[sacw] SACW #2 (08 January. 02)

Harsh Kapoor aiindex@mnet.fr
Tue, 8 Jan 2002 10:34:36 +0100


South Asia Citizens Wire - Dispatch #2 | 8 January 2002

------------------------------------------
#1.Pakistan: Press Release : Peace rally organised by citizens and=20
NGOs of Karachi on the evening of 7th January was brutally disrupted=20
by the police
#2. Musharraf's Bind: Averting War Without Humiliation (John F. Burns)
#3. Pakistan has arrested a large number of militants
#4. Building a tolerant society in Pakistan (Naeem Sadiq)
#5. India: Sudesh Vaid 1940-2001 (Urvashi Butalia)
#6. India: Sangh Parivar i.e. The Hindu Right & its Fundo circuit=20
has temple building plans and more

________________________

#1.

>From Karachi

PRESS RELEASE

KARACHI: Jan 07: A peaceful candlelight demonstration at Hasan Square=20
urging restraint between India and Pakistan was forcibly dispersed by=20
Gulshan-e-Iqbal police led by ASP Asif Ejaz and two demonstrators=20
Aslam Martin and Javed Iqbal Burki were arrested.

Police offices manhandled women and children and snatched away=20
banners. They tore up peace placards from the hundred or so peaceful=20
citizens who had gathered waiting for the vigil to begin. Several=20
hundred more were expected.

Written information for the rally had been provided by the Human=20
Rights Commission of Pakistan to the DIG,
Karachi who had said that the demonstration could take place as long=20
as there was no procession. But over
100 police officers began forcibly dispersing the waiting demonstrators bef=
ore
the vigil even began.

Rally organisers negotiated with police, while demonstrators stood=20
their ground, but the arrival of ASP Ejaz put a stop to the process.=20
Male and female police officers armed
with rifles and lathis pushed and shoved the participants and started=20
arresting them, even as other demonstrators were arriving for the=20
vigil.

"We would like to know what the policy of our government is," said=20
the organizers. "On the one hand they allow statements to be=20
published by religious groups calling for jihad and openly provoking=20
war, but when we
assemble peacefully, we are violently attacked."

One of the protestors, Dr Riaz Ahmed of Karachi University, was=20
hauled away by the police but he
to break free when other demonstrators resisted his arrest. His=20
eye-glasses were broken in the scuffle.

The vigil was organized under the umbrella of the Joint Action=20
Committee for Peace, which includes about 30 non-government=20
organisations including HRCP, WAF, Shirkat-Gah, Idara-Amn-o-Insaf,=20
Aurat Foundation, Labour Party Pakistan, Piler, Pakistan-India=20
Peoples Forum for Peace and Democracy, War Against Rape,=20
International Socialist Group, CPP, Pakistanis4peace.org, Citizens=20
for Peace, and a large number of unaffiliated citizens.

o o o o

[Related News Report]
DAWN
8 January 2002
Peace activists not allowed to hold demo
http://www.dawn.com/2002/01/08/nat7.htm

_____

#2.
The New York Times
January 8, 2002
http://www.nytimes.com/2002/01/08/international/asia/08MUSH.html

Musharraf's Bind: Averting War Without Humiliation
By JOHN F. BURNS
<http://www.nytimes.com/2002/01/08/international/asia/08STAN.html>(January=
=20
8, 2002)

PESHAWAR, Pakistan, Jan. 7 =97 Pakistan's president, Gen. Pervez=20
Musharraf, became so concerned last week that tensions over Kashmir=20
would spill into war with India that he telephoned the American=20
ambassador in Islamabad, Wendy J. Chamberlin, to ask where Washington=20
intended to draw the line in supporting India.

"What General Musharraf wanted to know was how Washington could=20
guarantee that India wouldn't wait for some new incident to occur,=20
then claim that it was backed by Pakistan and use it as a pretext to=20
go to war," an aide to the general said, insisting on anonymity. "The=20
general's reasoning was: `What if some outraged Kashmiri takes a=20
Kalashnikov and shoots an Indian politician or puts a bomb in a=20
parking lot? Is Pakistan going to be held accountable every time=20
anybody picks up a weapon? Is Washington saying that all freedom=20
struggles, everywhere, can be suppressed under the guise of the war=20
on terrorism?' "

The questions illustrated the narrow, hazardous course that the=20
general must steer to make Pakistan what he calls "a dignified and=20
responsible nation" in which Islamic extremism and bloodshed will=20
cede to caution, tolerance and good-neighborliness, especially with=20
India.

General Musharraf is under strong pressure from the United States and=20
Britain to totally renounce terrorism in Kashmir =97 something India=20
has long sought.

Tonight, after a quick visit from Prime Minister Tony Blair of=20
Britain, he again strongly condemned terrorism, though he continues=20
to consider the struggle for Kashmir, by local groups, not as=20
terrorism but as a fight for freedom. But India refused to abandon=20
its buildup of troops on the two countries' border.

Whether General Musharraf can satisfy India and avert a war between=20
the nuclear-armed neighbors is not clear. He cannot be seen to=20
abandon the Muslims of Kashmir, which Pakistanis believe should have=20
been incorporated into their country when the British Raj split=20
violently in 1947 into Muslim Pakistan and largely Hindu, if=20
officially secular, India.

He now intends to outline his program in a speech to his nation. The=20
address is seen as the second in three months in which the=20
58-year-old general faces an uncomfortable choice.

After the Sept. 11 attacks on the United States, he had to tell his=20
nation that he was siding with Washington and abandoning the Taliban=20
in Afghanistan, a stance that risked retaliation by Islamic=20
extremists.

Now, the general again courts danger, or even political suicide.=20
Supporting Kashmiri Muslims fighting Indian rule is a national cause=20
in Pakistan, not a sectarian one like the fate of the Taliban.

Many in Pakistan believe that a war with India could touch off an=20
upheaval in which the general would be replaced by a more hard-line=20
military ruler and the promised October elections would fall away.

Yet General Musharraf can also not appear to be bowing to India's=20
will, particularly when many influential Pakistanis believe that=20
evidence for the involvement of Kashmiri militants supported by=20
Pakistan in the Dec. 13 attack on the Indian Parliament is thin.

"There is no question that we do have a problem with extremism in=20
this country, and we cannot deny that there is a monster in our midst=20
that has arisen in the past decades," Abdul Sattar, Pakistan's=20
foreign minister, said in an interview. "But India's threats in the=20
past three weeks have very greatly reduced our room for action,=20
because our people will say: `These people are doing India's dirty=20
business. They are Pakistanis, so why don't they stand up for=20
Pakistan?' "

Hamid Haroun, publisher of The Dawn, an influential Karachi=20
newspaper, spoke for many in Pakistan's establishment when he said=20
India's two-page summary of evidence against the Kashmiri militant=20
groups Lashkar-e-Taiba and Jaish-e- Muhammad was so lacking that it=20
raised questions about whether the two groups had been responsible=20
for the Parliament attack.

"If Pakistan has its Islamic militant groups that nobody really=20
controls, India has its own counterparts," he said, referring to a=20
far- right Hindu nationalist group, the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh,=20
which has strong influence on the party headed by India's prime=20
minister, Atal Behari Vajpayee.

"Both India and Pakistan have shown in the past that they are capable=20
of getting into some pretty sinister stage-setting," Mr. Haroun said.=20
"If you look at the events of Dec. 13, the least you'd have to say is=20
that they call for a very close examination."

In October, as the United States began bombing Afghanistan, General=20
Musharraf ordered a shuffling of the army leadership that sidelined=20
three powerful generals with links to Islamic militant groups. But=20
others still active in the officer corps might not remain quiescent=20
if Indian pressure for concessions is sustained, some retired=20
officers say.

"These people are perfectly capable of saying, `We should abandon=20
Musharraf's line and be much more aggressive,' " said Talat Masood, a=20
retired general who has become a prominent commentator on military=20
and political affairs, "and that would bring to pass exactly the=20
opposite of what India and the United States say they want."

In the long history of violence between India and Pakistan, the toll=20
in the attack on India's Parliament, which killed nine Indians and=20
the five attackers, was relatively low.

But the attack occurred in an entirely new context of an=20
international war on terrorism, and India has seized the opportunity=20
to put maximum pressure on General Musharraf to crack down on=20
Kashmiri militant groups supported by Pakistan's military=20
intelligence agency, Inter- Services Intelligence.

India asserted, for instance, that the true purpose of the Dec. 13=20
attack, which killed no legislators, was to kill India's top leaders,=20
including Prime Minister Vajpayee.

Pakistan has even suggested, obliquely, that the incident might have=20
been stage-managed for India to have a Sept. 11 of its own, an attack=20
so outrageous that it could be presented as tantamount to an act of=20
war.

Pakistan's leaders have been seriously alarmed by India's threats of=20
war. Military analysts here say privately that Pakistan would be=20
almost certain to lose, because of India's wide superiority in combat=20
troops, armor and air power.

General Musharraf has ordered that nothing be said that could=20
undercut Pakistani concessions, which have included the arrest in the=20
last two weeks of the leaders of Lashkar- e-Taiba and=20
Jaish-e-Muhammad, the groups India accused in the Parliament attack,=20
a freeze on their bank accounts and an order that the intelligence=20
services cut all holy-war groups out of its support for the=20
insurgency in Kashmir.

Senior officials here concede that the general's moves were overdue.=20
They say that even after he took power in a coup in 1999, he was too=20
weak to correct a course set in the early 1980's by Gen. Mohammad Zia=20
ul-Haq, who fostered Islamic extremism before being killed in a=20
mysterious plane crash, blamed by many on Islamic militants, in 1988.

Some senior Pakistani officials argue that General Musharraf already=20
started to move against Islamic extremists before Sept. 11. Now, his=20
government has drafted regulations intended to regulate the 7,000=20
madrasas, or religious schools, that General Zia helped establish.

The new rules would broaden the education of the half-million=20
students and require foreigners to show approval from their home=20
governments before enrolling in such schools. There are currently=20
35,000 foreigners studying in Pakistan's madrasas, roughly half of=20
them Arabs.

Senior Pakistani officials further suggest that Pakistan never=20
exercised tight enough supervision of the Kashmiri militant groups to=20
know who mounted the Dec. 13 attack. Mr. Vajpayee, they say, is=20
merely using the assault as a pretext to get American backing to end=20
half a century of violent confrontation over Kashmir.

"They accuse Pakistan of the incident in New Delhi, then refuse to=20
give us proper evidence, then find us guilty without even a hearing,"=20
Mr. Sattar, the foreign minister, said. "It's just like Alice in=20
Wonderland, where the Mad Hatter says, `I'll be judge and jury, and=20
I'll sentence you to death.' "

_____

#3.

BBC News
Monday, 7 January, 2002, 15:46 GMT
Analysis: Musharraf on a tightrope

Pakistan has arrested a large number of militants

By Owais Tohid of the BBC Urdu Service
Only a few months ago, every village and town in Pakistan was awash=20
with graffiti glorifying holy war.
Religious groups were openly recruiting young people and calling for donati=
ons.

A new cause was found in Kashmir

Now the offices stand empty, their leaders arrested or fearing arrest.
Some have even renamed their groups.
And all this brought about by none other than Pakistan's army ruler.
President Pervez Musharraf has launched a campaign to marginalise=20
these groups which previously were believed to have enjoyed support=20
from Pakistan's army. [...]

Full Text at:=20
http://news.bbc.co.uk/hi/english/world/south_asia/newsid_1742000/1742651.st=
m

_____

#4.

DAWN
8 January 2002

Building a tolerant society

By Naeem Sadiq

In October 2001, Sufi Mohammad after taking over parts of Swat, Dir=20
and Karakoram Highway, led his 5000-strong army of Tehrik Nifaz=20
Shariat-I-Mohammadi to attack the US forces operating in Afghanistan,=20
with weapons ranging from World War 1 antiques to mortars used by=20
modern day armies.
The fact that most of these illiterate and misguided soldiers lost=20
their lives to unfriendly daisy cutters, and Sufi, who had himself=20
never seen either an American or an aeroplane, deserted the=20
battle-field, ran for his life, and ended up in a Pakistani jail,=20
with a cosmetic three-year sentence, perhaps for not possessing valid=20
travel documents.
In December 2000, Maulana Akram Awan marching with his private army=20
of ten thousand misguided zealots, camped at Chakwal, and threatened=20
to capture Islamabad, the capital of Islamic Republic of Pakistan, if=20
the laws considered Islamic in the medieval mind of Maulana were not=20
promulgated throughout the country.
The government was so unnerved that it sent a delegation consisting=20
of the home secretary, inspector-general police and the minister for=20
religious affairs to please, pamper and compensate the Maulana and=20
convince him to return with his army to wherever he came from. Having=20
never met an official beyond the rank of the SHO, the Maulana was so=20
moved at the top officials of the nuclear state obsequiously falling=20
at his feet, that he withdrew without a battle, and declared to come=20
back next year to implement his promised mission.
For ten long years many Madressahs of Balochistan retained the=20
dubious distinction of operating as the world's largest nursery for=20
producing teenage soldiers.
Till a few days back travelling between Lahore and Peshawar by road,=20
one could see dozens of sign-boards offering short cuts to paradise=20
to those who sought recruitment in one of the many private armies=20
operating under the names such as Jaish-i-Mohammad, Lashkar-i-Taiba=20
or Harkat-ul-Majahideen. The proliferating religious fervour of these=20
private armies has resulted in the creation of downstream sectarian=20
militant organizations whose strong sense of loyalty to their own=20
brand of ideology requires killing of every one else who does not=20
subscribe to their point of view.
The brother of the interior minister was shot to death two days after=20
the minister articulated his much belated intention of curbing the=20
religious extremists. The private armies thus freely rule and till=20
recently even collected "bhatta" (compulsory donations) in the land=20
of the pure, making a mockery of the writ of the state. This=20
phenomenon often generically referred to as "Talibanization" of=20
society remained unchecked till recently when its excessive export=20
drew an angry response from the world at large as well as the already=20
fed up neighbours.
Pakistan's primary think tanks remain pathologically addicted to a=20
frozen world view based on a dogmatic and bigoted understanding of=20
religion, emphasis on rituals instead of spirit, hatred instead of=20
tolerance, ideological slogans instead of service to people, state=20
agencies instead of participative institutions, abhorrence to science=20
and technology, deep disinclination to reason and rationality,=20
obsession with female behaviour and dress, and the megalomaniac=20
self-image as the flag bearer and champion of the cause of Ummah,=20
(not one of the Ummah countries offered even a lip service of support=20
at the time of India-Pakistan stand-off.)
While the large majority of Pakistanis are as moderate, tenacious,=20
vibrant and enterprising as the people of any other country, their=20
rightful place amongst the developed and civilized nations of the=20
world has been a hostage to tribal traditions, private armies and=20
religious fanatics who forcibly dictate the social order of the=20
country. Only a week back the Orakzai tribes got together to declare=20
photography as an offence punishable by demolition of the offenders'=20
house and a fine of one million rupees.
The events of September 11 in many ways provide a unique opportunity=20
and impetus for Pakistan to re-evaluate its direction and make a=20
conscious decision to make a departure from the past. It can choose=20
to follow the path that has enabled other nations to pursue progress,=20
prosperity and enlightenment. Alternately it can remain glued to its=20
ancient and obsolete mindset, and gradually acquire the status of an=20
irrelevant and failed state.
Any nation must first address issues that are vital to itself and its=20
own citizens. For Pakistan these are issues of creating a just and=20
civil governance mechanism, education, industry, addressing poverty,=20
and providing host of basic amenities and services to its burgeoning=20
population. For too long the voluntarily adopted culture of=20
obscurantism has come in direct conflict with the scientific and=20
rational methods that could be applied towards solving these issues.=20
The bigoted clergy, the Lashkars, the Sipahs, the Jaishes, the=20
agencies and the increasingly bureaucratic and incompetent state=20
machinery are either completely reluctant to change for the better or=20
desire a change in the reverse direction only.
The first step is to realize that there can possibly be no sanity,=20
peace or progress in Pakistan, as long as it retains a multitude of=20
fully loaded private armies, each in pursuit of its own brand of=20
intolerance and bigotry. It is time for Pakistan to realize that the=20
private armies representing the feudal and tribal thinking of the=20
medieval times are simply not compatible with how the progressive,=20
modern nations pursue their interests and conduct their business in=20
the 21st century. There can be no serious investment or development=20
interest by any outsider (for that matter even insiders) in a state=20
ruled by private armies eternally at war within and without.
The first step towards peace and progress must therefore begin by=20
firmly disbanding and disarming all militant religious, political and=20
tribal organizations in Pakistan. This needs to be done as a national=20
challenge and not like the lame, half hearted, incompetently managed=20
and half way aborted earlier de-weaponization campaign. It is also=20
the time to extend the rule of law to areas and tribes that hitherto=20
made their own laws.
The days of private armies and the 'wild west' must come to an end if=20
a new beginning is to be contemplated. While this may also be a high=20
profile international demand, it is essentially for its own good that=20
Pakistan clean up its militant backyard. It is only through creating=20
a law-abiding, pluralistic and tolerant society that Pakistan can=20
hope for peace, progress and dignity in the years to come.

_____

#5.

Seminar (India)
December 2001

Sudesh Vaid 1940-2001

Sudesh Vaid was the kind of person who made a deliberate and=20
conscious choice to occupy a small space in life. But in so doing,=20
she enriched and enlarged this space so hugely that her untimely=20
death from cancer had large numbers of people, both young and old,=20
weeping. Sudesh herself would have laughed, and would, in all=20
likelihood, have hailed her death with the same indomitable spirit=20
and courage with which she greeted the news of her illness, and=20
indeed every other setback - of which she had several - in her life.=20
She died as she had lived, fighting and uncowed. The night before she=20
left us, she awoke through a haze of pain and a near coma to assure=20
her gathered friends that she was not going yet.

The space Sudesh occupied was small, but it contained within it many=20
different and overlapping worlds. She was, first and foremost, a=20
teacher, and her work at Indraprastha College occupied a great deal=20
of her time and attention, such that, recently, when she was laid low=20
by illness and advised the use of a wheelchair, her one concern was=20
how she would make it to her classes since the college had no ramps=20
or wheelchair access. Her students speak of her with affection, and=20
some trepidation, for Sudesh did not suffer fools easily.=20
Plainspeaking, and doing so rather brusquely, characterized many of=20
her interactions with people and it was only when you got to know her=20
that you discovered that rather brusque exterior hid a soft,=20
sensitive, empathetic core.

If teaching occupied a large space in Sudesh's life, so did her work=20
with PUDR, the People's Union of Democratic Rights, to which Sudesh=20
had a long- term commitment. The PUDR 'community' of young and old=20
activists were her real 'family' although she remained close to, and=20
supportive of, her biological (natural) family, her brothers, her=20
sisters, and a young niece, Kirti, whom she brought up as her own=20
daughter. 'See how lucky I am,' she would often say after Kirti came=20
to live with her, 'I've got a readymade, grown up, lovely, daughter.'=20
And indeed, in the care and attention she lavished on her, Kirti was=20
as much, if not more, than a daughter to Sudesh.

PUDR's particular brand of ethics - a fierce commitment to the=20
underprivileged, coupled with an equally fierce independence - no=20
investigations, for example, were funded other than from the=20
investigator's own resources; no report carried the names of any=20
investigator, the assumption being that you worked for the cause and=20
not for personal gain - was very much Sudesh's own. She held on=20
strongly to what she believed, and yet made space for other voices,=20
other views. Her house in Indraprastha College - D II as it was=20
affectionately known to friends and family - remained (a rarity in=20
these days) always open and welcoming, a space where people gathered=20
to talk, to work, to laugh and joke, and lately, to provide care and=20
nurture to Sudesh.

Much of what Sudesh practised in life was learnt though her political=20
work in the left, democratic and feminist movements. Until some years=20
ago, a great deal also came from interactions and discussions with=20
her partner and friend C.V. Subbarao, whose death some six years ago=20
was the first of the major setbacks Sudesh faced. Nonetheless, and=20
characteristically, while all those of us who loved and valued Subba=20
dearly, cried at his going, it was Sudesh who resolutely refused to=20
weep and kept our spirits up.

The loss hit her years later, and when it came, accompanied by deep=20
depression, it was her PUDR family, and her women friends (known=20
affectionately as murgis) who rallied round to offer support. Much=20
needed, for barely had she emerged from the depression that she was=20
struck by a host of other illnesses in what began to seem like an=20
endless and unfair stretch of suffering and pain.

No account of Sudesh's life would be complete without mentioning her=20
deep involvement in the women's movement and feminism. This, again an=20
important aspect of her life, spanned and interlinked both the=20
academic and activist worlds. She was one of the first people - and=20
this in the days when women's studies was not yet fashionable - to=20
work along with other colleagues to organize a seminar on women and=20
culture at Indraprastha College. This later turned into the=20
pathbreaking book, Recasting Women (jointly put together by her and=20
Kumkum Sangari), which remains till today the definitive book on=20
history and gender.

It was her commitment to feminism too that led Sudesh to work, along=20
with her friend and colleague Kumkum Sangari, on sati. Their joint=20
work, which takes as its base the Deorala incident of 1987, once=20
again set the standard for research and demonstrated all Sudesh's=20
strong qualities - rigour, compassion, anger, understanding. I=20
remember well that one of the things that troubled her enormously was=20
how, when speaking to Roop Kanwar's father, she could feel both anger=20
and compassion.

For a short while Sudesh and I worked together on Partition. She=20
offered to come in and help when, burdened with the grief of so many=20
terrible stories, I was unsure about how to go on. For a while Sudesh=20
and I worked together, interviewing people, and as we shared their=20
stories and their grief, considerably lightened by discussions over=20
hot tandoor rotis and dal fry in Jangpura, things became more=20
manageable. Typically, when she decided not to continue with this=20
work, for in many ways she found it too painful, she felt she had to=20
give something back to the people she had spoken to. So for several=20
months she worked painstakingly at making up a list of losses of life=20
among Sikhs and others from a few villages in Rawalpindi, and then=20
offered this list to the gurudwara in Jangpura, the place where many=20
refugees had settled. For this, she was honoured with a saropa, which=20
she treasured.

In death, Sudesh Vaid is finally at peace. Her farewell was, in many=20
ways, a thing of beauty. Her friends, comrades, colleagues, family,=20
wept openly. Her natural family generously allowed her PUDR family,=20
in many ways her 'real' family, to perform the last rites, not with=20
prayers and incense, but with songs and slogans. And fittingly, while=20
it was PUDR activists who held her bier aloft as she left her home at=20
IP College, it was her women friends who carried it to her final=20
resting place. Had Sudesh been able to see she would have urged us on=20
with a heartiness and cheer, and would have demanded to know what it=20
was we were crying for.

Urvashi Butalia

______

#6.

The Week (India)
Jan 13, 2002
COVER STORY

One for the Lord

Intoxicated with religious fanaticism, hardcore elements in the Sangh=20
parivar want Centre to take a decision on Ram mandir by March

By Ajay Uprety/Ayodhya

WANTED URGENTLY: Immediately requires land near the disputed site at=20
Ayodhya. Quick deal. For more details contact the local Vishwa Hindu=20
Parishad office or the Ram Janmabhoomi Nyas.

The Sangh parivar has not bared its mind in so many words but the=20
signs are obvious. After years of waiting for the Centre to hand over=20
the 67 acres surrounding the disputed site at Ayodhya, the saffron=20
brigade is impatient and itching for action. It is nine years since=20
the karsevaks razed the many century-old Babri Masjid and placed an=20
idol of Lord Ram in the most controversial piece of land in the=20
country but the Vishwa Hindu Parishad has not been able to achieve=20
its stated aim: to build a temple for Ram at the very place where the=20
mosque stood.

Full steam ahead: A priest chanting the name of Lord Ram at=20
Karsevakpuram in Ayodhya

Preliminary work on the temple has been going on at a frantic pace at=20
Karsevakpuram, two kilometres from the disputed site, where=20
handpicked artisans from across the country have been pecking away at=20
sandstones and marble slabs. The VHP and the Ram Janmabhoomi Nyas,=20
the body in charge of the temple construction, have never tried to=20
keep the work a secret hoping that one day the BJP, which rules the=20
Centre and Uttar Pradesh, would oblige them.

The fact that it has not happened so far has created unrest in the=20
Sangh parivar. It was very much evident at the jalabhishek (offering=20
of water to Lord Shiva) conducted by the VHP at Ayodhya in=20
September-October 2001, where the sants vowed to 'liberate' the=20
temple. Over two lakh people who had gathered there nodded in=20
agreement.

Further plans were formulated, according to which a three-month=20
ritual of chanting the name of Lord Ram was initiated on November 26.=20
The project aims at involving 2 crore people across the country at=20
10,000 'sacred' points. This will be followed by a Shri Ram=20
Mahayagna, which will begin on February 17, when elections to the=20
Uttar Pradesh Assembly would be in full swing. Nearly 20,000 people=20
are expected to take part in the 100-day yagna at Ayodhya.

More important would be the week-long chetawani yatra (warning rally)=20
from Ayodhya to Delhi. More than 5,000 sants from India and Nepal,=20
led by Ram Janmabhoomi Nyas president Ramchandra Paramhans, would=20
march into the Ramlila Maidan on January 27.

"If the Centre does not solve the temple issue by March the Sant=20
Samaj and the VHP will start the construction," said Rajendra Singh=20
Pankaj, organisational secretary of the VHP and chief organiser of=20
the rally. "The sants are angry at the delay. The government will=20
ultimately have to give the land to us."

The month of March figures prominently in the scheme of things of the=20
Sangh parivar with good reason. During his Lucknow visit last August,=20
Prime Minister Atal Bihari Vajpayee had told the media that a=20
solution to the temple imbroglio would be found by March 2002.=20
Vajpayee's statement gave a much-needed elixir to the VHP which=20
speeded up the work at Karsevakpuram.

Waiting for the final call: Craftsmen giving finishing touches to the=20
pillars of the temple at Karsevakpuram

VHP sources claim that more than 60 per cent of the work is over.=20
They now face the problem of storing the prefabricated pillars and=20
stones. The VHP is hoping that the Centre would give them back the=20
land surrounding the 2.77-acre disputed site, which the government=20
took over after the masjid demolition.

"I have spoken to Vajpayee about this and there seems to be no=20
problem in building the temple on the land surrounding the disputed=20
site," said Ramchandra Paramhans. He refused to divulge the details=20
of the conversation he had with the Prime Minister.

"A majority of political leaders are not aware of the legal position=20
of Ram Janmabhoomi," said the BJP's state general secretary Vinay=20
Katiyar. "There is no dispute about the land surrounding the idol of=20
Ram Lalla. It belongs to us and we want the land back so that the=20
construction of the temple can begin."

According to Katiyar, a dilapidated temple existed on Ram Janmabhoomi=20
before the masjid was demolished and all that the Hindus want is a=20
new temple in its place. "Procrastinating on the temple issue will=20
not be in the best interests of the country," he said.

The Maha Kumbh Mela at Allahabad last year gave the Sangh parivar an=20
ideal platform to showcase its achievements. Releasing a detailed=20
sketch of the temple complex, a congregation of sants and VHP leaders=20
announced that the construction of the various buildings that=20
surround the temple would start by March 2002. A model of the=20
buildings, which was on display at the mela, attracted a lot of=20
pilgrims.

The busy activity at Karsevakpuram and the regular VHP programmes=20
have made Muslims in Ayodhya and neighbouring Faizabad apprehensive.=20
They fear that the vitriolic campaign would result in a 1992-like=20
situation. What makes them even more jittery is the support the state=20
and Central governments extend to the temple movement.

"The Centre should not transfer the acquired land to either the VHP=20
or the Nyas," said Haji Mehboob Ali, joint convener of the Babri=20
Masjid Action Committee's (BMAC) Faizabad unit. "If it does, Ayodhya=20
will burn once again. We are holding regular meetings to chalk out a=20
strategy."

Hasim Ansari, head of the Babri Masjid Reconstruction Committee which=20
was formed two years ago, said Muslims will abide by the Supreme=20
Court's verdict on the issue. "Any effort by the VHP to bypass a=20
court order will be dealt with strongly," he said.

BMAC's Faizabad unit chief Mohammed Younis Siddiqi foresaw a long=20
grind in court. "In 50 years, cases pertaining to the Babri mosque=20
have not even reached their preliminary stage," he said. "At the=20
present pace nobody knows how many more years it would take to reach=20
a settlement. Even if the BJP rakes up the issue before elections it=20
will not help the party much." However, Muslims are resigned to the=20
fact that either the BJP or the VHP would want some action before the=20
elections.
BJP leaders contend that there is no need to rake up the issue=20
because it already exists. Katiyar ducked when asked whether the=20
temple issue would help the BJP in the elections. "Whoever works for=20
the cause of God will benefit," he said, tongue-in-cheek. It is=20
applicable even to the BJP!

Piety in parts
More than half the work on the temple is complete

The Vishwa Hindu Parishad is already half way through the=20
construction of stone blocks, pillars and doors for the Ram temple in=20
Ayodhya. Braving biting cold and thick fog, 70 craftsmen are working=20
round the clock at the VHP workshop at Karsevakpuram in Ayodhya. In=20
this 3.5 acre workshop the temple is being prefabricated vigorously.

Around 60 per cent of the work on the two-tier temple is over. The=20
idol of Ram Lalla will be at the first tier and Ram Darbar on the=20
second. "First tier of the temple is complete and some work of the=20
second storey is also over," said Sharad Sharma, VHP spokesperson.=20
The temple facade will resemble Akshayadham Temple in Gandhinagar,=20
Gujarat. Architect Chandrakant Sompura has designed them both.

The Ram temple is designed to be 268 feet long, 140 feet wide and 128=20
feet high and will consume 1.75 lakh cubic feet of pink sandstone.=20
"Work on the entire length of the temple is over," said VHP activist=20
Nagendra Upadhya, who supervises the work at Karsevakpuram.

All the stones to be used in the plinth of the temple have been=20
carved and 106 out of the 212 pillars are ready. A dozen of the 24=20
doors of the temple are also complete.

Besides the workshop in Karsevakpuram, four workshops are operating=20
in Rajasthan, where the prefabrication work in marble is in full=20
swing. The workshop at Karsevakpuram came up in September 1990 and=20
those in Rajasthan started functioning in February 1996. The=20
estimated cost is about Rs 120 crore and running the Karsevakpuram=20
workshop takes up Rs 1 crore every year.
AU

The new lure
BJP leaders feel terrorism is a better campaign issue than Ayodhya

By Debashish Mukerji

Exactly one year ago, at their dharam sansad organised during the=20
historic Kumbh Mela at Allahabad, the Vishwa Hindu Parishad declared=20
it would begin construction of the Ram mandir in Ayodhya "any time=20
after March 12, 2002". Ever since it was speculated that the date had=20
been chosen with the UP Assembly elections=D1which were likely to be=20
held at the same time=D1in mind: mixing religion with politics would=20
provide just the poll winning brew the VHP's fellow parivar member,=20
the BJP, needed. The speculation has proved correct. But so much has=20
the political atmosphere in the country changed in the past few=20
months that BJP leaders now feel they are better off without Ram.

VHP leaders are of course at pains to emphasise that their choice of=20
date had nothing to do with the elections. "When the dharam sansad=20
took its decision, everyone expected the UP polls to be held in=20
September-October 2001," maintained Champak Rai, VHP functionary in=20
charge of temple construction. "We had no idea it would be postponed=20
to February. In any case construction is to begin only after March=20
12, by which time the election will be over, and a new government=20
installed."

The confusion over the month in which the UP poll would be held arose=20
from the fact that, though the last Assembly election was completed=20
in October 1996, the first sitting of the new Assembly could only=20
take place in March 1997. This unique situation arose because none of=20
the three major parties=D1BJP, Samajwadi Party and Bahujan Samaj=20
Party=D1came anywhere close to winning a majority on its own that time,=20
and none was prepared to enter into a coalition either.

Thus Governor's rule continued for a further five months after the=20
election until finally the BJP and the BSP did=D1albeit briefly=D1come=20
together. While all the opposition parties insisted that the Assembly=20
term ended in October 2001, BJP Chief Minister Rajnath Singh=20
maintained otherwise, carrying on even though the entire opposition=20
resigned in protest last October. The BJP critics insist the party=20
had made up its mind long ago to carry on in UP into 2002 and had=20
informed the VHP accordingly.

Yet now that election bells are actually tolling BJP leaders wonder=20
if they need the VHP at all. As part of its continuing campaign to=20
rouse public opinion in favour of temple construction, the VHP=20
intends to hold a rally at the Ram Lila grounds in Delhi on January=20
27 to be attended, the VHP claims, "by 5,000 sants". From February=20
17, a 100-day yagya will begin in Ayodhya, attended by at least=20
20,000 people every day, any time during which construction will=20
begin.

"The BJP's only concern is ensuring law and order during these=20
programmes," said Pyarelal Khandelwal, party general secretary in=20
charge of elections. "I don't think the VHP will want to create any=20
disturbance, though some of its opponents might try to use the=20
occasion to do so."

"Our position is very clear," said Kushabhau Thakre, ex-BJP president=20
and prabhari for the UP polls. "We maintain there is already a=20
makeshift temple at the Ram Janmabhoomi in Ayodhya. When differences=20
are sorted out, it will be transformed into a proper temple. There is=20
no hurry."

"I firmly believe the Ayodhya issue reached saturation point long=20
ago," observed a top BJP leader in UP. "Most of our leaders feel=20
emotional issues like Ayodhya can make a difference in one election=20
at best, not again and again."

Why is the BJP putting aside the Ayodhya card which only a few months=20
ago it was all set to play? Because the battle against terrorism=20
appears a far better bet. In the great campaign to mobilise opinion=20
against terrorism, and its overt and covert abettors, Ayodhya can=20
only be a distraction.

Not all BJP leaders are willing to admit that terrorism will be a=20
major poll issue. "The UP voter is not all that concerned about Kabul=20
or what George Bush says," maintained Thakre. "He is bothered about=20
local needs and local problems, specially in an Assembly election."=20
But Khandelwal and other BJP leaders admitted otherwise. "Since=20
September 11, and even more after the attack on Parliament, people=20
throughout the country are worried about terrorism and their own=20
security," said Khandelwal. "People will support any party which=20
displays a determination to fight terrorism."

Naturally, as a corollary, the Prevention of Terrorism Ordinance=20
(POTO) will also figure prominently as an election issue. The BJP=20
clearly intends to put the opposition in the dock for having objected=20
to it. "POTO and terrorism are inextricably linked," maintained=20
Khandelwal. Rajnath Singh echoed identical views. "Internal security=20
will be our main election plank," he said recently.

In both the 1993 and 1996 Assembly elections the BJP won an identical=20
number of seats: 177 out of a total of 425. Both times it was widely=20
tipped to win, both times it fell well short of a majority. With the=20
new state of Uttaranchal having been carved out, the number of=20
Assembly seats has dropped to 403 of which the BJP holds 157. Will it=20
succeed in crossing the 200 mark to get an absolute majority this=20
time?

For much of its five-year rule it did not seem likely.=20
Disillusionment with the BJP government's performance was widespread,=20
and vividly reflected in the last Lok Sabha poll when the party won a=20
mere 29 of the 85 seats, when even Vajpayee had to campaign hard to=20
retain his Lucknow seat. Worse followed when Kalyan Singh on being=20
removed from chief ministership, quit the party and a disaster called=20
Ram Prakash Gupta was made chief minister in his place. The party=20
wilted under factionalism, indiscipline and a barrage of corruption=20
charges against its ministers.

But even opposition leaders admit that Rajnath Singh's spell as chief=20
minister has wrought a change. Critics mocking his propensity for=20
tall promises call him 'ghoshnamantri'. "Not at all," retorted=20
Thakre. "More than 70 per cent of what he promised, he has already=20
delivered."

The party organisation too has been galvanised, with Kalraj Mishra=20
relinquishing ministerial office to return as party president.=20
However, Rajnath and Kalraj Mishra, both go-getters in their own=20
ways, cannot stand each other, and have divided up the party into=20
their respective camps. Their long running feud is public knowledge,=20
and has seen several well publicised flashpoints: with polls in the=20
offing, central leaders are pleading with them to put aside their=20
differences for the party's sake. "I won't deny their differences,"=20
said the state BJP leader. "But things are not as bad as before."

"With four major contenders in the fray, any party which can get=20
around 35 per cent of the votes will win," opined Khandelwal. "Even=20
at our worst, in the 1999 Lok Sabha polls, we got nearly 30 per cent=20
of the vote. If we can raise this by four to five per cent, we can=20
pull off a victory. I believe we can do it."
Ayodhya and votes
Zafaryab Jilani, Babri Masjid Action Committee
So far the attempt of the VHP and the BJP to translate the Ayodhya=20
issue into votes has failed. But they will try every possible way to=20
convince voters that they are serious about the temple movement. It=20
is the 5 to 10 per cent floating Hindu votes which they are trying to=20
capture.

Pilgrims at Karsevakpuram

Satyadeo Pachauri, BJP vice-president in UP
BJP does not view the Ayodhya issue in terms of votes. It is a=20
national issue and if the people want a movement, the party cannot=20
disrespect their sentiments.

Bhagwati Singh, Samajwadi Party vice-president in UP
BJP wants to communalise the atmosphere, hence it keeps raising the=20
Ayodhya issue on and off. Its eyes are on the votes of a particular=20
class and it has to go all out to appease them.

Prakash Jaiswal, Congress president in UP
BJP is not interested in the construction of Ram temple. Their basic=20
aim is to mislead the people to gain political mileage even if it=20
vitiates the political atmosphere.

INTERVIEW/MAHANT PARAMHANS
Vajpayee will help, like a devoted wife

As head of the Ram Janmabhoomi Nyas, what is your strategy for the=20
temple construction?
I have asked to the government to return the acquired land to Nyas.=20
There is no dispute on this land. The dispute is only on the land on=20
which the idol of Ram was installed. The remaining land was given to=20
me by the government and it is this land, which belongs to Nyas, that=20
was taken over by the Central government. I have not even taken=20
compensation for it. Any construction we undertake will begin from=20
this land.

Faith in the Prime Minister: Mahant Paramhans, head of Ram=20
Janmabhoomi Nyas, with sants in Ayodhya

Do you feel the Prime Minister is working under pressure on the temple issu=
e?
Atal Bihari Vajpayee is not working openly. His condition is like a=20
pativrata patni (devoted wife). Among Hindus, a devoted wife does not=20
take the name of her husband, but loves him very much. Similarly,=20
Vajpayee loves Ram and will facilitate construction of the temple=20
without taking the name of Ram.

What will you do if the government does not allow you to build the temple?
We will not give any more time to the government after Shiv Ratri and=20
will put every effort into the construction of the temple. Of course,=20
it will be nonviolent.

Have you spoken to the government or any senior leader on the=20
building of the temple?
Talks always happen, but I will not build the temple with the help of=20
the BJP or any government, or the court. No temple, mosque or church=20
is built seeking permission from governments. This is the prerogative=20
of religious gurus. But I believe that the court's verdict will be in=20
my favour. Ayodhya is the birthplace of Ram, not Babur. Mathura is=20
Krishna's birthplace, not Aurangazeb's. And Kashi belongs to Lord=20
Shiva. If the decision of the court is against religious texts, I=20
will not abide by it. If the court says that the Quran or the Bible=20
is wrong, will the Muslims or Christians abide by its verdict?

What do you think about Vajpayee's claim that a solution to the=20
temple issue will be found by March 12, 2002?
This you should ask him, but I have full faith in Vajpayee. After all=20
the Indian Prime Minister is not a peon and will not talk lightly. If=20
he has said so, he will find a solution.
AU

_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/

SACW is an informal, independent & non-profit citizens wire service run by
South Asia Citizens Web (http://www.mnet.fr/aiindex) since 1996. To=20
subscribe send a blank
message to: <act-subscribe@yahoogroups.com> / To unsubscribe send a blank
message to: <act-unsubscribe@yahoogroups.com>
________________________________________
DISCLAIMER: Opinions expressed in materials carried in the posts do not
necessarily reflect the views of SACW compilers.