[sacw] SACW (19 Nov. 01)

[Harsh Kapoor]

South Asia Citizens Wire
19 November 2001
http://www.mnet.fr/aiindex

------------------------------------------

#1. Beyond the Afghan quagmire (Imtiaz Alam)
#2. Afghan civilians being executed, says Asma Jehangir [UN special=20
rapporteur on extra judicial, summary or arbitrary executions]
#3. Zero-sum games people play (Irfan Husain)
#4. Pakistan: Peasants Uprising, Tenants demands ownership rights of=20
land (Rao Riaz)
#5. Afghan Workers Solidarity Campaign [in Pakistan]
#6. Why do journalists who irritate President Pervez Musharraf get bashed u=
p
#7. India: When The Surface Is Designed To Divide (Janaki Nair)
#8.: New issue of Akhbar online
________________________

#1.

The News International (Pakistan)
19 November 2001
Op-Ed.

Beyond the Afghan quagmire

Imtiaz Alam

The Taliban have mainly been routed and are continuing to flee,=20
giving a strategic edge to the United Front or Northern Alliance and=20
allowing warlords in Pashtun regions to scramble over the revival of=20
theirs fiefs. Such a stunning rout of Islamic militia has not only=20
vindicated General Pervez Musharraf's position, but has also=20
thoroughly exposed all the proponents of jihadi paradigm and=20
self-defeating radicalism. On the other hand, the more the=20
international coalition moves ahead, the greater it finds itself in a=20
quagmire. Where are the things moving and whether Afghanistan would=20
ever be at peace with itself and its neighbours?

The Taliban's "tactical retreat" has turned out to be a strategic=20
debacle, frustrating the infantile jihadi sentiment and exposing a=20
self-suicidal course taken by the adventurists, the Al-Qaeda, its=20
leader and the hosts. There is a most costly and bloody lesson in the=20
swift rise and not that surprising fall of the Taliban for those who=20
patronised them and those who had pinned their hopes in, and=20
misguided the people about, the "true Islamic" model brought by the=20
Taliban and invincibility of their jihadi project. The way the people=20
are expressing their joy and relief on the demise of so-called=20
Islamic militia and the way the Afghans are treating the foreign=20
revolutionaries - Pakistanis, Arabs, Chechens and others - should be=20
revealing to all those who have been misled or have a temptation to=20
take a martyrdom course of an internationalist Islamic militancy to=20
liberate ummah.

What is, however, not surprising is that, despite such a devastating=20
defeat of their project of pseudo-defiance, a whole lot of jihadi=20
demagogues, ignorant clergy and naive strategists have not shown any=20
sense of self-evaluation or a capacity to learn. This shows their=20
infantile disorder. In this country we have seen the same stock of=20
people repeating the same kind of mistakes and not learning a single=20
lesson and yet continuing to deceive themselves and their blind=20
followers. As if the fall of Kabul and the Taliban was not enough,=20
not to remind the fall of Dhaka, they continue to extend their=20
ridiculous (mis)projections and self-destructive recipes beyond cure.=20
The history takes its own course, even if you reject and consign it=20
to the dustbin; it does teach, even though you detest to learn and=20
continue to pay for your incorrigible stupidity.
[...]
[Full text at:=20
http://jang.com.pk/thenews/nov2001-daily/19-11-2001/oped/o2.htm ] .

______

#2.

The News International
19 November 2001

Afghan civilians being executed, says Asma

By our correspondent

ISLAMABAD: Evidence is gradually emerging in Afghanistan indicating=20
that large number of unarmed civilians have been and are still being=20
executed extra-judicially by all the warring factions, said Asma=20
Jehangir, [United Nations] special rapporteur on extra judicial,=20
summary or arbitrary executions. The human right activist said: "This=20
evidence supports credible reports of such atrocities that have been=20
filtering out of Afghanistan in recent years."

She expressed an urgent need to ensure that "these crimes are=20
promptly and independently investigated, with a view to bringing=20
those responsible to justice without delay." "There can be no=20
impunity for these widespread and systematic killings, which may=20
amount to crimes against humanity," remarked UN official. She=20
believed that a sustainable peace in Afghanistan could only be=20
achieved "if those responsible for ordering and carrying out grave=20
human rights violations are apprehended and held accountable for=20
their crimes in trials that conform to international human rights=20
standards".

Meanwhile, top official of the Human Rights Commission of Pakistan IA=20
Rehman demanded steps meant for protection of human rights in=20
Afghanistan. "We have some reports carried by the press or electronic=20
media about the human rights violations in Afghanistan. But some of=20
our people in Peshawar have established contacts (inside Afghanistan)=20
which show that people have indulged in revenge and some violent=20
incidents have taken place though they were not unexpected in view of=20
the polarisation witnessed in Afghanistan over the past several=20
years, he said.

Rehman said: "After explaining to the UN, we are also writing to our=20
government as Pakistanis are also falling prey to violence there. We=20
do not believe that they had gone there at their own rather religious=20
clerics incited them for jihad. It is not right for any one to get=20
suspended human rights even during the wars. Anybody at the helm of=20
affairs is required to arrest and try the people in accordance with=20
civilised manners, he opined."

______

#3.

DAWN (Pakistan)
17 November 2001
http://www.dawn.com/weekly/mazdak/mazdak.htm

Zero-sum games people play
By Irfan Husain

I often get e-mails from Indian readers complaining of what they=20
perceive as a preoccupation with India in the Pakistani press. "Why=20
can't your papers get over your anti-India fixation?" they ask.
Having just returned after a stimulating week in Delhi, I can safely=20
inform them that this Pakistani hang-up is mirrored in India. Regular=20
readers of this column will know that I have no axe to grind, no line=20
to peddle; above all, I am not rabidly against things Indian.=20
However, I was struck by how much space is devoted to Pakistan, and,=20
considering how little coverage was given to world affairs by even=20
serious papers like The Times of India and The Hindu, the imbalance=20
was even more surprising.
In particular, the concern about Pakistan cashing in on the Afghan=20
crisis while India was left out verged on the hysterical. Although=20
The Times of India carried an excellent editorial questioning the=20
Indian governments' ardent desire to jump on to the anti-terrorist=20
bandwagon, the news slant made it clear that the Pakistani edge in=20
the current situation does not sit well with thinking Indians. Many=20
Indian journalists contrast what they perceive as General Musharaf's=20
brilliant footwork in capitalizing financially and diplomatically on=20
Pakistan's proximity to Afghanistan during his trip to America with=20
Mr Vajpayee's wooden performance there.
Above all, it is Kashmir that is the touchstone by which diplomatic=20
success or failure is measured. During my week in India, each word=20
uttered by Bush and Blair was analysed carefully for any pro-Pakistan=20
tilt. By the time Musharraf returned to Islamabad, there was an=20
almost audible sigh of relief that, while the Pakistani leader might=20
have brought back pledges of over a billion dollars with the=20
possibility of more to follow, he had not managed to budge the=20
American president on his hands-off policy on Kashmir.
On Afghanistan, there was a palpable air of self-congratulation over=20
Pakistan's isolation in its efforts to induct 'moderate Taliban' in=20
the new government in Kabul. I personally feel this attempt is doomed=20
to failure, given that the taliban are now history (the Lord be=20
thanked!). In any case, a 'moderate Taliban' is a contradiction in=20
terms. But the glee evident in the Indian press over Pakistan's=20
desperate efforts to have a major say in the post-Taliban=20
dispensation was slightly nauseating.
For our part, we are certainly no better: every Indian reversal in=20
any field is welcomed in our papers, while any success is met with=20
ill-concealed envy. But it must be said that Pakistan has greater=20
justification (if such puerile behaviour can be justified) for this=20
fixation than India. After all, as the far smaller and weaker nation,=20
we can perhaps be forgiven for our paranoia and our insecurity. But=20
what excuse does India have? In my many discussions with Indian=20
journalists and politicians, I made the point that, given their=20
preponderance in just about every field, they could have afforded to=20
take unilateral steps aimed at removing Pakistani suspicions and=20
doubts.
Indeed, Indian pressure from 1948 onwards is partly to blame for the=20
militarization of Pakistan, as the nascent state depended on western=20
aid and our army to shield us from perceived Indian belligerence. The=20
perception that the armed forces were our ultimate saviours made it=20
possible for our generals to intervene at will, thus warping and=20
deforming political development in Pakistan.
As a result of this mindless rivalry, we are now locked in a zero-sum=20
game in which both countries are forever trying to score points off=20
each other, as the rest of the world races ahead, sniggering quietly=20
while we indulge in schoolboy scraps. One nation's gain translates=20
automatically into the other's loss and vice versa. In this unending=20
rivalry, the only losers are the people on both sides, while their=20
leaders use each other as scapegoats for their own failures. Indeed,=20
had Kashmir not divided us, we would have probably invented some=20
other cause to squabble over because, given the moral and=20
intellectual bankruptcy of the leadership in New Delhi and Islamabad,=20
we can be pretty sure they would have been unable to solve the many=20
pressing problems that beset both nations. Leaders on both sides need=20
a convenient excuse to deflect criticism for their ineptitude.
But if our leaders display their immaturity and their lack of vision=20
and imagination, why does the press pander to them? As journalists,=20
surely our job is to deflate them and hold up a mirror to their many=20
imperfections. However, during my all-too-brief sojourn in Delhi, I=20
was struck and disturbed by the solid consensus in the press behind=20
core government policies and positions. While I had noticed this=20
phenomenon on private Indian TV channels, I was taken aback to see it=20
on display in the mainstream newspapers as well. Whatever my Indian=20
readers might say about the Pakistani preoccupation with India, these=20
columns (as well as those in other newspapers here) are full of=20
articles and editorials that question and criticize many fundamental=20
government positions ranging from Kashmir to the nuclear programme.
When General Musharraf expressed his annoyance at criticism in the=20
Pakistani press, saying that this did not happen to the same extent=20
in India, I thought he was exaggerating. But after my week-long=20
scrutiny of Indian newspapers, I fear that he was not wide of the=20
mark. When I discussed my perceptions with like-minded Indian=20
journalists, they ascribed this malaise in the Indian print media to=20
the price-war that has forced owners and editors to focus primarily=20
on the bottom line: for instance, comment on the op-ed pages has been=20
curtailed for reasons of ads. In Pakistan, there are mercifully no=20
commercial announcements on these pages in this or any other paper.=20
As a result, The Times of India sells for Rs 1.50. But this low price=20
has meant that there is no editor of the paper, and nor are there any=20
book reviews as the owners feel that the space could be put to more=20
productive use by selling it to advertisers.
Despite the commercialization of many venerable Indian newspapers,=20
many bright and talented journalists are fighting to preserve their=20
integrity. Unfortunately, the policy of preventing Indian papers and=20
periodicals from selling in Pakistan and vice versa has deprived us=20
of gaining an insight into each other's thinking. Although the=20
Internet has made it possible to bridge this gap, most journalists on=20
both sides do not log on as often as they ought to. Meanwhile, our=20
leaders continue to let us and themselves down through their futile=20
rivalry.

______

#4.

Date: Sun, 18 Nov 2001
From: Labour Pakistan <labourparty@g...>

Peasants Uprising, Tenants demands ownership rights of land

Peasants belonging to the military farms across Pakistan are demanding
ownership rights of the land they are cultivating for over 88 years. A
peasant's convention held on 16th November at Okara military farms=20
was attended by
over 10,000. Over a 1000 of them were women peasants. The convention was
organized by Anjaman Muzaraeen (Tenant's Organization) of district Okara.
The main slogans raised at the convention were ";ownership or
death"; ";Those who cultivate the land, has the right of ownership";
and ";we will win";. Most of the representatives of the peasant
organization across the country were present.

The British established military farms in the early 1900. Many workers were
asked to cultivate the land on tenancy basis. They left the cities to go
these farms. The farms were to provide dairy and other products for militar=
y
purposes. At present it is the fourth generation of the peasants who=20
are working
in these farms but still they do not have the right of ownership. In Okara
district alone, over 17000 acres of land belong to these farms.

When the present military regime came into power in 1999, in order to
increase the income of the state, they went on all out strike against=20
the working
class. On the name of the reforms, most of the concessions were under attac=
k.
These peasants who were working for over 88 years in these lands were asked
to become contractors instead of tenancy. That would have meant that they
could cancel the contract any time and ten take the land over by=20
themselves. The
tenant organization rejected this clever move and then decided that they wi=
ll
not pay anything to the military farms administration.

They also find out that the real aim of this new contract system is the gra=
b
this expensive land from them. They also find out that military in fact is
not the owner but the Punjab government is the real landowner. They decided
that they pay the tenancy cost to the Punjab revenue department. In March t=
his
year, the military authorities tried to test the ground. They send the poli=
ce
to a village to collect the wood. The villagers refused to give in and aske=
d
the police party to go away. Then the police of the whole district came to
collect the wood from the villagers. The women of the village came in the
forefront and then they attacked the police with their sticks. This=20
motivated the
rest of the peasants. They all came to fight back and such was the intensit=
y
that the police have to resort to firing in the air. A police bullet wounde=
d
a child. But police had no alternative but to run away from the scene.

The incident brought most of the village in the area to get united in the
Tenant Organization. The TO became on of the most strong organization of th=
e
district. They decided to contest the local bodies' elections and got all
their nominated persons elected with massive majority. All efforts by the
military farm administration to win them the seats went in failure.

To continue this uprising of the local peasants, they decided to hold a
nationwide peasant convention at Okara. They also decided to invite both fr=
om
Left and Right forces to this convention. Jamaat-I-Islami, the main religio=
us
fundamentalist organization has established a Kissan (peasant) Board. The m=
ain
leaders of this organization were also invited to speak.

>From the Left, Abid Hassan Minto, the president of National Workers Party,
Farooq Tariq, general secretary Labour Party Pakistan, Dr. Mubashir Hasan,
president of Pakistan Peoples Party Shaheed Bhotto Group Punjab were invite=
d.
The representatives of Human Rights Commission of Pakistan and Justice and
Peace Commission of Pakistan were also invited. From the Left parties, Faro=
oq
Tariq participated in the convention while the other tow leaders could not =
make
up for different reasons. The organizers decided to give the chair of the
convention to Kissan Board while Farooq Tariq was asked to become the chief
guest of the convention.

The peasant leaders of different organizations who made it clear that they
are not going to give up the fight addressed the convention. They told the
administration that now with the new unity of the peasant organization, the
struggle will continue. The main local leader, Abbas told the=20
convention that my
forefathers have made this land cultivatable. It was a jungle and we did al=
l
the hard work. But still we are not the owners despite working on this land
for over 88 years. He said there is no military officer laying in our
graveyard, it is all our forefathers who are lying there. We gave=20
life to this land
but the military authority without any hard work takes the fruit of the lan=
d.

Speaking on the occasion, Mehboob Khan of Pakistan Human Rights Commission
of Pakistan said that the best part of this peasant uprising is the unity o=
f
Muslim and Christian peasants on one platform. He said this struggle has
nothing to do with religion but it is class question. He said HRCP demands =
the
ownership rights for the peasants. He said laws are made to help the people=
and
not to make their life miserable. If the present laws are not allowing the
peasants for ownership rights then new laws in favor of this exploited clas=
s
should be made.

Peter Jacob, the executive secretary of Justice and Peace Commission assure=
d
the peasants of their full help in their struggle. He said we are pleased t=
o
see the peasants regardless of their religion uniting on one platform.

The chief guest of the convention, Farooq Tariq general secretary of Labour
Party Pakistan said that this is referendum in favor of the demands of the
tenants. ";I challenge the military authorities to hold any such
gathering and ask the people if they any moral right to own this land";.
";No one will be on their side"; He said. He said LPP would expand this
movement to the cities and link it with the working class. This movement ha=
s
to be part and parcel of the movement for peace in Pakistan. Class question=
s
are linked with democracy and peace in Pakistan, he said. He said the milit=
ary
authorities have not fulfilled any of their promise to take action against
the rich class. But on the instructions of World Bank and IMF, they are tak=
ing
on the working class as a whole. He said the main slogans of the peasants
are that those who cultivate, has the right to own. This is our strategy. H=
e
said LPP demands the nationalization of all the lands belonging to feudal
class.=20

A lot of slogans raised in favor of the peasant demands during Farooq Tariq
speech. The peasants chanted, ";move forward, we are with you, Long live
LPP and that we will win";.

Speaking in the end of the meeting, Sadiq Khakwani of Kissan Board told the
authorities that look at the mood of the peasants and just give them the
land. He said we would be with the peasant movement at all cost. He assured=
the
convention that Kissan Board will March towards Islamabad to press for the
demands.

The peasant convention ended with a lot of enthusiasm and with determinatio=
n
to continue the struggle.

Report by: Rao Riaz
Member Lahore Council Labour Party Pakistan

______

#5.

Date: Sun, 18 Nov 2001 19:32:04 +0100 (MET)

Afghan Workers Solidarity Campaign launched
Become part of the campaign and sponsor it today

Labour Party Pakistan in close association with Afghan Labour Revolutionary
Organization has decided to launch Afghan Workers Solidarity Campaign. The
idea to start this campaign was discussed during the visit of Alan Macombs =
of
Scottish Socialist Party. The SSP has already decided to actively support
this campaign.

LPP and ALRO are appealing to all the international Progressive, Left and
trade union movement to support this campaign.

The main aim of this campaign is to help the Afghan workers in their
struggle to survive. It will bring material help for the Afghan=20
workers which will
be distributed inside Afghanistan and also in refugees camp in Pakistan. It
will help to strengthen the progressive organizations of the Afghan workers=
. It
will collect and bring every day life necessities to the Afghan workers on
emergency basis.

The suppression by the religious fundamentalists of all the democratic and
human rights in Afghanistan over the years has left the organization of the
Left forces in absolute weak position. Many of them are spending their live=
s
underground even in exile. Their families have been tortured and sentenced =
to
death by the religious fundamentalist. But the so-called victory of the
Imperialist forces leaves no better situation for the Afghan Left forces. T=
hey
still have to make a very difficult life to spread their ideas.

To help the Afghan Left and progressive forces in their struggle to survive
and promote their organizations needs an active international support. LPP
has been active in promoting the Afghan Left for some years. It has now a p=
lan
to produce a monthly paper in Pushto language to help the afghan left and
progressive forces in promotion of their ideas and strategy.

LPP has already started collecting cloths, medicine, blankets, shoes and
other every day food items to be distributed among Afghan refugees camp thr=
ough
the ALRO and other afghan Left groups.

The LPP plan to send its first truck load of these items till 24th of
November.

What you can do?

Sponsor the AWSC formally by paying the initial amount of $300 for the
organizations and $100 FOR THE INDIVIDUALS.

Please help to build this campaign.

1- Collect every day items in your country and send the shipment to

Education Foundation
40 Abbot Road Lahore, Pakistan

Most of the second hand items like the blankets and cloths are available
cheaply in Pakistan. If you like, send us the money and we can buy these it=
ems
for you.

Volunteers

If you have time and money to travel, please come to Pakistan to help build
this campaign. We need volunteers from Abroad to help this campaign. Please
contact us immediately for this.

Please send your donations to following bank account

Education Foundation Donation
Account number 01 7967128
Standard Charted Grindlays Bank, Gulberg Branch
Main Boulevard, Gulberg Lahore Pakistan
(This is US Dollars account)

Comradely,

Shoaib Bhatti
Organizer, Afghan Workers Solidarity Campaign, (Central Chairman Labour
Party Pakistan)
Email: labourparty@g...
Website: www.labourpakistan.org
Tel: 92 42 6315162, 6301685
Fax: 92 42 6303808

Sponsors so for:

Scottish Socialist Party, Scotland
Labour Party Pakistan
Women Workers Help Line Lahore Pakistan
Afghan Labour Revolutionary Organization
All Pakistan Para Madical Staff Federation
Pakistan Printing and Graphic Workers Union
All Pakistan Bhatta Mazdoor Federation
Pakistan Railway Workers Union (democratic group)
Itehad Workers Union Carpet Industries Pakistan

Note: Education Foundation is registered non-government organization set up
by the supporters of Labour Party Pakistan in 1993.

______

#6.

The News International (Pakistan)
19 November 2001
Editorial

Beating up journalists

It may just be a coincidence that the third Islamabad journalist who=20
was mauled, totally pointlessly, by an arrogant, out of his mind army=20
major, in front of the Press Information Department, was someone who=20
had irritated President Pervez Musharraf at one of his live televised=20
news conferences. Faraz Hashmi, the Dawn reporter, was thrashed just=20
because his car got involved in an ordinary fender bender with the=20
army major's vehicle. The other two victimised journalists in recent=20
months were, Chief Reporter of this newspaper Shakil Sheikh and=20
Nawa-i-Waqt's Masood Malik. Malik had committed the same crime, ask a=20
direct unpleasant question, and he was reprimanded and disciplined by=20
his newspaper administration, under government pressure, or on its=20
own. Shakil was picked up from his car inside Islamabad, kidnapped,=20
thrashed badly with military boot marks on his back and ended up in a=20
hospital, all blue.

The pattern is a cause for serious concern to the journalistic=20
community and may even be so to President Musharraf himself, as he=20
has established over the months that he is a good listener and=20
tolerates a lot of rubbish, coming from journalists and hacks of all=20
hue. So why does he allow his minions and over-zealous cronies to=20
tarnish the image he has tried to build over a long period of time.=20
Faraz Hashmi's case may probably be one of an angry car owner, who=20
was not expecting a hiccup at this particular time. But his reaction=20
was unacceptable. More alarming was the refusal of the police to=20
treat the case under the law and to even register a FIR. The army=20
major also tried to use his uniform to pressurise the police and=20
prevent the law from taking its course. The police conduct, obviously=20
under military pressure, was pathetic and according to one published=20
expert legal opinion, was a cognisable offence.

If all those who ask unpleasant questions are to meet such,=20
apparently unconnected, punishing treatment at the hands of angry=20
majors, invisible gangsters or loyalist newspaper administrations,=20
the claims of General Pervez Musharraf that he had allowed total=20
Press freedom may appear to look like tainted with undeserved blood=20
scars, boot marks or harassment. The army officer who took the law=20
into his own hands should immediately be brought to book and the army=20
should not make it a case of its prestige against the Press. His=20
action, simply put, was unbecoming of an officer of his rank. General=20
Musharraf should also try to find out why all those who irk him get=20
into trouble. There may be no conspiracy behind it, but, there may be=20
one.

______

#7.

The Telegraph (India)
19 Nov. 2001

WHEN THE SURFACE IS DESIGNED TO DIVIDE

BY JANAKI NAIR

The briskness with which the new police commissioner, H.T. Sangliana,=20
has banned cycles from Bangalore's "Main Street", Mahatma Gandhi=20
Road, only adds to the brutalities that pass in the name of traffic=20
control and management. Where the "car is king", cows, pedestrians=20
and cyclists are intolerable impediments, and along with jutkas and=20
bullock carts are condemned to lead a precarious life outside the=20
city's central business districts. This is one more step towards=20
making a Singapore of Bangalore.

There is no old middle class Bangalorean who does not recall the time=20
before traffic, when cars were few and far between, and walking was=20
an unmatched pleasure. There is no new middle class Bangalorean for=20
whom the state of the city roads is not the cause for "bitterness"=20
about the state of this otherwise charming city. With the opening of=20
the second flyover and most of the ring road in Bangalore, there were=20
rising hopes among some sections of the riding public in Bangalore=20
that these abominable traffic conditions would be transformed.

The news that about 90 central roads are now going to be made one way=20
streets must somewhat dampen their ardour. For too many people who=20
have grown up in Bangalore, the proposed one way systems are a=20
disorienting experience, and render the city even more unfamiliar.=20
The high-pitched demands for better roads have yielded little; if=20
unwarranted profits and bribes were once cornered by small time=20
contractors and petty politicians, today big companies and state=20
level politicians enjoy even larger profits and bribes for the same=20
indifferent product.

Time wounds all heels in this city. Roads in Bangalore seem to have=20
taken on a scandalous life of their own, stubbornly resisting repair=20
efforts and impeding mobility rather than enhancing it. Bad roads=20
have become a metaphor for corruption, for the impossibility of being=20
"modern", and for the intractable problems posed by legal claims over=20
land use in the city. In all this, the venal politician and his/her=20
contractor are easily blamed.

There is the mistaken belief among the sections clamouring for=20
immediate relief that improving the road surface will increase=20
mobility, improve traffic conditions and reduce accident rates. What=20
remains largely unquestioned is the need for intensified (private)=20
automobilization of a society that is wretchedly unequal and unjust,=20
and where the majority of road users are pedestrians, cyclists, and=20
bus riders, not car owners. Pleas that focus on the road as primary=20
make road users into a secondary concern.

What we have witnessed in the past two decades in Bangalore is=20
neither unique nor exceptional in the history of automobilization of=20
societies. Even the solutions seem to follow the tried and tested=20
routes. Roads too narrow to take private car traffic? Remove the=20
sidewalk. Not enough parking? Use the footpath. Too much traffic on=20
certain routes at peak hours? Make them into one way systems.=20
Introduce grade separators. Throw a ring road as a girdle around the=20
vastly expanding city. Ban slow moving vehicles from using certain=20
roads. And for those who still talk about Mass Rapid Transit, build=20
up the dream of an elevated rail system which can only be realized if=20
large tracts of land are thrown in as an incentive for the developer.=20
Meanwhile, Mysore will soon be another Bangalore layout, thanks to=20
the proposed Bangalore-Mysore infrastructure corridor which will=20
reduce travel time between the cities to an hour.

There is only cold comfort in such suggestions, since the expressway=20
may be ready only 13 years from now, well after many of us, not to=20
speak of our vehicles, have passed on. This too, only if the state=20
government is determined to wear down the growing opposition to what=20
is clearly an unjust and unviable scheme. The Karnataka government,=20
according to the public works minister, Dharam Singh, has handed over=20
"5000 acres of land at a nominal rate, granted duty exemption of 58=20
crores and is seeking Central clearance for 168 acres of forest=20
land": all this and more promised to an infrastructure company whose=20
eyes gleam and mouth waters at the prospect of the five exclusive=20
townships it plans to build along the expressway.

The dispossessed farmers meanwhile will be paid according to the=20
"revenue code", meagre compensation for rich irrigated lands. All=20
this sacrifice to "save Bangalore", and for a barricaded toll road=20
which will force farmers on either side of the road to trek long=20
distances for the simplest daily needs.

What is disturbing is the ease with which planners, corporate groups=20
and private vehicle-owning citizens concur that "the car is king", so=20
that an increasing number of roads and highways must be single=20
purpose routes, reducing the multipurpose uses to which most Indian=20
roads are currently put. Not only is there money to be made, but=20
prestige and short term political mileage to be gained from such=20
infrastructure schemes. Critics of such schemes will be dismissed as=20
those who are bent on preventing the Singaporization of Bangalore,=20
killjoys who are repulsed by good clean progress.

How many of those who admire the spanking clean environment of=20
Singapore will admit that facilities for mass rapid transit in that=20
city-state are combined with severe disincentives to private car=20
ownership and usage? Cars are heavily taxed (150 per cent), licences=20
issued to the highest bidder and entering certain zones at peak hours=20
is possible only at a formidable price. (That there are innumerable=20
cars despite this battery of disincentives is a sign of much higher=20
material standards.)

The example of the gas chamber called Delhi should be a good enough=20
answer to those who seek flyovers as solutions to traffic problems.=20
But there are excellent examples from elsewhere. Despite the speed=20
with which flyovers and ring roads are constructed in major Chinese=20
cities, studies reveal that far from improving travelling times and=20
quality of life, the increase in road capacity actually induces=20
greater private vehicle usage, and increases travel times.

For instance, road area in Shanghai has been increased by 42 per cent=20
between 1991 and 1997, and 400 roads have been designated as one way=20
streets; yet the 1.3 million vehicles only achieve speeds of 16=20
kilometres per hour in peak hours. The comparable rates for Beijing=20
(1.2 million vehicles, 119 flyovers and 202 overpasses) are 13-19=20
kmph; for Guangzhou, (vehicles 1 million) on certain trunk routes,=20
18-21 kmph; for Shenzen (250,000 vehicles, 139 km of highways) 20=20
kmph. In other words, when all our flyovers, ring roads and one ways=20
streets are in place, we will need to develop attitude, Road Zen=20
instead of Road Rage, perhaps, towards spending long hours in our=20
vehicles.

The cost effectiveness and wisdom of metro rail and elevated rail=20
projects have been repeatedly questioned, and doubts cast on whether=20
they relieve congestion or decrease private vehicle usage. A recent=20
thesis by Sanjeev Aundhe amply demonstrates this. Yet these gleaming=20
dreams exert such a powerful hold on our imaginations that they cast=20
in the shadow the more achievable, affordable example of Curitiba in=20
Brazil, which has developed an enviable public transport system using=20
buses at a fraction of the cost of expensive metro rail projects.

In Bangalore, nearly 60 per cent of trips are made on buses which=20
account for less than two per cent of the vehicles on the road. Will=20
the better road surface improve the conditions of travel of this mass=20
of bus users in the absence of systemic changes at other levels? Will=20
improved road surfaces place pedestrians and bicyclists on a safer=20
plane? Is it so disgraceful to speak of the rights of non-motorized=20
vehicle users, who brave the greatest risks on our roads today?

The roads are an expression of the deep and systematic divisions of=20
our society and perhaps the only encounter that many people have with=20
the inequalities of our society: riding in airconditioned comfort=20
between airconditioned home and office, there is a brief encounter=20
with the tedium of the road surface.

Some years ago, several chief executive officers of major companies=20
at Electronic City on Hosur Road made a spectacle of repairing the=20
road, and successfully drew attention to their commuting plight. Yet=20
the latest crop of information technology companies who are held up=20
as exemplars of good civic sense themselves add to the problem on=20
Bangalore roads. There is widespread use of residential accommodation=20
by small companies who clog small streets with their hire purchase=20
vehicles.

One of the newest and more menacing problems in the city today is the=20
private bus operator who serves the new industries on the outskirts=20
of the city, but enjoys rent-free parking on city roads and empty=20
lots at night, even in residential areas. The privatized solution to=20
the problem of transport thus relieves the company of its liabilities=20
and transfers it on to the general public, while keeping the shining=20
image of the good citizen intact. But the image of the city is not=20
made up of road surfaces alone: we must be as ashamed by the sight of=20
men and women who hang from every bus door on their way to work,=20
humiliated by the sight of children who dart between speeding=20
vehicles to cross the road, and angered at the sight of the bicycle=20
rider poised between two moving vehicles.

Speaking of images brings to mind a late 19th century map of=20
Bangalore whose most important feature was the dense blue network of=20
tanks and connecting veins(tank systems), dotted with vineyards and=20
gardens. Today the dominant co-ordinates of the faceless urban sprawl=20
called Bangalore are the roads: arterial roads, ring roads and=20
highways, as well as crosses and mains, speaking of a new=20
organization of social and economic space in the city. But the city=20
is far too complex a space to be subordinated to a system of roads=20
through which some people have unrestricted ease of motion, at the=20
expense of other people's lives and livelihoods.

_____

#8.

Dear Friends,
We have put out the new issue of Akhbar online. Do look at it. It=20
can be accessed at:
<http://www.indowindow.com/akhbar/>www.indowindow.com/akhbar/

The contents include:

Propaganda of the Empire: Governments and media in south Asia fall in line

Limbs of No Body: indifference to the Afghan tragedy
Mohsen Makhmalbaf

Archana Prasad on the political economy of food in Adivasi societies
Ram Puniyani on globalisation and politics of identity
IK Shukla on necessity of intellectual resistance in south Asia
Anjali Mody on media's hunt for liberal Muslims
Amar Farooqui on the clash of stereotypes
Implications of the 93rd Constitution Bill concerning Right to=20
education in India
More quotes from the luminaries of the 'Civilised World'

and

South Asia Alert section has the following:

RAWA alert on Northern Alliance
Zoltan Grossman on the history of bio-chemical weapons' use
Arundhati Roy on the war on Afghanistan
Robert Fisk on the hypocrisy of US war
Geov Parrish on the coming apocalypse in Afghanistan
Phillip Knightley on the disinformation campaign
John Pilger says this is no war on terrorism

Warm regards
Akhbar Team
AKHBAR
<http://www.indowindow.com/akhbar/>www.indowindow.com/akhbar/
For a Secular and Democratic South Asia

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