=20
Germany as an evil influence on democracy.

The post-modern west also has embraced diversity, diversity even=20
without shared cultural past. In the western countries diversity is=20
not rooted in history whereas in India it is firmly rooted in our=20
long shared past. In western countries diversity is of very recent=20
origin and is mainly due to migration of people from colonised=20
countries after their liberation from metropolitan countries. Thus=20
diverse people in western countries today have no cultural roots in=20
metropolitan societies and yet western countries have given them all=20
political rights without in anyway insisting that they adopt western=20
culture. Interestingly in Canada while giving citizenship oath to a=20
migrant, he or she is asked to solemnly affirm that he or she will=20
preserve his or her language and culture.

In India ironically the RSS insists that Islam and Christianity are=20
alien religions and doubts their patriotic credentials as they=20
originated outside India and hence their followers, though=20
linguistically and culturally as old as Aryans (and in some cases in=20
South as old as Dravidians) can never be loyal to this country. It=20
keeps on launching tirades against them and making them feel=20
insecure. Recently the RSS has distributed more than a crore=20
pamphlets saying that the Hindus have faced Islamic terrorism for=20
more than a thousand years since Muslim rule was established in India.

The RSS has become much stronger today since the BJP has come to=20
power as leading coalition partner in the NDA. Now it has both=20
political as well as economic resources to carry on powerful=20
propaganda against minorities, particularly targeting the Christians=20
and Muslims. The country's political health is in danger indeed. The=20
'secular' partners in the NDA have come to power at the Centre but at=20
the cost of political health of the country.

This brings us to another grave concern and that is absolutely=20
power-oriented democratic processes. This has led to complete=20
fragmentation of our society along caste and communal lines. Votes=20
are demanded and given only on the basis of caste and community.=20
There were community-based parties since freedom struggle and now in=20
independent India there are several caste- based parties too. It is=20
interesting to note that the BJP had intensified its Ramjanambhoomi=20
movement to counter the Mandal Commission reservation and it=20
succeeded partially in doing so. But as its nemesis, it is caste=20
factor which is weakening the BJP's hold in U.P. and elsewhere today.=20
The people in U.P. have become indifferent to the Sangh Parivar's Ram=20
Mandir movement as caste-based politics or empowerment is more=20
appealing to them than the Hindutva ideology.

But both caste and community-based politics as well as religious=20
chauvinism have done great harm to our secular democracy. The=20
election process must be rid of such influences by reforming our=20
electoral law suitably. One of the suggestions could be to make it=20
obligatory for the winning candidate to obtain at least 51% votes.=20
First past the pole was suitable for a mono-religious and=20
mono-cultural society like that of Britain in 19th century where=20
votes were cast on the basis of issues. In a multi-religious and=20
multi-cultural society like that of India, this system cannot suit as=20
it leads to caste and communal polarisation. If 51% votes for winning=20
an election are made obligatory such sectarian appeals will be=20
avoided as votes of all castes and communities will be needed to win.

It is argued that it will be a costly affair. Though financially more=20
costly politically, it will be much less. It will restore the=20
political health of the country and strengthen its unity and=20
solidarity.

Centre for Study of Society and Secularism

Mumbai:- 400 055.

______

#6.

EU declaration on India-Pak Crisis from Jan 29th

Brussels, 29/01/2002 (Agence Europe) - On behalf of the EU, the Spanish
Presidency made the following declaration on 28 January:

"Given the heightened regional tension that exists at the present time, the
EU considers that the ballistic missile test that India has carried out
today risks to give a negative signal to the region and to the
international community at a time in which restraint is of utmost
importance. The European Union has previously expressed its concern about
the existing tension and its confidence that India and Pakistan will be
able to find a peaceful solution to the situation. The Central and Eastern
European countries associated with the European Union, the associated
counties Cyprus, Malta and Turkey, and Liechtenstein and Norway, EFTA
countries, members of the European Economic area, align themselves with
this declaration".

______

#7.

Book Review
Name of the Book: Religious Minorities in South Asia=97Selected Essays=20
on Post-Colonial Situations [2 vols.]
Editors: Monirul Hussain and Lipi Ghosh
Publisher: Manak Publiations, B-7 Saraswati Complex, Subhash Chowk,=20
Laxmi Nagar, New Delhi-92 [email: manak_publications@h...]
Year: 2002
Price:950 [2 vols]
ISBN: 81-86562-89-3
Reviewed by: Yoginder Sikand

No other part of the world is as diverse, in terms of religion and=20
ethnicity, as South Asia. South Asia has been the cradle of numerous=20
world religions, including Hinduism, Buddhism, Jainism and Sikhism.=20
Christianity reached the region before it did Europe, and the number=20
of Muslims in South Asia taken as a whole far exceeds that found=20
elsewhere in the world. In all the countries of South Asia, dominant=20
majorities live alongside with religious minorities. Some of these=20
minorities, like the Muslims in India or the Hindus in Bangladesh,=20
number in their millions, while others, like the Kalash of northern=20
Pakistan or the Jews of Kerala number only a few hundred.
These two books seek to provide a general overview of the=20
history and contemporary status of the numerous religious minorities=20
of South Asia. The first volume deals with the religious minorities=20
of Bangldesh, Pakistan, Nepal and Sri Lanka, while the second volume=20
focuses on the religious minorities of India. Each of the essays is=20
written by a specialist in the particular area, in most cases a=20
member of the religious minority that he or she deals with. The=20
essays are of varying quality, some extremely general, others=20
well-researched and documented.
Three of the ten essays in the first volume deal with the=20
religious minorities of Muslim-majority Bangladesh. In his essay on=20
the Bangladeshi Buddhists, Bimal Bhikshu of the World Chakma=20
Organisation writes that although a predominantly Buddhist area, the=20
Chittagong Hill Tracts were forced to join Pakistan in 1947 against=20
the will of the people of the area.
>From then on it has been a continuous tale of woe for the Buddhists of the
country, displaced from their lands and their territory being flooded=20
with Bengali migrants, forcing many to flee to India. Like the=20
Buddhists, the Christian and Hindu minorities have been subjected to=20
considerable discrimination and oppression in the country. Fr.=20
R.W.Timm, of the Dhaka-based Co-ordinating Council for Human Rights=20
in Bangladesh, surveys the contributions that the Christians have=20
made to the country, particularly in the fields of education and=20
health. He refers to the growth of Christianity among the tribals and=20
low caste Hindus in the region, and of the growing threats the=20
community faces from right-wing Islamist groups. Meghna=20
Ghuhathakurta, of the Department of International Relations, Dhaka=20
University, discusses the problems of the large Hindu minority in=20
Bangladesh. While in the period of Pakistani rule the Hindus seem to=20
have suffered from considerable discrimination, it was hoped that in=20
independent Bangladesh they would be able to live as equal citizens.=20
This has not happened, however, she notes. The political use of Islam=20
by regimes with little legitimacy, the growth of right-wing=20
anti-India Islamist groups, and the spread of anti-Hindu sentiment as=20
a reaction to the oppression of Muslims in India, have all compounded=20
the fears of the insecure Hindu minority, causing a flood of refugees=20
to India which is yet to subside.

The only officially Hindu state in the world, Nepal has a=20
small Christian and Muslim minority. Marc Gaborieau, in his paper,=20
discusses the spread of Christianity in Nepal from the seventeenth=20
century onwards, noting that until recently conversion from Hinduism=20
to any other religion was a punishable crime in the country.=20
Christians were relegated to the status of =91low=92 castes in a country=20
where the constitution was based on the stern and harsh Brahminical=20
law-code of Manu. Today, while proselytisation is prohibited,=20
conversion is allowed, and this has meant a sudden rush of converts=20
to Christianity, especially among the tribal and some Buddhist=20
peoples. The Muslims of Nepal are a more well-established community,=20
with a long history of their own. Sekh Rahim Mondal makes a general=20
overview of the different Muslim ethnic and occupational groups in=20
the country, who, like the Christians, were till recently officially=20
treated as outcastes by the state.
Although established as the first Islamic republic in the=20
modern world, Pakistan has a sizeable non-Muslim population. Three=20
essays included here discuss the Ahmadis, Christians and Parsis of=20
the country, but the Hindus, another sizeable community, especially=20
in Sind, are conspicuous by their absence. Zulfiqar Gilani=92s article=20
on the Ahmadis focuses on the vexed question of what it means to be a=20
Muslim, and the competing understandings of Islam, resulting in the=20
declaration of the Ahmadis or Qadianis as non-Muslims by the=20
Pakistani state. Peter Jacob, a Pakistani human rights activist,=20
looks at the problems of the Christians of the country, largely=20
descendants of =91low=92 caste Hindu converts. He writes that although=20
the Christians have made valuable contributions to the development of=20
the country, they remain victims of widespread discrimination. The=20
situation is different for the affluent and influential, though=20
small, Parsi community of Karachi, as Nasreen Ghufran points out in=20
her paper.
Two papers on Sri Lanka, one by Paul Casperez on the=20
Christians and the other by Bertram Bastiampillai on the Muslims,=20
focus on the vexed issue of inter-ethnic and inter-religious strife,=20
dealing with the different strategies that these communities have=20
adopted to cope with a war that seems to have no end in the=20
forseeable future.

As befits its size, the entire second volume is devoted to=20
the religious minorities of India. Almost all the contributors are=20
agreed on the growing threats to peace and inter-communal harmony=20
from right-wing Hindu quarters. Thus, while the Constitution of India=20
guarantees full equality to all citizens, irrespective of religion,=20
religious minorities have to face considerable discrimination, and=20
sometimes attacks and pogroms organised by right-wing Hindu groups=20
often in collusion with the agencies of the state. India=92s largest=20
religious minority, the Muslims, are discussed in two papers, one by=20
Asghar Ali Engineer and the other by Monirul Hussain. They are both=20
concerned with the issue of how India can come to terms with its=20
multi-religious situation and how Muslims can reconcile their faith=20
in Islam with their status as minorities, while seeking to promote=20
better relations with people of other faiths. While the Muslim case=20
is complicated, for a variety of historical reasons, the Parsis of=20
India, as A.B.Rabadi shows in his paper, and the Jains, as Ranu Jain=20
points out, provide examples of how a religious minority can survive=20
and flourish in an otherwise insular society. Gopal Singh=92s paper on=20
the Sikhs is a passionately argued piece seeking to prove that the=20
Sikhs are a separate nationality, but it tells us little about the=20
actual conditions of the community. Two papers on the Buddhists are=20
included in this volume. Sukomal Chaudhuri=92s paper deals with the=20
established Buddhist communities of the trans-Himalayan region, while=20
S.K.Deokkar=92s piece discusses the neo-Buddhist Ambedkarite Dalit=20
converts. The Indian Christians are dealt with by Bonita Aleaz, who=20
makes an insightful survey of the major developments in contemporary=20
Indian Christian theology, noticing the rise of socially-engaged ways=20
of understanding the Christian message in the India of today.
Although several of the essays in these two volumes are=20
general surveys and repeat little else than what a regular=20
newspapwer-reader would already know, the books provide a useful=20
overview of the situation of religious minorities of South Asia. With=20
religious and ethnic strife tearing apart established societies in=20
this part of the world, it is clear, as these books suggest, that the=20
question of religious minorities in each country can no longer be=20
seen in isolation from wider developments in the region as a whole.=20
New forums for religious minorities in the South Asian countries to=20
interact with each other and discuss their common problems are called=20
for, for with the rise of right-wing militant majoritarianism in the=20
region, the fate of religious minorities are increasingly intertwined=20
with each other.

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