[sacw] SACW #1. (09 Oct. 01)

Harsh Kapoor aiindex@mnet.fr
Tue, 9 Oct 2001 00:43:00 +0100


South Asia Citizens Wire | Dispatch #1.
09 October 2001
http://www.mnet.fr/aiindex

------------------------------------------

#1. Bangladesh: Setback to Awami League ( M.B. Naqvi)
#2. Afghanistan: The Trouble with Kings (Catharin Dalpino and Fiona Hill)
#3. Press release - Labour Party Pakistan Condemns US Attacks in=20
Afghanistan (by Aamir Suhial )
#4. India: Anti-war activists arrested in New Delhi
#5. India: The smell of war (Ravi Sundaram)
#6. India: Historians slam Govt for censorship
#7. India: Operation deletion -Remember minorities too have the right to vo=
te
#8. India: We're hijacked! Stay calm
#9. Why doesn't Bush eat in an Indian restaurant?? (A Hindustani Joke)

________________________

#1.

8 October 2001

Comment

SETBACK TO AWAMI LEAGUE

By M. B. Naqvi

Sheikh Hasina Wajed's Awami League government lost the Oct 1 general
election and the next government is being formed by Begum Khaleda Zia,
the leader of Bangladesh Nationalist Party and also of the four-party
alliance of which the most prominent is Jamaat-i-Islami. So long as
Bangladesh Army stays out of politics, there is now a veritable
two-party system in that country, for the present BNP and AL seem likely
to alternate in being able to form elected governments. This is not to
say there is nothing out of the ordinary in BD politics.

The complaint of rigging by Sheikh Hasina has to be noted. It is hard to
say anything definite on the subject from this distance, enhanced by
lack of direct contact. Hasina has said that the polls might have been
free but they were certainly not fair. The charge of rigging does seem
odd. BD is not Pakistan. There appears to be no local equivalents of the
Pakistan's famous Establishment led by generals and ISI. Also the
caretaker government led by an eminent jurist does not provide a
suitable umbrella for rigging, especially when BD bureaucracy is not
susceptible to accepting outside pressures and seems a lot more
efficient because it seems to be more law-abiding than its Pakistani
counterpart. AL Chief should be persuaded to accept the poll results for
the sake of Bangladesh stability.

Admitting to distance and insufficiency of living contact, a view has
still to be taken of why AL, the party that has the halo of having led
the fight for independence and being led by the only surviving daughter
of Bangabandhu, suffered such a convincing defeat. Three causes seem
relevant: the first is the general incumbency factor; it has been in
power for the last five years. These were by no means the glorious years
of high achievement; people do get bored with looking at the same faces
in seats of power, especially when there has been such an active
opposition to magnify its failures and inadequacies.

The second is the perception of the militancy of its activists. While AL
alone cannot be blamed for street clashes between AL and BNP activists
and supporters, the perception that AL workers tend to give
more-than-as-good-as-they get and are often initiators of such clashes
appears to have been more widely shared, though BNP supporters are no
Gandhiites. Thirdly the BNP's and its friends=92 propaganda of AL being
too soft on, and too friendly to, India, especially in the ambience of
growing Islamic consciousness created by Islamic parties, seems to have
hit the mark.

To the extent the last mentioned factor has had an impact, it might be
said that Bangladesh has moved a little closer to an Islamic destiny
that the religious lobby was pushing toward. This might be a huge
setback to the small but vigorously secular middle class with a
creditable artistic creativity.

The phenomenon of such excessive bitterness between the two mainstream
parties is however puzzling. Bangladesh is a small and beautiful country
with a large but homogenous population. The people are not influenced by
too many identity-imparting ethnic fault-lines. Even vertical social
divisions are few and rather tentative. How come so much malice is there
in the two basically middle class and predominantly Muslim parties for
each other? After all both are plainly nationalistic and ideologically
similar: conservative.

But both history and geography have played their part in politically
dividing the Bangladeshis. Geography has placed BD almost in the midst
of India. Its resource base is, all said and done, small, certainly with
reference to its numbers. That would seem to suggest a near imperative
of maintaining good ties with India as also the advocacy of regional
cooperation and integration. Some of BD's politics and even history
reflect this necessity.

Reference to history in general is a tricky business. To which period
does not refer? Actually history of Muslim Separatism works against
geography's diktat. BNP policies reflect this tendency of Muslims moving
away from the "Hindu India". For practical purposes AL was born of the
social, economic and above all the political reality of Pakistan's first
25 years. Emergence of civil and military bureaucracy's power at the
expense of democracy and the social discrimination and economic
exploitation of Bengal were what made AL popular. AL reaction to the
experienced reality of Pakistan made it articulate a Bengalee
Nationalism, based on Bengali language and culture. It covers Hindus,
Buddhists and others as much as it does Muslims. After all Suhrawardy
worked for over a year campaigning for united Bengal in 1946 and 1947.
AL still believes in the pure Bengalee Nationalism such as Tagore would
accept.

BNP would seem to be, ideologically speaking, a continuation of old
Muslim League. It starts from the acceptance of Muslim Separatism. In
post independence period, it has created and honed a Begali Muslim
Nationalism or may be it should be called Muslim Bengali Nationalism. In
it the position of religious minorities is as ambiguous as in the
Pakistani Nationalism: legally it is claimed all citizens of Bangladesh
are equal in and before law. But somehow the Muslims are more or better
Bangladeshis. Distrust of, and distance with or from, India is the
characteristic of the politics of BNP and the mind set of its votaries.

Litmus test between them is thus the nature of BD=92s relations with
India. AL tends to favour close ties with it and wishes closer
cooperation with it in all fields. Under the barbs of BNP leaders, AL
had been retreating from its secular preferences and had lately tried to
keep some distance from India. But it could be seen as having been
forced by opposition and bore all the marks of political compromise and
opportunism --- that pleased neither its true votaries nor won over
opponents or waverers. BNP, in contrast, would tend to move closer to
Pakistan, especially its Army, for which it seems to have some inborn
fascination, if not a filial bond. It would maintain a good distance
from India, keeping its cooperation with it as small as feasible.

_______

#2.

The Financial Times, October 5, 2001

THE TROUBLE WITH KINGS

Catharin Dalpino, Fellow, Foreign Policy Studies and Fiona Hill,=20
Fellow, Foreign Policy Studies

This week in Rome, Mohammed Zahir Shah, the former king of=20
Afghanistan, agreed with the Northern Alliance, the opposition force=20
to the Taliban, to convene a loya jirga. This grand assembly of=20
Afghan tribal leaders would initiate a process to create a=20
transitional government and eventually hold elections.

The US, the United Nations and others are placing great store on the=20
success of the enterprise. But at the beginning of the 21st century,=20
how much can a king be expected to achieve in one of the world's=20
most fractured countries and sensitive regions?

Ten years ago, an exiled king stepped in to fill the breach in a=20
similar situation in Cambodia, south-east Asia. King Sihanouk's role=20
in Cambodia was strikingly similar to that envisaged for Zahir Shah=20
in Afghanistan. On the basis of a 1991 peace agreement backed by the=20
UN and regional powers, he was expected to be an arbiter of state=20
unity.

The Cambodian experience offers instructive lessons for the road=20
ahead in Afghanistan. Given the constellation of interested=20
parties-including Pakistan, China, Russia, Iran, India and the=20
central Asian states, in addition to the US and its=20
allies-nation-building in Afghanistan will have to be an=20
international affair.

In Cambodia, the UN played the pivotal role in supervising=20
elections, rebuilding the economy and resettling refugees. It would=20
probably have to play the same role in Afghanistan. But its=20
involvement would be much greater, more expensive, and take longer=20
than in Cambodia, where the UN's mandate extended for only 18 months=20
after the peace deal and cost $2bn.

A political settlement in Afghanistan would also have to address=20
the question of a permanent government, and potentially the creation=20
of a new constitution. That would be a difficult exercise in a=20
country with so many political, ethnic and religious divisions.

Refugee resettlement in Afghanistan would pose a logistical and=20
political challenge of gargantuan proportions. Cambodia had only=20
about 300,000 refugees on the border with Thailand, but the refugee=20
crisis from the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan involves 6m people.=20
There are still 2m refugees in Pakistan and Iran, and 1.5m more are=20
expected from the current upheaval. In addition, there is a large=20
expatriate community from earlier waves of emigration that may=20
eventually seek to return.

As for creating a new government on the basis of the former king and=20
the Northern Alliance, the Cambodia case illustrates how easy it is=20
to indulge in wishful thinking and exaggerate the strength of=20
resistance coalitions and their internal support. In Cambodia, as now=20
in Afghanistan, opposition forces controlled only a sliver of=20
territory before the conclusion of a peace agreement. Cambodia's=20
KPNLF, part of the resistance coalition backed by the US, in effect=20
disappeared as a political force on its return.

The Taliban may also be difficult to eradicate. It has laid down=20
deep roots and shaped the political infrastructure. In Cambodia,=20
elements of two former regimes-the Khmer Rouge and the Hun Sen=20
government-signed the Paris peace agreement and were given a chance=20
to participate in a new government. The Khmer Rouge withdrew when it=20
became clear it would not win the elections, but has only now been=20
eliminated as a political force after 10 years. Hun Sen was=20
incorporated into the Cambodian coalition government and won the=20
upper hand. The first local elections that may finally reduce Hun=20
Sen's influence will take place next February.

However, groups such as the Taliban are highly dependent on the=20
support of their patrons. Here, the case of Cambodia has some=20
encouraging lessons for Afghanistan. In Cambodia, the fact that=20
China and Vietnam-the primary supporters of the Khmer Rouge and Hun=20
Sen respectively-withdrew their support and sponsored the peace=20
agreement and new elections was critical to success.

Afghanistan, like Cambodia, is a relic of the cold war, a proxy=20
battleground for past ideological struggles. Instability in Cambodia=20
in 1991 became an obstacle to new political and economic relations=20
in south-east Asia, just as chaos in Afghanistan now impedes=20
development in central and south Asia. Pakistan has played a pivotal=20
role in supporting the Taliban, and Pakistan and other regional=20
states that originally chose sides in the Afghan conflict should now=20
withdraw that support and guarantee a final settlement.

Finally, kings have their limitations. In Cambodia, Sihanouk was=20
able to play a balancing role only in extreme moments. He failed to=20
prevent a 1997 coup by Hun Sen that toppled his son and successor.=20
He has remained largely a figurehead in Cambodian politics, albeit a=20
respected one. While kings can provide a powerful symbol, the=20
machinations of internal and external politics determine the outcome=20
of events. Ten years on, Cambodia is still groping toward stability.=20
Afghanistan has not yet begun.

=A9 Copyright 2001 The Financial Times

_______

#3.

LABOUR PARTY PAKISTAN CONDEMNS US ATTACKS IN AFGHANISTAN.

* A Peace Movement to be launched, A Peace Demonstration on 15th At =
=20=20
Lahore

Labour Party Pakistan strongly condemns the US and its allies on Afghanista=
n.
=ECThe air strikes targets were civilians as opposed to the claim of the
Americans=EE the LPP secretary general Farooq Tariq and Chairman Shoaib Bha=
tti
said in a joint statement. The attack represents the growing arrogance of U=
S
imperialism. The LPP is opposed to the decision of General Pervaiz Musharaf=
to
formally join the international community on the justification of curbing
religious terrorism. The decision of General Pervaiz Musharaf announced tod=
ay
would only accelerate the tension within the region and more blood will be
wasted for no reasons.

LPP leaders said that we are opposed to the religious fundamentalism. But t=
he
historical irony is that the religious fanatic forces have been promoted in
Pakistan on state level. They were provided all the facilities including th=
e
guns by the establishment of Pakistan. In the eighties, the military regime=
of
Zia Ul Haque took the American support to feed the religious fanatics. Now
another military regime in Pakistan is taking all sorts of economic and arm=
s
help from the US imperialism to curb the activities of the same religious
fanatics.

LPP leaders said that war is no solution nor is terrorism of the religious
forces. This question has to be addressed in a political form. Until the
system does not provide the basic socio economic facilities to the poor mas=
ses
of Pakistan, they will be subjected to the poisonist propaganda of the
religious fanatics.

LPP National Executive Committee, which met here in Lahore for three day fr=
om
4th October to 6th October, has decided to launch a peace movement in
Pakistan. The first peace demonstration will be held in Lahore on 15th Octo=
ber
at 4pm from Lahore Press Club to Charring Cross. During this month peace
demonstrations will be held at Hyderabad, Karachi and Islamabad.

LPP appealed to the working people of Pakistan to rise up against US
imperialism and also against religious fanatics who are playing with the li=
ves
of the Muslims across the glob with their policies of terrorism on the name=
of
Jihad.

press release by Aamir Suhial
LPP lahore information secretary

_____

#4.

The Hindustan Times | 9 October 2001

YOU CAN'T BE ANTI-WAR AND OUT-OF-JAIL AT THE SAME TIME
HT Correspondent
(New Delhi, October 8)

Fearing tension following the US strikes in Afghanistan, Delhi Police=20
have stepped up their drive of preventive arrests throughout the=20
city. Six youths possessing inflammatory documents were nabbed from=20
north-east Delhi in this connection.

"They belonged to People's Union for Democratic Rights (PUDR) and=20
were students. They were distributing anti-war posters In Yamuna=20
Vihar this morning," said a police officer posted in Bhajanpura,=20
where the accused were arrested.

The PUDR has issued a press statement condemning the action and has=20
asked for an inquiry into the matter.

The police have recovered pamphlets from the youths' possession being=20
brought out under the name of Democratic Students Union and All India=20
People's Resistance Forum and have launched a hunt for the printing=20
press owner. "We suspect that in the last few weeks, they must have=20
circulated at least a thousand such pamphlets," revealed a source.

Police said that they would also raid the organisation's head office=20
and more arrests are on the anvil. "We are examining the role of=20
those heading All India People's Resistance Forum and will take=20
action accordingly," said the official.

The six accused were identified as Shezad, Sunil, Gurmeet Singh,=20
Naveen Chandra, Jeevan Mehta and Sunil and have been charged under=20
the sections 107 and 151 of CrPC.

Meanwhile, the cops are on the prowl for eight activists of the=20
Students Islamic Organisation of India (SIMI) who have gone=20
underground after the outfit was banned.

These include the general secretary of the organisation, Safdar=20
Nagori, financial secretary Salim Sajid, and other activists=20
including Sarfaraz Nawaz, Mohammed Iqbal, Mohammed Akram Falahi,=20
Maulana Ashfaq Hussain and Danish Riaz Falahi.

______

#5.

THE SMELL OF WAR
Ravi Sundaram
Mon, 08 Oct 2001 17:35:44 +0530

Finally, the bombs have fallen on Afghanistan.

Everyone knew this was coming and when the bombing actually began, there
was a surreal sense of a madness we are falling into I cannot think of any
country in the region that will remain unaffected. As the multibillion
dollar planes (one B-2 bomber costs 2 billion to build) and missiles drop
their deadly cargo on Afghanistan, daily life in South Asia is fraught with
tension.

In Delhi police are everywhere, with more roadblocks, more security checks
of ordinary people (or, anyone with a beard). The security state has been
formalised. Today the Delhi policy took out a large advertisement in the
newspapers effectively banning all demonstrations without police permission=
.

The media, particularly the television channels are an interesting case to
watch during times of crisis. There have been many emails on this list on
the CNN footage during the crisis, but it will be interesting to look at
our own version of the media empires.

Take the main English television news channel the Murdoch-owned Star. This
channel stood out for its shrill support to the regime during the Kargil
war and the Pokhran bomb blast. After September 11th, the channel feted
the views of the political/cultural elite, which is aggressively
anti-Pakistan and pro-US, only to revert to a confused, resignation of the
new scenario (where Pakistan is now a front-line state with the US).

But wait. Once the anti war demonstrations pick up, you shall see
yesterday's liberal television hosts aggressively attacking dissent,
skimming over the massive repression going on in the country under the
pretext of the ban on SIMI.

During times of crisis the division between the media empires and the
regime evaporate, the 'national' interest takes charge.

As I write, a friend tells me that three student activists were arrested in
Delhi for distributing anti-war leaflets.

Remember, Bush promised a long and painful war.

______

#6.

The Times of India
8 October 2001

HISTORIANS SLAM GOVT FOR CENSORSHIP
TIMES NEWS NETWORK
EW DELHI: The BJP-led government's censorship of secularism and=20
plurality of views in history books would result in the depiction of=20
fairy tales passing off as facts, renowned historian Irfan Habib has=20
said while referring to the move to delete portions from NCERT=20
textbooks.

Habib and former NCERT professor Arjun Dev quoted from the=20
``objectionable'' book to show that Satish Chandra's high praise for=20
Guru Tegh Bahadur had, in fact, been misrepresented by quoting the=20
passages out of context.

While the government's move drew criticism from historians, Delhi's=20
Lt-Governor Vijay Kapoor issued a statement asking the author, Satish=20
Chandra, to delete ``with urgency'' the objectionable portion.

At a press conference, Irfan Habib said the censorship of the history=20
textbooks and the NCERT's decision to have them vetted by religious=20
leaders before publication would result in a narrow definition of=20
history.

Arjun Dev said Satish Chandra had mentioned several competing views=20
and cited Persian sources for these. Read in their entirety,=20
Chandra's views in fact reflected high praise for the Guru, seeing=20
him not only as a respected religious leader but also a reformer=20
fighting against injustice.

_______

#7.

Indian Express | Monday, October 08, 2001 | Editorial

OPERATION DELETION
REMEMBER MINORITIES TOO HAVE THE RIGHT TO VOTE

LET'S elect a new people, mocked the satirist. The Rajnath Singh=20
government in Uttar Pradesh has been caught trying, quite seriously,=20
to accomplish just that. Having nearly exhausted its cache of gambits=20
and tricks to win over the voter in the run-up to the assembly polls,=20
the government was still unsure of whether they could deliver the=20
needful. Would those generous sop sprees, that strategic carving out=20
of quotas within quotas, or the consistent blinking at attempts to=20
deepen the communal polarisation in the state, yield electoral=20
dividend? Would they pave the return to power? So the BJP government=20
in UP embarked upon a safer, shorter route - it decided to simply=20
reconstitute the electorate. As media reports have recently brought=20
to light, after the July 11 revision of electoral rolls this year,=20
over 15,800 Muslims found themselves arbitrarily struck off the=20
electoral rolls in the Thakurdwara assembly segment in the state;=20
about 21,000 names of persons of another community were included=20
equally arbitrarily. Such large-scale violation of rules and=20
procedures could not have been carried out without the active=20
collusion and involvement of senior officials of the state=20
administration. Rajnath Singh's desperation is showing.

It may not be the first time that an incumbent government has bent=20
the rules to ensure a re-election. It may not even be the first=20
instance of an unpopular administration resorting to the completely=20
reprehensible expedient of rigging the electoral rolls. But nothing,=20
no amount of cynicism, can dilute the horror of what was being=20
attempted in India's most populous and politically crucial state. The=20
citizens' most fundamental right was being snatched away by an=20
insecure government and this was being done purely, brazenly, along=20
communal lines. This marks a new low even in the BJP governments'=20
flawed record vis a vis the minority communities. Through acts of=20
omission and commission, through turning a blind eye to bigots and=20
rabble rousers now and lending them an encouraging ear then, BJP-led=20
dispensations have already shown themselves incapable of generating a=20
sense of security in these embattled groups. By falsifying voters'=20
lists, there is now an attempt to disempower them completely.

In a democracy, the right to vote may not always be sufficient=20
condition to ensure a government that is responsive or sensitive to=20
all. But the five yearly democratic ritual remains the ordinary=20
citizens' most potent assertion of their participation in government,=20
their best reason to hope for change. The J.M. Lyngdoh-led Election=20
Commission must be congratulated for stepping in to prevent a huge=20
injustice. Here's hoping that exemplary action is taken against the=20
erring officials in UP. Here's hoping the commission remains alert=20
through the coming months as well. It must ensure that elections to=20
UP and elsewhere are genuinely free and fair.

_______

#8.

Indian Express
October 7, 2001
Straight Face

WE'RE HIJACKED! STAY CALM
Pamela Philipose

THERE are certain unpatriotic characters amongst us who have actually=20
come to believe after Thursday's real hijack/ hoax hijack/ hijack=20
drill (tick which ever you believe is the most appropriate), that the=20
whole nation has been hijacked by a bunch of morons who, by a cruel=20
twist of fate, has stormed the nation's political cockpit and are=20
presently piloting India straight to Ground Zero.

Let me state here firmly for the record that I am not of that=20
conviction. In fact, I am of the firm opinion that this real hijack/=20
hoax hijack/ hijack drill is all about how prepared we, as a nation,=20
are to face any challenge. Thursday demonstrated that we have come up=20
tops.

For starters, it has proved several propositions correct.

PROPOSITION 1: That the prime minister can keep awake until 4 a.m.=20
Which also explains why he appears to be sleep-walking the rest of=20
the time and why he sometimes appears to be in seriously deep slumber=20
when he is addressing the nation about the need to keep eternal=20
vigilance.

PROPOSITION 2: That the home minister's Crisis Management Cell is=20
efficient, alert, fully functional and generally tickety-tock.=20
Indeed, with the home minister himself at the centre of operations,=20
it does more than merely manage crises, it actually does its bit to=20
supply crises in times when crises are not readily available, just so=20
that they can be managed better.

PROPOSITION 3: That we have a remarkably experienced union minister=20
for civil aviation who is known to have flown several kites as a=20
child growing up in Supaul. Since the Civil Aviation Ministry's=20
exertions have now come to comprise largely of kite flying exercises,=20
the present incumbent is an apt appointee. Therefore, all those who=20
believed that the man's elevation was part of a kite-flying exercise=20
to convince the minorities that the prime minister loves them, are=20
dead-on. Also, the minister is known to be fully acquainted with the=20
intricate details of the aviation industry, including finer points=20
such as cockpits being generally populated by pilots.

PROPOSITION 4: That the massive paunches of the contingency hijack=20
police who are mobilised expressly to grapple with hijackers and=20
generally manage a hijack are not just incidental to hijack control=20
measures but are an intrinsic part of them. The paunches are=20
painstakingly cultivated with the view to forming a second line of=20
defence should the other barricades placed before the offending=20
aircraft fail.

PROPOSITION 5: That hijackers are like you and me, only they wish to=20
go to the toilet at awkward moments; carry ''things'' in their hands=20
and don't speak English too well. It would help of course in=20
identifying potential hijackers if they wore a beard and looked as if=20
they were distantly related to Osama bin.

Now this is, I believe, the most valuable nugget of truth gleaned=20
from Thursday's real hijack/ hoax hijack/ hijack drill, because once=20
we identify the hijacker we can nab him or her easily and lock him up=20
under the proposed anti-terrorist law that the Home Ministry's crisis=20
management cell is currently configuring. What this really means is=20
that there are approximately 980 million hijackers in this country=20
and the rest had better brush up their English.

PROPOSITION 6: That we, as a nation, have nerves of steel and=20
generally do not panic, I repeat DO NOT panic, except when somebody=20
mentions the hot phrase: ''We have just been hijacked. Do not=20
panic''. At which point we get into a cold sweat and immediately=20
phone the TV newswallahs because, hey, if you've got to go to your=20
maker, you might as well make it on prime time at least.

PROPOSITION 7: That this proves the country is completely and fully=20
prepared to meet any nuclear threat. The moment an unidentified=20
flying object heads towards Delhi, our early warning signals get into=20
action, waking up the havaldar on duty at a secret location somewhere=20
between Amritsar and Delhi. This gentleman will immediately press the=20
secret code - XGNJYRZZYRT - which wakes up the PM, the home minister,=20
Abdul Kalam, the heads of the Armed Forces, the TV channels and the=20
RSS simultaneously.

The PM stays awake, the home minister rushes to his Crisis Management=20
Cell, Abdul Kalam peers into his 100 per cent-home grown radar and=20
wonders whether he should advice the Armed Forces to strike Lahore or=20
Beijing, while RSS cadre rush to coat every house they come across=20
with a specially prepared admixture of cow dung and water that the=20
ancient rishis believed was the very answer to counter the=20
deleterious effects of radiation.

Someone will then discover that the flying object was only a Siberian=20
Crane making its way to the Bharatpur bird sanctuary and the nation=20
will heave a collective sigh of relief.

______

#9.

Thanks to Arindam Dutta for sending this joke in Hindustani

[For those of whom who are not South Asian, have a
South Asian friend explain this one to you (it's not
that difficult anyway).]

o o o

Why doesn't Bush eat in an Indian restaurant??

the waiters ask him after the dinner: Bill Laden sir??

_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/

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