[sacw] SACW | 6 Feb. 02

[Harsh Kapoor]

South Asia Citizens Wire - Dispatch | 6 February 2002

------------------------------------------

#1. Pakistan On the way to eternal bliss? (MB Naqvi)
#2. Warlords Demanding Ransoms for Pakistani Fighters (Doug Struck)
#3. Communalism in Bangladesh is a Human Rights Issue (RM Pal)
#4. India: Sena, VHP sued for moral policing
#5. India: Sangh Parivar's 'Coup in Slow Motion' (Umar Farooqui)
#6. India: SAHMAT finds itself on the streets
#7. India: The system's Kafkaesque response to an expose of=20
corruption, and the muzzling of the free press in India (Tarun J=20
Tejpal)

________________________

#1.

The News International
6 February 2002

On the way to eternal bliss?

MB Naqvi

President Pervez Musharraf would soon visit the US as a 'special=20
guest' of Mr George W Bush, the US President. Wendy Chamberlin, the=20
latter's Ambassador to this country, has foretold that this visit=20
will change the fortunes of Pakistan and its people. It remains to be=20
seen how adverse will be the effect on those fortunes. She also=20
reminded later that a return to democracy was indicated which is more=20
than merely polls, requiring as it does good governance and a=20
tolerant culture. She had previously indicated what was to be=20
expected from the President's visit to Washington: more Pak-US=20
cooperation in the fields of defence, closer military-to-military=20
ties, aid for poverty reduction, education and health; and the US=20
might also lift some or all sanctions.

Doubtless, many in the establishment will be greatly enthused. But=20
some of us who have watched the ups and downs of Pakistan's=20
friendship with the US since the very beginning are more restrained.=20
That generals will beecstatic over the prospect of greater=20
cooperation in the spheres of defence and closer ties between the=20
Pakistani and American militaries -- involving more purchases or=20
lease of military hardware, spares and more training courses in=20
addition to other aid -- is understandable. The others concerned with=20
what the people of Pakistan need have other matters on their minds.=20
They are unable to forget what has been the cost of friendship with=20
the US in the past.

Enough facts are not known about how precisely did Pakistan become=20
the most allied ally of the US. But democracy was murdered (1953-54)=20
by the first (civilian) dictator at a time when negotiations must=20
have started for Pakistan's joining the west against Communist Russia=20
and China; one is however not interested in the question who was the=20
wooer and who was the wooed between them. Pakistan's need for=20
military aid could only have facilitated the process, though that=20
friendship enabled the coterie of conspirators -- Ghulam Mohammad,=20
Colonel Iskandar Mirza and General Ayub Khan -- to rule the roost=20
between 1953 and 1969. Historically this friendship has meant=20
Pakistan Army's power and America's underwriting of it with dollars=20
-- a lethal combination. It was however not America's fault that the=20
second military dictator, General Yahya Khan, could not last beyond=20
2.75 years.

The third, the inimitable Soldier of Islam General Ziaul Haq, was=20
sustained for more than 10 years, quite like General Ayub Khan's=20
decade. Now that Ambassador Chamberlin has reminded us and President=20
Bush had pledged to stabilise the Presidency of General Musharraf --=20
and not Pakistan -- presumably by underwriting his government's=20
needs, democrats in this country feel that it sounds like being=20
sentenced to another Decade of Reforms.

Let's get this correctly. The US alone is not responsible for only=20
dictators flourishing in this country. Weakness, incompetence and=20
incoherence of the democratic-minded citizenry are far more culpable.=20
Also, the US connection did facilitate the receipt of around $ 80 to=20
$ 85 billion in total foreign aid. A certain amount of development=20
has undoubtedly taken place. Moreover, Pakistan has been able to run=20
an arms race with India in its confrontation with it on Kashmir.=20
Indeed it is world's seventh or eighth nuclear power today. Arguably,=20
all this might not have been possible without as much US aid and help=20
as was received. But there is certainly a flip side to it.

It is 47 years since Pakistan formalised its American connection and=20
began receiving foreign aid more or less on a regular basis. The=20
debit side of the economic development was writ large over the faces=20
of all Pakistani Finance Ministers of recent years -- all were=20
beseeching immediate cash aid from IMF to avoid default in the=20
balance of payments. Pakistan's economy managers have lived on the=20
edge of security and on their wits. High budget deficits, high=20
inflation, high trade balance deficit, widespread unemployment, high=20
growth rates of population and poverty and insufficient rise in=20
literacy rate and healthcare coverage have been the characteristics=20
of Pakistan economy. In all the statistics, high growth rates in=20
savings, investments, GDP and exports were and are conspicuous by=20
their absence.

This litany is not really complete. The point is that the economy's=20
management -- that affects common Pakistanis more than how=20
governments feel -- has suffered from all manner of defects. Under=20
dictators, it has ignored the necessity of simple prudence of not=20
encouraging increases in consumption without increases in the=20
productiveapparatus, production and sustained growth. It never=20
encouraged savings and investments nor was it able to give good=20
governance or even a minimum of financial discipline. Its strategy of=20
development was haphazard. It correctly relied on industrialisation=20
as the immediate objective but had no coherent criteria for it. Ad=20
hoc factories and mills were added without any thought of whether=20
these units can be efficient or really profitable. In the event=20
Pakistan had an industry that requires costly imports but is unable=20
to pay for them. The agricultural policies preserved the rural=20
elites' position largely through subsidies or where necessary=20
circumventing the laws. A heavy social cost was paid in terms of=20
growing disparities of income and opportunities between the elites=20
and the commoners. Mechanisation of agriculture has been undertaken=20
without any thought of what has to be done with or for the surplus=20
rural population -- that now boosts the figures of the permanently=20
unemployed and of poverty growth. These disparities are both=20
horizontal in terms of social classes and vertical in terms of=20
regions. Thus successive dictators and their civilian stooges, with=20
much American assistance, have given the people of Pakistan a badly=20
distorted and unviable economic dispensation.

The point of it all is that what Pakistan needs is a paradigm shift.=20
All the policy orientations in politics and in economics so far have=20
ended in a cul de sac. The economy has been living on bailouts. The=20
improved outlook -- such as $ 4 billion plus in monetary reserves --=20
is due to the inflow of dollars in loans and in grants for service=20
rendered while imports of machinery and sophisticated equipment=20
remains minimal. Growth rates have been slowing down. Most of the=20
large-scale industry is unable to face international competition that=20
cannot now be avoided under WTO. The main troubles afflicting the=20
economy before September 11 last year are still all there, only=20
worse. Only a reprieve has been available. To repeat, the present=20
cheerful outlook is due to continued inflow of aid. That is nothing=20
to be cheerful about.

Now that the friendship with the US has been revived, the fear is=20
that Pakistanis will continue to live in a 'democracy' that will be=20
effectively subservient to the Army Chief. This is what is the=20
meaning of President Musharraf remaining the President for at least=20
five more years after the present 'term' of three years ends. The=20
supremacy of the military is a fact of life and the presence of the=20
serving generals at the head of the political system heavily=20
underlines it. That is acceptable to the people of Pakistan any=20
further. But they certainly notice that the American support is going=20
to sustain Army's overlordship of a tightly-managed democracy. This=20
American support to the generals, with their readiness to pay for the=20
services rendered, negates the basic human rights of self-governance=20
of the Pakistanis. It is going to reopen all the old wounds of this=20
polity. National integrity and unity are already not in top form. The=20
show of solidarity by one and all during the continuing Indian=20
military forces' threat on the borders is not a proof of meaningful=20
and sturdy unity in normal times.

The renewed American connection would merely lock Pakistan in all its=20
old orientations: in politics, economics and foreign policy. No=20
matter what motivated the Bush administration to start the war on=20
terror, the fact of the matter is that the geopolitical consequences=20
of this war are not lovely to observe -- it has already meant the=20
growing hegemony of America over both South Asia and Central Asia to=20
the detriment of China, Russia and Iran. There are jitters in Iran,=20
Syria, Iraq, North Korea and Somalia. One is not making a plea for=20
saving the regimes that govern these countries. But making the=20
unipolarity of the world so brutally stark and so intrusive is not an=20
advance and Pakistan's foreign policy is now sure to be in hock to=20
the senior partner's expediencies. Militarisation will continue to=20
dominate Pakistan politics.

Concretely, much of the aid received is likely to be spent on=20
replacing the weapons systems in the armed forces on the plea that=20
all the major hardware has long been aging and needs replacement.=20
There would be enough noises about spending more money on education,=20
modern technology and healthcare. No doubt, some more money will be=20
earmarked. But a few percentage points increase in these sectors will=20
scarcely achieve the desired ends nor can it improve overall human=20
development indicators in any significant way. Economy too will=20
continue to live on handouts. As soon as the largess of the donors=20
decreases, as it is likely to after a while, we shall be back seeking=20
bailouts at each year's end on any terms. The prospect is not as rosy=20
as the government of the day thinks it is.

What of the main saving grace of this regime: the free press. It does=20
look today that this hard won freedom cannot be suppressed. But think=20
again. Can free press remain the only flower in bloom in a desert of=20
controlled democracy where a majority of politicians, parties and=20
even institutions will have to be somehow made supporters of the=20
President with extraordinary powers? Some of the lectures to=20
journalists on patriotism, responsibility and research are a telltale=20
preliminary.

______

#2.

The Washington Post
Tuesday, February 5, 2002; Page A08

Warlords Demanding Ransoms for Pakistani Fighters
By Doug Struck
Washington Post Foreign Service
http://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-dyn/articles/A23338-2002Feb4.html

______

#3.

Mainstream
February 5th 2002

Communalism in Bangladesh is a Human Rights Issue
DISSENSION AND DIVISIVENESS MUST NOT BE ENCOURAGED
R.M. PAL

India, Pakistan and Bangladesh have the most fertile soil for=20
communalism to grow and prosper. It was, however, expected that after=20
the partition of India in 1947 the hate campaign against minorities=20
would disappear from both India and Pakistan. On the contrary the=20
hate campaign has been on the increase in both countries since 1947.=20
In India we have witnessed increasing communal riots over the years.=20
In Pakistan only very recently a number of Christians were murdered=20
by the Islamists.

It was also expected that after the creation of Bangladesh in 1971=20
the Hindus, Buddhists and Christians would feel secure. That hope has=20
been belied.

-------------------------

THE minorities in Bangladesh came under attack immediately after a=20
caretaker government was installed on July 15, 2001 in the run up to=20
the general election. Attacks on and persecution of minorities have=20
been on the increase after the Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP)=20
came to lead a coalition government in October 2001. There have been=20
heart-rending reports of violence against mostly the Hindus.=20
Thousands of people, uprooted from their homes, have been coming to=20
West Bengal and Tripura.

Supporters of Jamaat-e-Islami in Bangladesh (which is a partner in=20
Begum Khaleda Zia's coalition government) appear to be bent on=20
terrorising the minorities. They have indulged in cruel murders; the=20
Principal of a college in Chittagong was killed by them in broad=20
daylight.
Some Bangladesh Ministers have dismissed the reports of atrocity as=20
untrue. They maintain that such reports were "politically motivated".=20
The Prime Minister, Begum Zia, however, assured the Govern-ment of=20
India that the perpetrators of the cruelties would be severely dealt=20
with.

However, there are others, including a senior Minister, Saifur=20
Rehman, who do not share his colleagues' (the Finance Minister, Home=20
Minister and a Junior Minister's) perception. Saifur Rehman announced=20
from public platforms that communalists would be severely dealt with.=20
He also announced that the Durga Puja is not merely a festival of the=20
Hindus, it is Bangladesh's own festival. He is reported to have told=20
the Home Minister (a former Chief of Air Staff): "Do you know what's=20
happening on the ground? Don't float in the air, have your feet=20
firmly on the ground."

Begum Zia has now gone back on her earlier stand. On the basis of a=20
cooked-up report by her Secretary (which has been dismissed by=20
responsible sections of the Bangladesh press and other thoughtful=20
Bangladeshis as "hogwash" and that the whole world "already knows the=20
real truth") the Prime Minister says that there was not much truth in=20
reports of large scale atrocities on the minorities and their=20
migration to India.

There are other reports which have appeared in the Bangladesh press=20
and which clearly indicate the seriousness of atrocities committed on=20
the minorities. For reasons of space I would restrict myself to a=20
couple of reports. An article in The Daily Star of Dhaka by Mahfuzur=20
Rahman details accounts of communal attacks. I give below a few=20
extracts:
Press reports of the ugly resurgence of communalism suggest an=20
unprecedented number of incidents of violence against Hindu Bengalees=20
all over the country... There was no incident of provocation [like=20
the demolition of the Babri Masjid in India]... Press reports from=20
impartial sources speak of a vast number of assaults on Hindus by=20
Muslim hoodlums... Frightened Hindus have fled their homes. A young=20
Hindu girl was gang-raped in her own home while the other members of=20
her family were beaten up and subdued. Many more reports of rape and=20
mayhem have come to light. Leading groups of respected liberal=20
intellectuals and NGOs have called the present spate of repression of=20
minorities a national crisis, not a local problem.... An advisor in=20
the last caretaker government reportedly called communal riots a=20
'natural thing'.

----------------------------

ON a petition filed by a highly respected NGO in Bangladesh, Ain O=20
Salish Kendra (Centre for Law and Counselling), the High Court in=20
Dhaka came down heavily on the government for failing to prevent=20
Muslim extremists from attacking Hindu homes, businesses and places=20
of worship; and issued a notice to the government: why the Court=20
should not direct the government to protect the minorities.

A German news agency, Deutsche Presse Agenter, has reported:
Attacked minorities included Christians and Buddhists. Temples and=20
Churches were ransacked across the country by Muslim extremists,=20
according to news reports, touching off an exodus of Hindu families.=20
(Source-The Statesman)

There have been reports of demonstrations organised by human rights=20
groups in Bangladesh against communal attacks on the minorities.

The Amnesty International in its recent report has stated:
Successive governments have let down the minorities and the last two=20
months show how vulnerable the Hindu community is. The government=20
must live upto its responsibility to protect its citizens and must do=20
it now.

Regrettably, the Jamaat-e-Islami in Delhi, in spite of the authentic=20
reports, thinks differently. One of its publications carried an=20
article under the heading, "Propaganda of Anti-Minority Row in=20
Bangladesh":
There is a hue and cry in Bangladesh over the reported inhuman=20
torture of the minorities in the country. In most cases these reports=20
were published in some irresponsible newspapers trying to defame the=20
four-party ruling alliance government in Bangladesh.
One should have expected the minorities in each of these countries to=20
come to the rescue of the minorities of the neighbouring countries.=20
It is regrettable that a section of our Muslim intellectuals and=20
activists do not share this perception in the present context of=20
happenings in Bangladesh.

Hindus, Buddhists and Christians in East Pakistan (now Bangladesh)=20
have been the worst victims of partition-once in 1947 and then in=20
1971. (In fact minorities both in Pakistan and India have suffered.)=20
Political rulers in India-both in the West Bengal Government and the=20
Union Government-have no sympathy for the refugees coming from=20
Bangladesh. The West Bengal Chief Minister equates the influx of=20
Hindu refugees with Muslims coming from Bangladesh to India, mostly=20
for economic reasons. Let us not forget the assurances that were=20
given by our political leaders to the Hindus of Pakistan in 1947 (as=20
also to the Muslims in India by the Pakistani leaders). Gandhiji was=20
emphatic that the people leaving Pakistan must get shelter in India.=20
Pandit Nehru stated on August 15, 1947:
We think also of our brothers and sisters who have been cut off from=20
us by political boundaries and who unhappily cannot share at present=20
in the freedom that has come. They are of us and will remain of us=20
whatever may happen, and we shall be sharers in their good and ill=20
fortune alike.

Sardar Patel also spoke in the same vein:
Their future welfare must engage the most careful and serious=20
attention of the government and the people of the Indian Union in the=20
light of developments that may take place hereafter.

---------------------------

DEPORTING the refugees from West Bengal and Tripura will be an act of=20
human rights violation. What the Government of India must do is to=20
negotiate with the Government of Bangladesh and impress upon it that=20
it is in the interest of Bangladesh that a healthy climate is created=20
and the refugees return to Bangladesh on their own. The minorities in=20
Bangladesh do not want to migrate to India; they only want an=20
assurance of security from the Bangladesh Government, they want=20
nothing else. They left East Pakistan and then Bangladesh because of=20
the absence of security.

The West Bengal Government must remember that it is the bhadralok=20
Hindus in Bengal like Jyoti Basu who wanted Bengal to be partitioned;=20
after partition in 1947 they all migrated to West Bengal (leaving the=20
poor and the plebian behind) and began to enjoy the fruits and=20
benefits of partition-they became the rulers of West Bengal. The poor=20
Hindus, Buddhists and Christians who stayed back in East Pakistan did=20
not want Bengal to be partitioned. The bhadralok Hindus in West=20
Bengal have the moral duty and responsibility to come to the rescue=20
of the poor from Bangladesh.

We also hope that Begum Zia will give serious thought to the plight=20
of the minorities. She must listen to the wise voice of human rights=20
activists of her own country who have been making brave efforts,=20
against all odds, to make life scure for the minorities in Bangladesh=20
and doing their best to establish a sane society based on the values=20
of tolerance.

Begum Zia (as also the governments of India and Pakistan) should not=20
forget that communalism is one of the worst forms of human rights=20
violations and any country/government which encourages communalism=20
and the resultant violations of human rights, is only creating=20
dissension and divisiveness-sure ingredients to destroy a country.=20
Let these countries not forget that Pakistan fell apart in 1971=20
primarily because of massive human rights violations that its armed=20
forces and law enforcement agencies, actively assisted by a section=20
of the people (the kind of whom the Human Rights Commission of=20
Pakisan calls 'Mullahs') perpetrated on the Bengalees. We hope Begum=20
Khaleda Zia puts her foot down and stops the influx of minorities to=20
India.

_____

#4.

The Hindustan Times
Wednesday, February 6, 2002

Sena, VHP sued for moral policing
HT Correspondent
(New Delhi, February 5)

Finally, someone has spoken their mind to the Shiv Sena for its moral=20
policing and who better for the job than Archies, the greeting card=20
company.

With the Valentine's Day fever rising, Archies Greetings and Gifts=20
Ltd. is taking no chances. It has filed a suit in the Delhi High=20
Court for a permanent injunction to restrain the Shiv Sena and some=20
other organisations from "interfering in the Valentine's Day=20
celebrations and sales promotions".

Justice Sharda Aggarwal on Tuesday issued notices to the Shiv Sena=20
through its chief Bal Thackeray, other party functionaries, including=20
Delhi Shiv Sena President Jai Bhagwan Goel, other Hindu organisations=20
like the VHP and Bajrang Dal, and also the Commissioner of Delhi=20
Police. They have all been directed to reply to the petition by=20
February 7.

The Archies petition accuses the Shiv Sena, VHP and Bajrang Dal of=20
playing moral police and threatening the company and the public=20
against celebrating Valentine's Day. Archies states these=20
organisations have warned of "dire consequences, including physical=20
harm" and that its right to conduct business cannot be restricted by=20
these organisations.

Archies has also accused the organisations of giving the country a=20
bad name and stated that if they are allowed to succeed in their=20
designs, festivals like Eid, Christmas, etc., could be their next=20
target.

Archies, represented by N.N. Aggarwal, has sought an injunction to=20
restrain these organisations from "holding violent demonstrations,=20
shouting vulgar slogans, intimidating employees and general public"=20
at its establishments and obstructing "the ingress and eggress of=20
employees, customers and general public and using any violent means=20
or assaulting its employees and the general public on and around=20
Valentine's Day".

_____

#5.

Mainstream
Volume No. XXXIX
February 5th 2002

Sangh Parivar's 'Coup in Slow Motion'
by UMAR FAROOQUI

This brief book, which forms part of Penguin's 'Interrogating India'=20
series, succinctly examines a wide range fo issues pertaining to=20
Indian secularism, nationalism, communal politics and the Hindutva=20
offensive of the Sangh Parivar. In terms of its length and its format=20
Secular Common Sense is more of a pamplet. However, it is pregnant=20
with so many ideas that quite a few full-length books are in fact=20
compressed within its 130-odd pages. Kesavan is a reputed historian=20
and is therefore well-equipped to look at the vexed problem of=20
seularism from a historical perspective. He is also a novelist and=20
communicates his views in very elegant prose. But he is, above all, a=20
concerned intellectual who regards the preservation fo India's=20
'secular common sense' as a matter of great urgency.

Kesavan goes right to the heart of the problem with his opening lines:
Indians are sometimes scolded for misunderstanding secularism. They=20
are reminded that secularism in its original, Western sense, means a=20
commitment to a public life fenced off from religion-not an equal=20
pandering to all religions.

He characterises Indian secularism as a unique phenomenon which has=20
its roots in the anti-colonial struggle. The specifically 'Indian'=20
meaning of secula-rism as pluralism can only be understood with=20
reference to the freedom movement and the construc-tion of=20
nationalism by the dominant leadership of the Indian National=20
Congress. Kesavan's characterisation assumes particular significance=20
at a time when the Sangh Parivar's sustained attack on India's=20
secular polity is tacitly endorsed in the writings of serious=20
scholars such as Ashish Nandy and T.N. Madan for whom secularism is a=20
Western concept with no firm grounding in Indian reality.

---------------------------

UNLIKE what is usually presumed, the Congress did not take its cue=20
from the West in formulating its position on nationhood. Its=20
historical achievement lay in promoting a nationalism that was=20
homegrown and all-inclusive. On the contrary, it was the RSS which=20
was inspired by the European models of nationalism, an exclusionary=20
nationalism that tried to create a uniform citzenry on tried and=20
tested European nationalist principles: a shared language, an=20
authorised history, a single religion and a common enemy.

Secularism was an integral part of nationalism in the Congress=20
perception of nation. This was a recognition of the fact that it was=20
necessary to take into account the enormous diversity of the=20
subcontinent in order to forge a powerful united front against the=20
British. As Kesavan puts it, there was a Noah's Ark quality to=20
Congress nationalism, as it did its best to keep every species of=20
Indian on board.

Moreover, the Congress had a fairly well-developed understanding of=20
colonialism as a system of economic exploitation. Consequently in its=20
struggle against the British it focussed on the economic exploitation=20
of the Indian people as a whole:

The emotional charge of Congress nationalism came from=20
anti-imperialism-not the myth of a suppressed identiy struggling to=20
be born.
For Gandhiji non-religious symbols, as for instance salt, were much=20
more potent for mass mobilisation. On the one occasion that a=20
religious symbol was coopted, that is, during the Khilafat agitation,=20
the intention was to demonstrate the all-embracing nature of Congress=20
nationalism. One is not entirely certain that building an=20
anti-colonial movement around the symbol of the khalifa could have=20
enriched the meaning of secularism in the long run, but there was at=20
least a genuine attempt to reach out to a section of Muslim=20
leadership. This was crucial because, as Kesavan reminds us, the=20
Congress had been unable 'to attract a critical mass of notable=20
Muslims'.

And yet this 'all-are-welcome secularism' through which the Congress=20
'tried to conscript every religious identiy in sight to bolster its=20
all-India credentials' failed to prevent partition. This is a problem=20
which Kesavan does not seem inclined to discuss in detail, though=20
going by various passing references to partition in the text one=20
suspects there is a lot that he might have to say. Did the Congress=20
in its desire to take every religious community on board not gloss=20
over class differences within the respective communities? Could it=20
possibly have incorporated the aspirations of all classes of all=20
religious communities in its programme? Did it not by and large=20
accommodate only the demands of the dominant groups? It may be=20
pointed out that a major criticism of the Left has been that the=20
lukewarm attitude of the Congress towards land reform made it=20
difficult to mobilise the pesantry against communal politics. This is=20
a charge that has been forcefully reiterated by the veteran Tebhaga=20
leader, Abani Lahiri, in his recently published memoirs.

Significantly, the Congress did not abandon its perception of nation=20
after independence. The concept of secularism which it had evolved=20
during the course of the freedom struggle
was now written into the Republic's Constitution to reassure=20
religious minorities they did'nt live on sufferance in free India'.

Nehru's strong personal commitment to this concept went a long way=20
towards making secularism 'an ordinary part of the Republic's=20
furniture'. Needless to say Gandhiji's vigorous anti-communal=20
campaign in the critical months following independence did much to=20
keep Indian secularism alive despite the bloody aftermath of=20
partition. His assassination was the price that the nation had to pay=20
to preserve secular values. Kesavan might have mentioned that=20
Gandhiji's martydom became a powerful symbol for mobilising popular=20
opinion in favour of secularism and making this the common sense of=20
large sections of the Indian people. Conversely, the exposure of the=20
RSS as the real perpetrator of this crime discredited the politics of=20
communal hatred in a major way.

The author goes on to discuss 'the fragility of republican=20
secularism' in order to understand the resurgence of Hindutva=20
communalism in the closing decade of the twentieth century. Our=20
unique concept of secularism, born of the experience of the freedom=20
struggle, triumphed after 1947, but it remained weak for all that. We=20
need to pinpoint the inherent weakness of secularism in practice so=20
as to make sense of the wide acceptability which the communal=20
politics of the Sangh Parivar has gained nearly half a century after=20
independence. Kesavan suggests that during the fifties and sixties=20
the Indian elites were secular primarily because secularism was the=20
in-thing: 'secularism was a hegemonic style-it was fashionable'. He=20
argues that the Indian elites adopted secularism as one way of=20
avoiding being labelled provincial. 'Secularism', Kesavan notes,'as=20
practised by the Indian elite often had little to do with conviction=20
or ideological principle; it was, instead, a marker of modernity and=20
metorpolitan good taste.' While there is some truth in this, yet one=20
feels that this view oversimplifies a complex situation.

-----------------------

SEVERAL factors contributed towards creating a favourable environment=20
for secularism. Reference may be made to the residual impact of=20
various radical traditions which were part of the freedom movement as=20
well as to the ideological presence of the Left, especially the=20
Communists. As a matter of fact the powerful Communist-dominated=20
trade union movement in Bombay/Mumbai, and the emergence of=20
Bombay/Mumbai as the centre of Hindustani cinema, produced a=20
conjuncture which was crucial for the success of the post-1947=20
secular discourse. The association of a large number of Left-wing=20
artistes, lyricists, scriptwriters and directors with cinema gave to=20
the Left an influence that was far in excess of its political=20
strength. What is more, Hindustani cinema moulded the worldview of=20
the middle class and sections of the elite. In an earlier article=20
Kesavan explored the role of the Hindustani cinema in creating a=20
pan-Indian identity. To take the argument further, the ascendancy of=20
the Shiv Sena in Bombay/Mumbai has seriously undermined the secular=20
traditons of the Hindustani cinema. This in turn has played its part=20
in legitimising 'soft' Hindutva.

A more substantial point made by Kesavan is that it was the inability=20
of the Congress to solve India's economic problems that led to the=20
decline of secularism:
The failure of the State to make India economically successful eroded=20
its claim to be progressive and modern. And because Nehru and his=20
daughter had twinned socialist autarky and secularism, the failure of=20
the one discredited the other.

The turning point obviously came in the early seventies, by which=20
time the 'golden era' of Indian bourgeois democracy was over. A=20
closer look at the seventies might have been worthwhile. Indira=20
Gandhi's finest hour, the liberation of Bangladesh, was marred by the=20
1972 communal holocaust in Ahmedabad. This was a clear indication=20
that all was not well with Indian secularism. It is no coincidence=20
that three decades later Gujarat is perhaps the first ever State to=20
have virtually seceded from India in terms of having given up the=20
constitutional commitment to secularism.

It has been downhill ever since. The Sangh Parivar's communal=20
offensive has escalated with India's growing economic and political=20
crisis. The Congress, which has not been above exploiting communal=20
tensions, lent a helping hand in the eighties and nineties.=20
(Nevertheless Kesavan convincingly argues that the BJP is worse than=20
the Congress primarily because the 'BJP's public image is defined by=20
its consistent hostility towards minorities'; this its 'reason for=20
being'.) From being part of a broad Rightwing united front in the=20
mid-seventies, which culminated in the Janta regime, the Parivar in=20
its various manifestations rapidly moved to its original blatantly=20
anti-minority programme. Minority-bashing was taken to a new level as=20
Indian problems were transformed into 'Hindu grievances'. Religious=20
minorities, particularly Muslims, were held responsible for the ills=20
afflicting Indians (read 'Hindus'). In a fine passage Kesavan sums up=20
the percieved grievances, all of which have become so familiar over=20
the years:

Muslim vandalism in the past; the gall of Muslims in first=20
partitioning the country to form a Muslim state in Pakistan and then=20
expecting to have their sensibilities respected in India; the related=20
idea that Muslims are untrustworthy fifth columnists; the bogey of=20
Muslim fertility and the fantasy of Hindu extinction, and finally the=20
contentious matter of Muslim personal law which allows Muslim men to=20
practice polygamy decades after Hindu men lost this perk in the=20
mid-fifties.

----------------------------

THE latter half of the book is devoted to a detailed discussion on=20
the process whereby these 'grievences' are being internalised by more=20
and more Indians as their common sense. The Shah Bano judgment was an=20
important moment in the process. However, it was the Ayodhya dispute=20
that provided the Sangh Parivar with a really big opportunity to=20
focus on these 'grievances', thus unleashing a violent campaign to=20
erase the nation's secular common sense. The Parivar has been so=20
successful in this campaign that even the Supreme Court has endorsed=20
its position on Hindutva in its controversial 1996 judgement on the=20
question. Kesavan is at his polemical best in his critique of the=20
judgement:
That a judgement by the Republic's apex court should, even=20
inadvertently, give legitimacy to a narrow and divisive view of the=20
Republic's identity should make all Indians anxious.

According to Kesavan, what India is witnessing is a 'coup in slow=20
motion'. This is what the Sangh Parivar's project amounts to.=20
However, this is not a defeatist book. Kesavan is no advocate of=20
passive acquiescence. Rather, he is opposed to a tame surrender on=20
the Ayodhya issue, despite what he calls the 'Babri Masjid fatigue'.=20
He would like a firm stand to be taken on the issue. The construction=20
of a temple at the site of the mosque, as demanded by the Sangh=20
Parivar, would change the very character of our republic since the=20
Ram Temple will be less a religious shrine than a symbol of Hindu=20
ownership of the nation.

This beautifully produced book can be read either as a political=20
document or as a work of literature. As a literary genre the long=20
essay which passionately argues for a cause has gone out of fashion.=20
This book might well see the revival of this genre.

_____

#6.

Tehelka.com
SAHMAT finds itself on the streets

Safdar Hashmi Memorial Trust offices raided, reports Rinku Pegu

New Delhi, February 5
Is it mere co-incidence that SAHMAT (Safdar Hashmi Memorial Trust),=20
which has waged a consistent campaign against the government's effort=20
to communalise education, should find itself on the streets, after=20
its offices were raided on Tuesday?

The government has evoked a technical ground for doing so - SAHMAT is=20
occupying premises given to it by a political party (CPI-M) that has=20
forfeited the right to use it. SAHMAT was operating from a=20
balcony-turned-office space in a central Delhi
building. The flat was actually used by the Janwadi Lekhak Sangh, a sister
concern of the CPI-M.

Interestingly, the CPI-M, which had let out the office space to=20
SAHMAT, has been deprived of the right to use the premises because of=20
a modification brought about by the government. Six months ago, the=20
central government declared that only political parties having 50 or=20
more MP's would enjoy the facility of getting government quarters for=20
party workers and office use.

Under the earlier law, all political parties were entitled to=20
government accommodation for party workers and party offices. SAHMAT=20
was formed in February 1989, a month after Safdar Hashmi, political=20
activist and poet, was brutally murdered in broad daylight, and it=20
has since then been campaigning to strengthen the bonds of democratic=20
unity in the country. In the last ten years, it has been in the=20
forefront of the fight against regressive forces attacking democratic=20
institutions in the country.

"Rules can be changed but the selectivity of the government in=20
targeting us cannot be overlooked" said Rajandra Prasad,=20
spokesperson, SAHAMT. According to Prasad, government rules should=20
apply uniformly, and in his defence points out how there are several=20
organisations who are in the same position as SAHMAT using premises=20
in the same building but have not been thrown out in the streets.

Only three days ago, S R Pillai, a CPI-M MP in the Rajya Sabha, met=20
the director of the Estate Office and had verbally communicated that=20
he would exchange his official residence for the flat occupied by the=20
Janwadi Lekhak Sangh, from which SAHMAT was operating. Such exchange=20
of government accommodation is not uncommon.

Ram Rehman, a SAHMAT activist, said, "We have no doubt that the=20
government is trying to cow us down because of our concerted=20
endeavours to point out the BJP-led NDA's saffron agenda. As of now,=20
SAHMAT is literally on the streets with its members keeping a night=20
vigil.

______

#7.

Muddying the message and shooting the messenger
The system's Kafkaesque response to an expose of corruption, and the=20
muzzling of the free press in India

"For a democracy, the signals are dangerous and sinister: don't even bother
criticising a government or exposing its corruptions, unless you are a trul=
y
wealthy media organization, with deep pockets and deeper resolve"
TARUN J TEJPAL, EDITOR-IN-CHIEF, TEHELKA.COM

Tehelka went public on March 13, 2001 with Operation West End - an=20
investigation that nailed the presence of entrenched corruption in=20
the political and defence establishment. Rather than punish the=20
guilty, the government has done everything in its power to muzzle=20
Tehelka and its associates with false propaganda and harassment. This=20
reaction of the government in the aftermath of Operation West End has=20
made a travesty of democracy and free press in India.

Over the past year the government has consistently launched a=20
misinformation campaign in the media to discredit Tehelka and its=20
investigation. After a draconian and mala fide witch-hunt, it has now=20
put Shankar Sharma - Tehelka's angel investor - in Tihar Jail.

The attached document sets the record absolutely straight for the=20
first time on every aspect of this shocking story. It is not a story=20
which concerns Tehelka alone, but is of interest to anyone who values=20
civilised society.

Do read it.

- Tehelka editorial team

Full text at: http://www.tehelka.com/Docket/home.htm

0 0 0 0
Related report below:

The Hindustan Times
Investigation against Tehelka: Former Law ministers blast Govt
HT Correspondent
(New Delhi, February 5)

Two former law ministers of India, Ram Jethmalani and Shanti Bhushan,=20
have said that investigations against Tehelka and its stakeholders=20
First Global are motivated and aimed at saving persons like Jaya=20
Jaitly, George Fernandes and Bangaru Laxman.

At a press conference called by Tehelka on Tuesday, both the law=20
ministers said the charges levelled against Tehelka and Shanker=20
Sharma were baseless and unfounded.

"A clear case under the Prevention of Corruption Act, however, is=20
made out against both Bangaru Laxman and Jaya Jaitly for trying to=20
influence government decision by accepting money," Bhushan said. "But=20
till date the government has not taken any action whatsoever."

Former law minister Ram Jethmalani came down heavily on the "higher=20
ups" in the Prime Minister's Office and the Finance Ministry, which=20
he accused of harassing First Global owner Shanker Sharma.

"I am ashamed of having been part of this Cabinet sometime back. Even=20
during the Emergency in 1975 the law had been misused but this one=20
takes the cake," Jethmalani said.

Hitting out hard at the government for making a "mockery of=20
proceedings" at the Venkataswami Commission, Jethmalani raised two=20
crucial issues.

First, the stubbornness of the government in not allowing Sharma from=20
being present during the commission hearings. "Even in a murder case=20
the accused is brought to court. Yet during the commission the=20
government has prevented Shanker Sharma from appearing before it,"=20
Jethmalani said.

Second, the government had decided to drop a senior officer whose=20
charges against Tehelka was key to the inquiry.

Panel's directive

The Venkataswami Commission on Tuesday ordered examination of=20
Tehelka's 100-hour tapes after taking note of "certain controversy"=20
over the mismatch between unedited tapes and their transcripts.

Commission chairman Justice Venkataswami observed that the=20
examination by stenos to be provided by the government will establish=20
"omissions/correctness" in the transcripts.

_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/

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