[sacw] SACW #2 | 7 Feb. 02

[Harsh Kapoor]

South Asia Citizens Wire - Dispatch #2 | 7 February 2002

------------------------------------------

#1. Joint Action Committee for Peace Karachi invites you to a Basant=20
Amn Mela (Feb 9, 2002)
#2. Pakistan - India and their mutual nuclear death wish (Praful Bidwai)
#3. A defiant yet brutal faces of Islamic fascism: a Third World=20
scenario (Jamal Hasan)
#4. India: A poem 'Bharat Ke Saput' by Ibrahim "Ashq"
#5. India: Agenda of rewriting textbooks jeopardises the study of=20
history (Mushirul Hasan)
#6. India: High Court notice to Thackeray, VHP on plea by greeting=20
cards and gift company

________________________

#1.

Joint Action Committee for Peace Karachi

invites you to a Basant Amn Mela
When: Feb 9, 2002
2.00 pm onwards at Gallerie Sadequain (Frere Hall)

Why: because Basant is a festival celebrated on both
sides of the border, and one that has come to be symbolic of
Pakistan's pluralistic, liberal spirit despite opposition
from the religious right. Secondly, to continue the momentum
that has been gained so far by JAC's vigils for peace, get the peace=20
message across, and provide a platform for people, particularly the=20
youth, to have fun & assert their zest for life.

What: a Peace Art Workshop, traditional putli tamasha uptil 6.00 pm,=20
followed by dhol walas, slide show, extract from a film by Pervez=20
Hoodbhoy, peace poems, music, songs and renderings by Fehmida Riaz,=20
Latif Kapadia, Momin Khan, and others; introduction by M.B. Naqvi and=20
Anis Haroon. Audience participation welcome

The Peace Art Workshop for children will be conducted by the prominent
children's illustrator Romana Hussain and cartoonist Feica, along with
artists Abro, Moeen Faruqi and others.

Also: Sabeen Mahmud and friends will conduct a paper crane making activity
in memory of Sadako Sasaki, the courageous 11 year old Japanese school girl=
,
who died of cancer several years after being exposed to the nuclear fallout
from Hiroshima. Paper cranes strung together can be sent to the Indian and
Pakistani government heads to remind them of the destruction that nuclear
weapons cause.

Note: Children should bring their own waterbottles and paints,=20
crayons or markers; these will be provided to participants from low=20
income areas like Landhi, Lyari, Orangi & Korangi.

Volunteers from among older students to help conduct the activity will be
appreciated.

To defray costs JAC is requesting donations of Rs 200 per person for those
who can afford it & Rs 100 from students and senior citizens.

Children free. All welcome, regardless of donation.

Please inform friends, relatives, colleagues who may be interested.

(ends)

______

#2.

The News International (Pakistan)
February 07, 2002

Our mutual nuclear death wish

Praful Bidwai

The writer is one of India's most widely published columnists.=20
Formerly a Senior Fellow of the Nehru
Memorial Museum and Library, he is a winner of the Sean MacBride=20
Prize for 2000 of the International Peace Bureau

Have India and Pakistan moved somewhat closer to fulfilling their=20
mutual nuclear death wish, which they so stridently expressed through=20
the May 1998 blasts? Four developments, all within the past=20
fortnight, suggest they might have done so -- even as one million of=20
their soldiers confront each other at the border.

The first, and most significant, event was the January 25 test-flight=20
of India's new, improved short-range (700 km) Agni ballistic missile.=20
The second was New Delhi's summary rejection, that same day, of=20
General Pervez Musharraf's offer to work for de-nuclearising South=20
Asia.

The third was the reported authorisation granted by the Vajpayee=20
Cabinet to the Indian armed forces to use the shorter-range (150-250=20
km) Prithvi missile in the battlefield -- bang in the middle of the=20
present crisis. Finally, India is proceeding to acquire at least two=20
nuclear-powered submarines and two long-range nuclear-capable bombers=20
for its navy from Russia.

Each of these moves, and the likely tit-for-tat response from=20
Pakistan, will narrow the gap that has so far existed between the=20
manufacture of nuclear weapons, on the one hand, and their induction=20
into the armed forces, and deployment, on the other. Once nuclear=20
weapons are deployed, it will become that much more difficult to move=20
towards nuclear arms reduction and elimination.

In the short run too, India's moves will prove reckless, provocative=20
and adventurist.

The latest missile, christened Agni-I, belongs to a new genre. Unlike=20
its predecessor, Agni-II (range, 1,500-2,500 km), or the Agni-III=20
missile "under development" (range, 3,000 km-plus), the new weapon is=20
both road- and rail-mobile. It is much lighter, and it is claimed,=20
more accurate. Unlike its past avatars, the new version has a=20
specific target: Pakistan.

In the 1990s, India's Integrated Guided Missile Development Programme=20
concentrated on extending the range of the "technology demonstrator"=20
missile tested first in 1989 (range, 1200 km). Then, operational=20
deployability and accuracy were no high priority. India was/is aiming=20
to reach Mainland China, particularly its industrialised southern=20
cities.

The new Agni is Pakistan-specific. It uses an all-solid fuel. This=20
offers a major advantage over the liquid fuel used in the second=20
stage of the Agni-II, which is corrosive and requires a prolonged=20
filling process.

Agni-II too can be used against targets in Pakistan, including=20
installations at distances such as 400 to 700 km. But that missile=20
has two stages. It discards its booster stage in mid-flight once the=20
solid fuel is exhausted. This means either dropping the booster on=20
Indian soil (with damaging consequences), or taking a much longer=20
path over the Arabian Sea, and then homing in on Pakistani targets --=20
an expensive and unreliable proposition.

The new single-stage Agni-I covers 700 km in 10 minutes.

India will have to conduct many more flight-tests before Agni-I is=20
ready for production. No Indian missile has been through more than=20
four tests -- in comparison with the 10 or more that missiles=20
developed in the West or Russia are usually put through.

Quite clearly, then, India's strategic planners are thinking in=20
specific operational terms, not in terms of demonstrating a certain=20
technological capability or making a long-term threat. Once missiles=20
enter the operational spectrum of strategic calculations, their=20
deployment can be upgraded to full alert.

Musharraf's offer to de-nuclearise South Asia and sign a no-war pact=20
with India came two days before the Agni test-flight. New Delhi=20
rebuffed what it saw as his peace-and-reconciliation "offensive",=20
which has unfolded especially after January 12.

India summarily rejected both proposals with characteristic=20
sanctimoniousness. It reiterated its stand that "nuclear weapons=20
should be banished from the entire globe. De-nuclearisation of India=20
and Pakistan will have no meaning." It also said there is "nothing=20
new" in Musharraf's no-war proposal.

This is the second time Musharraf has offered to rid South Asia of=20
nuclear weapons. The first was his September 2000 address to the UN=20
General Assembly, proposing a nuclear weapons-free zone in South Asia.

As in the 1970s or 1990s, India is taking the pro-active first steps=20
in further nuclearising this region. Within this pattern, Pakistan=20
reacts, and faithfully replicates Indian moves. However, independent=20
experts believe that it is more advanced than India in fitting=20
warheads to missiles, especially in its short-range Hatf series.

A new report by the US Central Intelligence Agency submitted to=20
Congress concludes that both Pakistan and India "continue to acquire=20
nuclear technology".

It says Pakistan has been procuring dual-use (civil and military)=20
equipment and material from various sources--principally

Western Europe.

According to the report: "With Chinese assistance, Pakistan is moving=20
toward serial production of solid-propellant (short-range missiles)=20
such as the Shaheen-I and Haider-I.... Successful development of the=20
two-stage Shaheen-II will require continued Chinese assistance ..."

This action-reaction spiral spells both a nuclear and a missile arms=20
race in South Asia.

India's authorisation for the Prithvi's use (reported in "The=20
Pioneer") signifies devolution of a critical decision-making power to=20
the armed services, as distinct from the apex political leadership.=20
The authorisation says the missile must be only be used as the "last=20
resort" and with the "utmost restraint".

The Prithvi is nuclear-capable. Although the authorisation is=20
(presumably) limited to its use with conventional-explosive warheads,=20
that status can easily change. In practice, adversaries have no sure=20
way of telling if an incoming missile carries nuclear or conventional=20
explosives in its nose-cone. In extreme circumstances, they are=20
liable to retaliate -- with nuclear weapons, if they believe they are=20
under nuclear attack.

Missile flight-time between some Indian and Pakistan cities is as=20
short as three minutes -- too meagre to determine whether an incoming=20
warhead is nuclear or conventional.

Yet, New Delhi is taking such extremely high-risk decisions without a=20
clear evaluation of its security environment, and without adequate=20
safeguards. It has considerably hardened its nuclear posture in=20
recent months as it determinedly proceeds towards full nuclear=20
deployment.

A major step in the process will be the leasing of two Shchuka-B=20
(Bars)-class multiple-role Russian nuclear-propelled submarines=20
capable of launching ballistic missiles. The deal is likely to be=20
signed this week. Nuclear-powered submarines can stay under water for=20
up to a year and hence carry a huge element of surprise --a major=20
"advantage".

The move is significant because India's own "Advanced Technology=20
Vessel" nuclear submarine project has repeatedly failed to deliver=20
results. In 1988 too, India had leased a Soviet nuclear submarine for=20
three years.

These developments further heighten South Asia's unique nuclear=20
danger. As I argued, with co-author Achin Vanaik, in South Asia on a=20
Short Fuse (OUP, Karachi, 2001), India and Pakistan have at best=20
"ramshackle deterrence", a terrible safety culture and an ignominious=20
record of mishaps in their military systems. They are disastrously=20
and dangerously wrong to ape the P-5 and seek security through=20
nuclear weapons.

The nuclear danger will increase with actual deployment. That is why=20
the peace movement and concerned citizens must maintain the firebreak=20
between the manufacture and deployment of nuclear weapons.

Post-deployment, both states, in particular India, are liable to make=20
rollback conditional upon other moves, e.g. nuclear-arms reductions=20
by the Great Powers. This can only make a South Asian nuclear war=20
likelier. We must pull the "world's most dangerous place" back from=20
the brink.

______

#3.

A defiant yet brutal faces of Islamic fascism: a Third World scenario

By Jamal Hasan

Most of the authoritarian doctrines have one thing in common. That=20
is, the end justifies the means. Thus, fascism, Nazism, and communism=20
are the "non-divinely" inspired doctrines where humanistic and=20
moralistic values are halted to attain the assumed larger objective.=20
In such totalitarian predicaments, process of extinction of=20
nonconformists may be conducted with extreme prejudice.

Genocide of a great magnitude is thought to be justifiable because=20
the "others" seemed to be a threat to the expansion of dogma. Nazi=20
superiority complex led to the hatred to the Jews and the dogma=20
cherished the need to annihilate an entire people. In such a=20
totalitarian dogma, average citizens unknowingly fall prey to=20
brainwashing where the sense of right and wrong get blurred.

Islamic fascism is not a new development in the contemporary world.=20
The totalitarian nature of this political idea is indebted to the=20
Wahhabistic idea in the Arabian Peninsula that culminated only a few=20
centuries ago. In a traditionalist political Islamism, fascistic=20
nature is inherent.

In governance of a society, the line between secular and sacred is=20
almost nonexistent. The total subjugation to a powerful elite, who=20
claims to be arbiters of god's wish, is the common scenario. Millions=20
of faithful like dumb and driven cattle lose the sense of morality=20
and humanity to appease god's gatekeepers or the protagonists of=20
Islamic fascism.

Islamic fascism in the Indian subcontinent was basically a localized=20
political development. Deobandi students and Abul A'la Maududi were=20
the pioneers of a movement where interpretation of Islamic norms and=20
jurisprudence was made in the line of existing Wahhabism borrowed=20
from the Arab land. Today's greatest threat to human civilization,=20
the al-Qaeda, and the Talibans got their main inspiration from=20
Wahhabite philosophy.

In Bangladesh and Pakistan, Jamaat-i-Islami had been historically a=20
leading prot=E9g=E9 of Saudi-sponsored Wahhabism. The Saudi monarch was=20
satisfied with the contribution of this fundamentalist party in=20
enhancing the Wahhabist agenda. Although the Jamaatis are the blood=20
brothers of the Talibans or al-Qaeda, they have not turned into as=20
ambitious as the latter.

On the surface, it seems they have not resorted to undermining=20
western interest globally. Not everybody would agree to such notion.=20
Khalid Duran has extensively written about Jamaatis' sympathetic ties=20
to the Talibans in the Pakistani theater. The Jamaatis, though=20
surprisingly, refrained from committing violent acts against USA and=20
western nations. This does not make them to be innocent lambs.

Maybe, this could be their tactical maneuver. Nonetheless, some=20
disturbing events need more vigorous scrutiny. The presently ruling=20
BNP-Jamaat-i-Islami alliance is helping the cause of Islamism in=20
Bangladesh. The new regime that won a landslide victory in a=20
controversial election held in October of last year is putting its=20
favorites in different sectors of the country's governing body.

A newly elected cleric, the Khatib of the grand mosque of Bangladesh=20
recently urged his fellow countrymen to confront USA and US President=20
George Bush. This, he uttered in an Eid-ul-Fitr congregation where=20
Bangladeshi President and quite a few state ministers were even=20
present.

If the tragedy of September 11 did not occur, the free world would=20
not have been bogged down to confront the global menace of Wahhabism=20
inspired al-Qaeda. Today, the battle line is drawn where the victory=20
of west's military action is helping the ideological battle against=20
an evil philosophy. Globally, the victory against Talibans still=20
leaves some questions unanswered. That is, if Islamic fascists of=20
indigenous variety do not show any global agenda, how to deal with=20
them when they espouse brutal and fascist acts within the confines of=20
nation states?

This question has more significance as countries like Bangladesh and=20
Pakistan are facing the danger of falling preys to the=20
Jamaati-i-Islami's evil design. Pakistan, due to immense pressure=20
from her Superpower ally has cornered the fundamentalist party to a=20
great length. Even then, the danger remains.

This party has enough sympathizers not only in the rank and file but=20
also in the army hierarchy. In Bangladesh, the right of the center=20
Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP) draws its power from the=20
fundamentalists who are blessed with having two ministers in the=20
national government. The painful reality is, these Islamic fascists,=20
leaders of the Jamaat-i-Islami of Bangladesh were directly involved=20
in the genocide in the country during its war of liberation in 1971.

At one time while the Soviet army was engaged in Afghan soil, the=20
Talibans were friends of the West. So were the Jamaatis. During 1971,=20
in a bipolar world, USA was involved in a turf war with the Soviets=20
when Pakistani army juntas allied with the Islamic fascists conducted=20
a dirty war against the people of Bangladesh.

After the war, a number of the ringleaders of the Islamic fascists=20
fled the country to Arabian Peninsula. Ironically, some of them ended=20
up in the western nations.

The Bangladeshi war criminals settled in UK and USA are test cases=20
where the western nations ignore their presence as they are assumed=20
to be not directly tied to Osama bin Laden or his terrorist al-Qaeda=20
network. They have bloodied their hands to uphold the cause of=20
Islamic fascism, but the killings were done in a Third World=20
hinterland like Bangladesh. Today, it can safely be said that the=20
perpetrators of the World Trade Center and the Pentagon attack and=20
the fundamentalist killers of 1971's Bangladesh are graduates from=20
the same school.

They are the torchbearers of an inhuman dogma where dignity of human=20
lives has no value. For readers' attention, let us have a brief=20
overview of two notorious Bangladeshi war criminals who will always=20
be remembered by the victims as forces of evil.

The Ashrafuzzaman Khan affair:

When the News from Bangladesh on November 10, 1999 published "The=20
Travail of Ashrafuzzaman Khan's Infamous Diary"
http://www.shobak.org/bangla_nuremberg/ashrafuzzaman_khan/nfbnov99.html

many readers at home and abroad were introduced once again to the=20
heinous killer of 1971. Before the NFB publication, he was a sought=20
out man in just liberated Bangladesh. His photo was posted in various=20
dailies as a "Most wanted fugitive." Later on, a few books on killers=20
and collaborators depicted his picture and the details of his=20
murderous act.

This man was directly responsible for killing seven Dhaka University=20
teachers before the final moment of Bangladesh's liberation from the=20
occupational forces. In early seventies, in a Bangladesh court,=20
Ashrafuzzaman Khan was found in absentia, to be guilty of the crime.=20
Today, this criminal is living freely and openly in USA.

After the publication of the article in NFB, an advocacy group,=20
namely Bangla Nuremberg was formed with some dedicated Bangladeshi=20
expatriates. Some of them were living in the North America while=20
others were living in Europe.

Thanks to a handful of dedicated expatriate activists in America,=20
soon Ashrafuzzaman Khan became a household name in various law=20
enforcement bodies of USA. This war criminal's thirty-year-old photo=20
along with his present day portrait and his writing samples were in=20
possession of a powerful law enforcement body of USA. The US State=20
Department was not left out either.

The lobbyists met Bangladeshi Ambassador to USA and had a few=20
meetings with the then Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina regarding=20
extradition of the war criminal to his native land. Sheikh Hasina's=20
typical oratory was as if she was the greatest champion of the=20
Bangladesh liberation cause. The activists got a different picture=20
altogether. While the US State Department took some interest in the=20
case and followed up the matter with another US law enforcement=20
agency, the US officials' position was - "The ball is in Bangladesh's=20
court."

That means US government wanted to see Bangladesh being more=20
proactive in resolving the war criminal issue. One reliable source=20
was quoting a highly placed law enforcement official who said with=20
frustration, "The Bangladesh Government had been pressing US=20
Government a number of times to extradite Sheikh Mujibur Rahman's=20
killers back to their home country.

Not one time, the Bangladesh Government approached US Government=20
asking for extradition of Ashrafuzzaman Khan or any other war=20
criminal who might be living in the United States." The Hasina=20
Administration failed miserably pursuing the case. Therefore, a war=20
criminal has the last laugh.

The other day, New York-based Bangla weekly Thikana published a news=20
story on the killer of 1971. Today, Ashrafuzzaman Khan is a renowned=20
Islamist, a busy body in Bangladeshi community affairs in the greater=20
New York area. The Thikana report said he gave an emotional speech at=20
an award presentation ceremony for the Quran reciters. He expressed=20
his frustration as he spoke of the expatriate Bangladeshis stating=20
that only twenty percent of the Muslims attend the mosque. He said=20
that if the Muslims did not practice their religion in a=20
nonbelievers' land, their identity would go away in course of time.

The Office of Special Investigation (OSI), a division of the US=20
Department of Justice has successfully apprehended a good number of=20
Nazi war criminals who were hiding in the United States. In fact, OSI=20
became synonymous with successful prosecution of Nazi criminals on US=20
soil.

In most cases, those Nazis living in the land of opportunity kept a=20
low profile, occasionally bearing aliases. Some of them were working=20
in factories; some of them were making a living by menial jobs. In=20
case of Ashrafuzzaman Khan, a leader of the Islamic Circle of North=20
America, the situation is quite the opposite. Not only did he not=20
change his former name, neither does he hesitate to be in the=20
limelight.

As a son of the soil, he knows the pulse of the Bangladeshis and=20
Bangladeshi leaders. He knows that in Bangladesh the political wind=20
is now blowing favorably in his direction. He does not see any threat=20
coming from Bangladesh now that an Islam Pasand government is in=20
power over there. Also, he knows it very well that he will die=20
peacefully and gracefully in an alien infidel land.

Chowdhury Mueen-Uddin saga

While Ashrafuzzaman Khan story may sound amazing, Chowdhury=20
Mueen-Uddin episode is as incredible as it could be. Like=20
Ashrafuzzaman Khan, this war criminal from Bangladesh is leading a=20
rather elegant life in UK. Ashrafuzzaman Khan did not get any bad rap=20
in the US press, also the majority of the Allah-fearing Muslims=20
living in North America are presumably not aware of his murky past.=20
Conversely, Chowdhury Mueen-Uddin got the infamy because of high=20
level exposure brought out by a lone UK TV documentary.

On May 3, 1995, UK's Channel Four Television broadcast a documentary=20
titled "The War Crimes File." Produced by Twenty Twenty Television of=20
London, this documentary provided exclusive evidence on the criminal=20
past of three former Bangladesh citizens who became prominent British=20
Muslim Fundamentalists.

The documentary presented vivid eyewitness testimonies of these men,=20
all of whom had lived in Britain for around 20 years, in organized=20
assassination and massacres during the 1971 Bangladesh liberation war=20
against Pakistani military regime. All three moved to England shortly=20
after the war and each had become a leading figure in Bangladeshi=20
community and were actively involved in fundamentalist politics.=20
Chowdhury Mueen-Uddin is one of the three protagonists of "The War=20
Crimes File."

Chowdhury Mueen-Uddin's despicable act in 1971 could have been blown=20
in the wind if not for the direct involvement of a few young=20
Bangladeshi activists in the production of the documentary. The=20
brutal Islamic fascists slaughtered most of the activists' parents=20
when they were merely infants. Unlike theirs most other=20
contemporaries growing up during the General Ziaur Rahman's or=20
General Ershad's (who happened to be the friends of Islamic fascists)=20
rule, these activists kept the fire in their soul intact. The=20
following message came from these dedicated individuals who still=20
keep the mantle of liberation war memories alive.

Act Now for Trial of three war criminals of the Bangladesh liberation=20
war in 1971

Dear Friends,
We, on behalf of the following organizations, urge you to endorse the=20
following Urgent Action regarding the trial of three war criminals of=20
the Bangladesh liberation war in 1971. These three war criminals,=20
Choudhury Mueen Uddin, Abu Sayeed and Lutfur Rahman are now citizens=20
and residents of U.K.

FACTS
In a documentary film, titled The War Crimes File produced by Twenty=20
Twenty Television and broadcast by Channel Four on May 3, 1995,=20
exclusive evidence is revealed of how three former Bangladeshi=20
citizens, now prominent British Muslim Fundamentalists are guilty of=20
inciting torture, mutilation and murder - and argues that they should=20
be prosecuted under war crimes legislation in England.

The film presents vivid eye-witness testimonies of the involvement of=20
these men, all of whom have lived in Britain for around 20 years, in=20
organised assassinations and massacres during the 1971 Bangladesh war=20
of liberation against Pakistan. All three moved to England shortly=20
after the war and each is now a leading figure in the Bangladeshi=20
community and actively involved in fundamentalist politics.

Each was involved in Al-Badr operations, a paramilitary death squad=20
of Pakistani Army formed by local fundamentalist political parties=20
mainly Jamaat-I-Islami and Muslim League, in abducting and brutally=20
killing many prominent academics, doctors and journalists in the last=20
days of the war.

They were also involved in kidnapping and raping innocent women,=20
looting, arsoning and all other gross violations of human rights.

Since 1992, pro-liberation forces in Bangladesh are demanding trial=20
of all war criminals of 1971 in Bangladesh, under the leadership of=20
late Jahanara Imam, mother of martyred freedom fighter. In this=20
regard, a public trial of Golam Azam, the chief collaborator, was=20
also held on 26th March 1992 - the Independence Day. Presently, a=20
public Enquiry Commission is investigating and documenting=20
allegations against notorious war criminals of 1971.

The film The War Crimes File was also premiered in Dhaka recently by=20
the pro-liberation forces on May 18. The showings in England and=20
Bangladesh have created a tremendous impact over both Bangladeshi and=20
non-Bangladeshi communities in these countries.

Please send urgent appeal to the following persons and authorities=20
urging them to try the three war criminals of Bangladesh Liberation=20
War - CHOUDHURY MUEEN UDDIN, ABU SAYEED and LUTFUR RAHMAN under=20
British Legislation:

Geneva Convention Act 1957. Please also circulate this appeal as=20
widely as possible.

1.Rt. Hon. Michael Howard Home Secretary Petty France LONDON SW1 Fax:=20
0044 171 273
3596

2. Sir Nicholas Lyell Attorney General 9 Buckingham Gate LONDON SW1E=20
6JP Fax: 0044 171
233 7194

3. War Crimes Unit New Scotland Yard 8-10 Broadway LONDON SW1H 0BJ=20
Fax: 0044 171
233 1952

4. Rt. Hon. Greville Janner Q.C.M.P. Parliamentary War Crimes Group=20
House of Commons Westminster LONDON SW1
Fax: 0044 171 233 0161

5. Parliament of the European Community
Strasbourg, France

Baroness Paula Monjila Uddin, a member of UK's House of Lords, is a=20
pride of Bangladesh. The publicity surrounding the three murderous=20
Islamic fascists drew her attention. Baroness Uddin took the=20
Bangladeshi war criminal case quite seriously. During the last Awami=20
League administration, she met the then Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina=20
and discussed the legal issues pertaining to the extradition process.
The British parliamentarian of Bangladesh descent disclosed to the=20
reporters that she was in favor of resolving the unresolved issue of=20
war crime in Bangladesh. But what happened since then? Was Hasina=20
administration at all sincere to follow up the matter? The following=20
development can give you the clue to the answer.

Here is the excerpt from a news report.
November 25, 2001, 12:12 PM

LONDON(AFP)-Prince Charles, heir to the British throne, joined Muslim=20
worshippers at an east London mosque Friday (Nov. 23) for a breaking=20
of fast for Ramadan. Launching a building project at the mosque, he=20
sipped faluda, a drink made of milk and rose petal syrup, and ate a=20
bowl of kushat, a dish of dates, figs and milk....

The vice-president of the mosque, Chowdhury Mueen-Uddin, thanked the=20
prince for visiting in the aftermath of the September 11 atrocities,=20
calling him "a patron of Islam in this country". He said: "Despite=20
the traumatic events of the past couple of months, Islam continues to=20
attract the attention of the world for all the right reasons".

Readers, now let's have a flash back. Please click on this URL=20
address to refresh your memory about this wolf in sheepskin who is=20
acting so innocent and docile in front of the British royalty:

http://www.shobak.org/bangla_nuremberg/london/bd_no_action.html

These murderous Islamic fascists are conquering the world due to=20
their good fortune of being born in a country like Bangladesh.=20
Although this nation was born after tremendous sacrifice, the=20
religious dogma diminished the sense of bitterness toward Islamic=20
fascists. The gradual expansion of Wahhabism and infusion of=20
petrodollars has marginalized the secular nationalist and=20
anti-fundamentalist force in the country.

The Islamic fascists are dreaming of enacting their Sha'ria Law in=20
Bangladesh. That could hardly be a pipe dream as they got enough=20
seats in the last parliamentary election. They are acting slowly and=20
wisely. As far as repentance for the brutalities of the past, the war=20
criminals and their cohorts do not possess any remorse.

After all, all the killings and massacres were committed for keeping=20
the integrity of military ruled Islamic Pakistan intact. Therefore,=20
the great "Islamic scholars" in the western land would hardly lose=20
their sleep for killing a few Bengali intellectuals who were=20
hindrances to their ultimate global agenda.

Also, being non-Arabs has advantages too. As persons being born in a=20
"liberal Islamic country" (quoting from US Congressman Joseph=20
Crowley's recent comment), Ashrafuzzaman Khan and Chowdhury=20
Mueen-Uddin are fortunate enough to escape the dragnet thrown by=20
agencies like FBI or Scotland Yard. Thus, cry for justice, as before,=20
remains unanswered as humanity now seeks justice for 9-11 massacre.

Jamal Hasan writes from Washington DC.

_____

#4.

From: "I. K. Shukla"
Date: Wed, 06 Feb 2002

Bharat Ke Saput
--------------
Ibrahim "Ashq"

(For BJP President Bangru Laxman and George Fernandes)

Inhe kuchh na kahiye
Ye Bhart ke sacche saputon ki toli
Chalaate hain Gandhi ke seene pe goli
Lahu se gharibon ke khelen ye holi
Karam inka nafrat, dharam inka rishwat
Ye Bharat ki dharti to ma hai inheen ki
Saput hain ye aise ki ma bechte hain
Inhen kuchh na kahiye-
Ye adarshwale hain, voton ki khatir
Chalate hain ye Ram ke nam par rajniti
Sare aam ye Ram ko bechte hain, inhen kuchh na kahiye-
Ye dangon ke aashiq, fasadon ki jad hain.
Inhen haq hai, shishe ke tukdon pe aurat ko nanga nachaayen
Inhen haq hai, masum bachchon pe khanzar chalaayen
Inhen haq hai, bahnon ki asmat ye luten
Inhen haq hai, logon ko zinda jalaayen
Inhen kuchh na kahiye ye hain sab se sachche
Inhen kuchh na kahiye ye hain sab se achhe
Watan ke bade hi wafadar hain ye
Wafa inki aisi watan bechte hain, inhen kuchh na kahiye-
Ye jo bhi karen wo hai qaanun inka
Ye jo bhi karen wo hai insaaf inka
Ye jo bhi karen sabhyata hai ye inki
Ye jo bhi karen sanskriti hai ye inki
Ye jo bhi karen wo hai aadarsh inka
Yahi raj wale, bade kaj wale, nahin laj wale
Yahi to wafadar hain is watan ke
Agar in pe koi ungli uthaayega koi
Range haath inko jo pakdega koi
Use hi ye ghaddar kahne lagenge
Watan ke wafadar to bah yehi hain
Inhen kuchh na kahiye, inhen kuchh na kahiye.
(Transcription by I.K.Shukla)

_____

#5.

Indian Express
February 6, 2002

Agenda of rewriting textbooks jeopardises the study of history
Historical disarray

by Mushirul Hasan

Rewriting history textbooks is a desirable exercise. And yet the=20
recent enterprise lacks transparency; hence, the criticism, levelled=20
by two former directors of the NCERT, that ''never before in its=20
history was NCERT viewed with mistrust by a large section of the=20
academic opinion''. They concede that the history textbooks, written=20
by some of the country's outstanding historians, added to the NCERT's=20
prestige. Lack of transparency breeds suspicions. One suspects,=20
therefore, that the rewriting involves no more than an imaginary=20
construction of the past, i.e., the claim that the Rig Veda is 7,000=20
years old; the Aryans had gone from India and colonised the world and=20
that they had all the possible knowledge and sciences; Buddhism and=20
Jainism were just trends within Hinduism; consequently, Ashoka,=20
having renounced Hinduism, bears the brunt of their criticism.

Historical imagination has its place, but somebody must also insist=20
on the strict limits within which that imagination is bound. The=20
exercise that is being undertaken now does not force historians to=20
rethink the categories and assumptions with which they work, or to=20
justify the manner in which they practise their discipline. This=20
being the case, the agenda of rewriting history textbooks necessarily=20
jeopardises historical study as normally understood. Just as the=20
arrival of postmodernist theory in the 1980s led to ''an extended=20
epistemological crisis'' in the West, India's current intellectual=20
climate and the ensuing controversies have thrown the historical=20
profession into disarray. Such is the power and influence of the BJP=20
polemicists that a growing number of people, drawn mainly from the=20
urban elites, are abandoning the quest for an objective approach to=20
the past. No wonder so many historians are worried about the future=20
of their discipline.
------------------------------------------------------------------------
Today, the issue is between prejudice and propaganda, on the one=20
hand, and rational arguments and scholarship, on the other
------------------------------------------------------------------------

In 1977, the past became a casualty in the ideological battle of the=20
present. However, the storm blew over owing to the fragile nature of=20
the Janata coalition. With the establishment of the BJP-led=20
government in February 1999, the BJP-RSS combination began its=20
veritable cultural counter-revolution, its subversion of the academia=20
through its time-tested method of infiltration and rewriting of=20
textbooks and ''fine-tuning'' of curricula. The Janata government's=20
intervention was feeble; the one now represents a strong body of=20
opinion in the country that subscribes to the view that the=20
''Hindus'' have been ''wronged'', and that their histories have been=20
distorted at the hands of ''secular fundamentalists''. Exponents of=20
this view say in effect: ''You have invaded and pillaged our past.=20
You, the inheritors of the Nehruvian legacy, have robbed us of our=20
present. And you have endangered and perhaps compromised our=20
future''. This kind of criticism is often accompanied by very harsh,=20
even coarse, language, and has given rise to a new term of abuse:=20
''intellectual terrorists''. Earlier, the term ''pseudo-secularists''=20
was coined to denote liberal and Marxist writers. Now, it has been=20
salvaged and turned to a new purpose.

The critical assault comes principally from political activists,=20
polemicists, propagandists, some journalists and, in recent years,=20
from the unwarranted intrusion of expatriates. Right-wing historians,=20
too, mostly echo the rhetoric of Hindu extremist politics, tracing=20
the misfortunes of Bharat to centuries of tyrannical Muslim rule with=20
the aid of partial, selective and narrow sources. Instead of studying=20
and interpreting other cultures by the same standards as their own,=20
without condescension or prejudice, their scholarship is designed to=20
serve some non-scholarly purpose, whether religious, regional,=20
ideological or any other.

What they are saying is that the critical approach is forbidden to=20
us, and that we should accept what is selected, prepared, processed,=20
and presented for our instruction. So that even to mention - let=20
alone to discuss or explore - beef eating in ancient India, the=20
destruction of Buddhist stupas and Jain temples by the Hindu=20
kingdoms, or the role of a venerable Sikh guru - is denounced as=20
evidence of unpatriotism and of Christian-Muslim designs. The same=20
applies to other delicate topics as the fate of the Indus Valley=20
civilisation, the antecedents of the Aryans, the mythical Saraswati=20
river, and the caste system. The range of taboos is very wide. What=20
has changed from the previous decades is that now the historian is=20
not expected to raise embarrassing questions, confront orthodoxy and=20
dogma, and represent all those people and issues that are routinely=20
forgotten or swept under the rug. Today, the issue is between=20
prejudice and propaganda on the one hand, and rational arguments and=20
scholarship on the other. What we have, in other words, is the=20
dialogue of the deaf, with no genuine debate.

India is a multicultural and multireligious society, and yet a single=20
definition of Indian culture and society is projected through=20
educational channels. Notice, for example, the changes announced by=20
the NCERT in the school curricula last month. The relative importance=20
of our history and their history can be seen in the apportionment of=20
space and attention to ancient and medieval India. In addition, one=20
unit of the social science syllabus that looks at the features,=20
spread and basic values of ''major religions'' leaves out Islam. The=20
motivation is clearly political and ideological.

Sometimes there are other variants. Although the 'Advent of Islam' is=20
included in the social science syllabus for the next class, it is put=20
in a unit alongside West Asia. HRD Minister has an explanation for=20
this. Islam, he says, ''grew out of that area - its history is linked=20
with the history of the Arab civilisation, its spread and=20
emergence.'' Why should we study their history? The NCERT seems to be=20
saying that it is not their business or that it is not relevant - a=20
word with new and sometimes menacing implications - to their needs or=20
concerns or purposes. Islam is, after all, alien to the Indian=20
environment, even though almost simultaneously with political=20
conquests in the seventh century Islam began to find lodgements in=20
India's western coast. ''Muslims and Christians,'' wrote Guru=20
Golwalkar, ''are born in this land, no doubt. But are they true to=20
its salt? Are they grateful towards this land which has brought them=20
up? Do they feel that they are the children of this land, its=20
traditions and to serve it as their great good fortune? No.''

Soon after Independence, a nation-wide consensus emerged on promoting=20
rationality and preserving the composite values of this society. We=20
need to revive that consensus and pay heed to Jawaharlal Nehru's=20
advice to students in 1950: ''Keep your windows and doors of your=20
mind always open. Let all winds from the four corners of the earth=20
blow in to refresh your mind, to give you ideas, to strengthen you.''

______

#6.

The Times of India
FEBRUARY 06, 2002
HC notice to Thackeray, VHP on Archies plea
PTI [ TUESDAY, FEBRUARY 05, 2002 5:46:34 PM ]
NEW DELHI: Taking cognisance of leading greeting cards and gift=20
company, Archies' apprehension that activists of Shiv Sena and Sangh=20
Parivar outfits might target its outlets on the Valentine day, the=20
Delhi High Court on Tuesday issued notices to Shiv Sena Chief Bal=20
Thackeray, VHP, Bajrang Dal and the city Police Commissioner.
While issuing notices to Thackeray, Police Commissioner Ajai Raj=20
Sharma, VHP and the Bajrang Dal, Justice Sharda Agarwal directed them=20
to file reply to Archies' civil suit by February 7.
Seeking order to restrain these organisations from taking any action=20
against its outlets, Archies in its plaint alleged that "in the garb=20
of moral police, these organisations are openly threatening the=20
company, its franchies and public in general not to celebrate the=20
Valentine day on February 14."
Petitioner's counsel N N Agarwal alleged that these organisations=20
"have threatened the company in particular and people in general of=20
dire consequences, including physical harm if they participated in=20
the celebrations."
Also naming Mumbai-based Shiv Sena's General Secretary Subhash Desai,=20
its North India President Jai Bhagwal Goel and six of its other=20
leaders as defendants in the case, Archies said "such threats=20
amounted to a direct attack on fundamental rights of citizens."
Stating that the company has right to carry on its business=20
uninterrupted, Archies said these organisations "have no authority to=20
direct it not to manufacture, print and sell its items with regard to=20
the Valentine day."

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