[sacw] sacw dispatch (13 Dec.99)

[Harsh Kapoor]

South Asia Citizens Web - Dispatch
13 December 1999
http://www.mnet.fr/aiindex
_______________________
Contains:
#1. Nationhood, nationalism & decision-making
#2. Freedom? But Freedom From What?
#3. India Pak Arms Race & Militarisation Watch No.5
_______________________
#1.
Date: Sun, 12 Dec 1999 19:11:24 -0800
[CJPsa] Mailing-List

NATIONHOOD, NATIONALISM AND DECISION-MAKING
Dr Ahsan Wagha

The paradigms of nationhood are different from those of nationalism.
Nationhood is state or fact of being a nation. This primordial attribute of
collective psyche, for its loose application, can be claimed by groups as
small as clan and caste and as large as the Arab; requiring no moral or
social justification it bases on the simple bias of the 'us'against the
'other'. Nationalism, on the other hand, although it too exploits some
primordial and pre-existing differentiating marks to work,originates from
objective, practical necessity of striving for control over resources, is
thus a state of mind built on a rationale. The precondition to both of
these i.e. nationhood and nationalism, however,is to be a nation first.
Nation is a body of people in an area marked off by common descent,
language, culture, or historical tradition. Built upon this was the edifice
of western national state, a model which could not escape deviations from
the basic rule of nationhood when replicated in the rest of the world.
There appeared nationalisms without nationhood. Israel is a nation- state
but the people engaged in constructing nationalism are Jews (neither Arab
nor 'Israelis' yet). Pakistan offers still a different model.

The governments here have been successively promoting Pakistani nationhood
without ever giving a serious thought to the fact that nationhood generates
nationalism which works more logically than nationhood itself. The
governmental assertion only helped the people of contrasting primordial
nationhoods in regrouping themselves in their historic formations to be
called nationalities. This, in turn, brought crystallisation of the idea of
what was required in Pakistan, the pluralist form of nationalism. The state
of Pakistan responded negatively by creating and encouraging many a
pressure group striving for state-nationhood only to oppose nationalism.
The futile practice of building through the state mechanism what evolves in
the history and denying the historic reality itself delivered nothing but
political confusion, a prelude to social decay and anarchy.

Nationalism, a western concept, has its meaning in democracy i.e.
participation in decision-making of all the people, or peoples with
multiple identities. Only this guarantees protection of their due share in
power, goods and services. Here, this participation has been either denied
or managed selectively and in many cases only symbolically, for instance,
by placing a person in the office of governor as representative of a
language group. In most of the cases, however, participation is assumed, as
in that the majority is Muslim, hence they support war with India at all
times at all costs. That they should sacrifice everything personal or
collective, even the real Pakistan for the myth of 'Pakistan'.

The year 1999 has two major events in its fold: the Kargil affair, the
triumph of militaries on both sides of the Line of Control against their
respective civic societies, and the overthrow of the Sharif government, an
interlude of democracy which for its poor quality could not be mourned
justifiably. All said about the first episode was said by the talebearers
and was used for political consumption. About the second, one should have a
simple comment to offer i.e. this fateful event will make a turning point
either way. The small group of professional commentators, having lost
memories or conscience or both, however, wasted no time in coming with
convincing argument in favour of what they have been vigorously rejecting
throughout, the retreat from democracy. No one seems concerned with the
cynical rather mocking approval of both the events indifferently given by
the ranks of the political leadership representing various polities of the
country, and with the total apathy shown by the people at grassroots level.
Only a further consumption by the right wing politicians who dream
themselves as future potentates of patience and prestige of a people
remains the central play in political discourse.

Those involved in the business of promoting the path of conflict have
become so privileged a prodigy that even their follies seem to attract more
attention, hence more resources, than the many a serious issue of peace and
prosperity. A party whose political status as a minority group is
historically tested very stubbornly keeps toeing the line of conflict. They
ask the people, for instance, to hail the wastage of more resources in
improving 'nuclear bomb', a device which a great majority of the people
shall never be able to watch except in replicas or in Hiroshima's, or else
in its effects on the already shrinking budgetary allocations for
education, health and development.

What went unnoticed during these days of great 'national engagements' was a
lull, rather indifference in the larger, southern part of the country. This
only proved truth of a nervy realisation in the serious corners of the
state, as was indicated by a columnist of the difference of outlook between
the 'northern and southern parts of Pakistan' on the very issue of national
security. But the problem is, realisations and confessions alone do not
provide a remedy unless they are made vigorously, open and publicly.

The managed imposition of a 'Pakistani nationhood' suited only one
nationality. The political domination achieved through this was enjoyed in
a very simplistic way. The nationhood of the dominated but practises the
most artful method of resistance. The resistant nationalists do hardly
aspire for less than secession. But fallen in war with a much powerful
enemy i.e. state, they plan highly strategically and keep changing the
level of their demands according to the political space. Quite misleading
are their statements of commitment to the sovereignty of the state which
they issue only to comfort the group in power. The best example of this in
the recent history was the assertion of their 'Indian nationalism' in the
pre-partition India by the leaders of Muslim League (no less than Jinnah
himself=8A "I am Indian first and Muslim second") which they carried on unti=
l
a decade before independence when they saw the conditions ripe for
partition. For those who, thinking pragmatically, hold that a sustained
Pakistan shall be in the interest of the people living in this country, it
is time to work for its logical viability. To this day, what stands proven
is the fear expressed by the world community at the birth of Pakistan, the
fear that it was going to be a feudal-theocratic, fascist state in negation
to the concept of a democratic polity, which the majority of the people on
the sub-continent aspired for during their struggle for independence.

Over the period we also consumed the logic of justification constructed by
Jinnah and others, who, defending the Pan-Islamism, held that the Muslims
of India were a nation according to the modern definition of the term and
assured time and again that democracy and pluralism would prevail in
Pakistan.

The debacles we face one after the other directly resulted from the
political illegitimacy which has been governing Pakistan during most of its
history. The elected representatives, through perpetual dissolution of the
assemblies and other tactics, were systematically discouraged from touching
any serious issues in their debates, were instead tamed to singing to the
tune. This in turn weakened the people's belief in participation in the
national affairs.

In their political expression, people are three types: the over articulate,
the less articulate and the silent. The last type, one is afraid, has
increased in number. Articulate sections of society like those represented
by the religious organisations, may dominate the political scene but count
little towards a change. It is the silent majority who if dragged to a
state of perpetual indifference ends up with total destruction of a society
as happened in Afghanistan.

The downfall of Kabul to the complete evacuation of the ruling and
intellectual elite of all types was consequent upon the historic failure of
the Court of Kabul in achieving participation in decision- making of the
Pakhtun (and the Afghan) tribes who were left to live under the
centuries-old tribal code and mode of life imposed on them as static and
impossible. Even the much-praised jirga system managed by the kings was
nothing but a negative substitution of the strong traditional element of
democracy in tribal system. It was aimed at guaranteeing the permanent
blockage through a thin but strong layer of chieftains of the way of the
majority to participation in decision- making.

Terms 'Afghanistanisation' and 'Talibanisation' coined for and applied on
the future prospects of Pakistan by some are not absurd. These indicate
probability of the dreadful dream come true of a naive minority of the
articulate who in their pursuit of anti-majority escapism keep investing in
fundamentalism. This is odd but not accidental; is understandable in the
historical background of modern South Asia.

With the dawn of democracy, the only blessing of the Raj on the sub-
continent, the major 'nationhoods' were redefined as 'nationalisms' and
were tested on the paradigms of democratic legitimacy. Since then, the
Muslim clergy of the sub-continent struggled time and again to acquire this
legitimacy but failed due to inherent absence of the sanctity of nationhood
never entrusted in them by the people. Failing this, they sought support
>from the Muslim landed aristocracy, mainly from Central Province, Bengal
and Punjab. The role of the landed aristocracy reduced to the subservient
of the establishment after partition, the clergy now works in alliance with
the establishment directly with a simple agenda of blocking the way of the
ultimate i.e. an agreed-upon form of pluralist Pakistani nationalism.
_____________
#2.
The News on Sunday
13 December 1999
Political Economy

=46REEDOM? BUT FREEDOM FROM WHAT?
The emergence of countervailing power is a key to the democratic construct
- the people of Pakistan

It could be stated that a true democracy never existed in Pakistan , yet
overthrowing a farce of one to replace it with autocracy is no alternative
either. Democracy must be understood not as a product and propagation of
western ideology but as the most functional delivery system. An alternative
then is to take stock and rethink not the terminology but the approaches
and mindsets with which the republic may first deconstruct and then
reconstruct structures of power to serve the country optimally
again and again, the question of the people resurfaces - frantically,
passionately, ominously

by Nazish Brohi

Democracy or Dictatorship; this debate has gained momentum in the country
post events of 12th October 1999, more so since the initial euphoric relief
has dissipated and given way to probes on the establishments capacity to
fulfill public demands of deliverance. The contention that democracy has
certain prerequisites and underlying principles which were never in place
and undermined where present may very well be true, but tossing aside even
the theoretically institutionalized framework of democracy to pave way for
arbitrary decision making and to leave the fate of the nation hanging on a
generals goodwill seems like a paradoxical solution. As with the 'violence
promotes violence spiral, it holds true for sanctioning unconstitutional
actions which will lead to more of the same. The nation perceives relief
>from corruption, from bad governance, from imposed diktats and subversion
of law. It may be of use to reflect on the point that 'freedom from not
necessarily indicates 'freedom to. And that the current set up is the
ultimate subversion of law. The Generals analogy, that the constitution is
a limb amputated to save the body needs correction. The constitution is the
faculty that facilitates, in fact, makes possible the functioning of the
body of the nation. An analogy more in line is that the heart of the body
no longer functions, and the body, a cadaver proceeds to live on a
respirator.

Having stated that, and in summation of all the various critiques of both
democracy and dictatorships that have appeared in print, it could be stated
that a true democracy never existed in Pakistan , yet overthrowing a farce
of one to replace it with autocracy is no alternative either. Democracy
must be understood not as a product and propagation of western ideology but
as the most functional delivery system. An alternative then is to take
stock and rethink not the terminology but the approaches and mindsets with
which the republic may first deconstruct and then reconstruct structures of
power to serve the country optimally.

The General, while categorically stating that this is not a marital law,
claimed, "This is just a path to democracy." In the post-Cold War era, when
countries were freeing themselves from the USSR umbrella and satellite
states were gaining independence, the concept of 'Transitional or 'Emerging
democracies was introduced. These labels change the way in which the world
powers, financial institutions and development agencies dealt with the
countries, and the formula conscriptions were altered accordingly. A case
may be made for Pakistan to consider viewing itself in this regard, even
though it conventionally referred to countries moving away from
authoritative communist regimes towards western models of democracy via
capitalism.

The transition to democracy is a unique moment to consolidate democratic
processes and ensure that civil society creates a multitude of channels to
participate in national development. If the innovative possibilities of a
democratic transition are not seized early, it may prove hard to change
them later. Patterns of politics that are inimical to developmental
democracy, such as a continuing military role in politics, if established
during transition, may then congeal to become semi-permanent features of
the political landscape. Issues such as that of civic liberties and gender
justice tend to be put aside until the tasks of healing society are
achieved. Unfortunately, such issues also tend to be put aside after
civilian rule gets restored when tradition may lose its creative
possibilities, and opportunities to strengthen civil society become
restricted. This first-things-first approach runs counter to mainstreaming
human rights and seeing social, cultural and economic rights as secondary
issues and second-class rights weakens the obligations of states of their
progressive realization.

While moving forward as a country, we must envisage not only representative
democracy in political institutions, but participatory democracy in civil
society as well. So far, failure of democratic prescriptions in the country
may in part be attributed to failing to realize that civil society may
exist without democracy, but democracy cannot exist without a civil
society. What we have is in parts, an indifferent apathetic society which
feels disconnected from political actions, and self-anointed speaker for
the masses elite and drawing room conversationalists who have never seen a
ballot box.

The concept of democracy encompasses both political and developmental
democracy. In political democracy, the emphasis is on formal democratic
processes (elections, parties, legislatures, elites.) In development
democracy, civil and political rights are seen as vehicles to advance
quality of condition, not simply of opportunity. For democratic
development, efforts must be made for the enhancement of capacity of
ordinary people to improve their material circumstances, strengthen their
political voice, hold governments accountable and develop interests that
are relatively unrestrained by state control. A defining feature of
democratic development is thus the extent to which people and organizations
within society are empowered and political equality is increased. A strong
democratic civil society is one in which independent associations are
capable of significantly influencing public policy.

=46or integration of such a model into national power structures,
concentration in transitional democracies should be on building civic
institutions, instrumental for which are:

=95 legal and constitutional reforms to dismantle authoritarian structures o=
f
the past

=95 controlling violence of state and non-state actors

=95 eradication of culture of fear by sanctioning those guilty of gross huma=
n
right violation and providing effective relief to victims of such violations

=95 fostering pluralism through programmes of education, decentralization,
devolution and protection of minority rights

=95 empowerment of of people through rights awareness and assertion
programmes and participatory institution building and

=95 investment in human development to attempt eradication of poverty.

Human rights are the bedrock of legitimate governance; genuine human
development and participatory democracy are impossible unless both are
brought under a human rights regime. The potential areas of support are
diverse and include media, trade unions, peasant associations, rural
cooperatives, business & professional association, environmental advocacy
groups, human rights monitors, womens organizations, legal aid groups,
religious organizations and urban popular movements. The following are some
of the modes through which participation is optimized and therefore maybe
explored.

There is an intimate connection between human development, political
awareness and social interconnection. Literacy is an innate part of each.
Literacy is a vehicle, first for critical self-examination from which
develops a new awareness of individual and social oppression, but also a
new sense of dignity and willingness to work with others to alter the
structures of injustice. In developing countries, and family, the local
community and their special ethnic and gender value systems are the
essential boundaries of life. The machinery of national and even provincial
government appears to have little immediate impact on peoples lives. With
their bottom-up approach, literacy programmes, whether they are organized
around teaching of human rights, popular political education or the
acquisition of skills to support employment or food projects, respond to
just those boundaries. They lend themselves to small scale, grass-root
actions that may, in the long run, lead to community, municipal or
provincial political action.

Citizens can participate most effectively in government committed to the
principle of subsidiary, allowing decisions to be taken at the lowest level
at which they can be made effective. Indicative barometers of effective
devolution are the local governments ability to a ) control tax base b )
design and implement public policies with autonomy c) elect their own
executives and legislative officers. Local governments can also be
democratized from bottom up through advocacy wok of NGOs and peoples
organization. As power devolves from central to local authorities,
opportunities fro corruption shift downwards,towards new actors who are
more in direct contact with civil society. This means the ability of civil
society to monitor, detect and reverse activities of public officials in
their midst is enhanced by proximity and familiarity with real issues. This
may then be the training ground needed to gain experience necessary for
action at the national level.

The democratic possibilities of indigenous cultures exist in local
contexts. The village and small municipal community are fertile schools for
democracy. Decision making at these local levels often incorporates a large
portion of the community and decisions are arrived at through discussion,
debate and consultation and sometimes voting. The challenge is to revive
the best elements of these buried forms of traditional local freedom and
graft them onto governance of the large, complex nation state.

Policy relevant research plays a vital role in designing and implementing
public policies that respond to citizens democratic aspirations. Equally
strengthening the research capacity of democratic social movements,
opposition parties and democratic governments-in -waiting is the key to
correcting the serious imbalances in access to information between
incumbent governments and civil society. Academic freedom must be taken as
an absolute.

Investing in womens rights, dismantling discriminatory laws and helping
women change social attitudes, gain access to higher education and control
over fertility and reproduction will pay huge development dividends, by
prompting social change, lowering birth rates, improving prospects for
proper child care, mobilizing a productive population and promoting
economic growth. In the absence of nationally instituted safety nets such
as maternity leave and day care, and inability to access credit, compounded
by discriminatory legislation, this potential is seriously hampered.

The freedom to organize, whether through collective bargaining or by
industrial action, requires a politically open society in which conflict is
mediated without coercion or violence. Unions are, therefore, potential
schools for participation, which may, in circumstances, enforce democratic
institutions such as the party system. Labour movements are an important
catalyst in development of welfare states.

Support must be directed at non-governmental and popular organizations that
become politically active in the pursuit of some material interest and
socially just cause, and people must be at the center of the development
process because sustainable development is only possible through popular
participation.

The promotion of popular participation distinguishes democratic development
projects from conventional aid projects. Building civil society, expansion
of democratic space, popular participation, effective public control of
policy agents, just distribution of resources and civilian control over
military are the real markers of democracy. Organizing to develop
countervailing power is a key strategy for empowerment and democracy.
Pavement for this path is not the task of the National Security Council or
ministers alone. Neither should external aid be decisive in and depended
upon for building democratic societies; citizens must now themselves take
the initiative.
__________________

#3.

INDIA PAK ARMS RACE & MILITARISATION WATCH NO.5
(13 December 1999)

[1.]
Kommersant-daily, December 7, 1999, p. 4

MIGS ARE FLYING TOWARDS THE COMPETITORS
BY Leonid Zavarsky

On December 11, Director of MiG Design Bureau Nikolai Nikitin made an
official statement concerning the fact that a number of the bureau's
leading designers had left their service. In Nikitin's opinion, this event
was caused by the bureau's competition with "a commercial structure".

=46ormally, the December 11 press conference organized by the chiefs of MiG
Design Bureau was dedicated to the 60th Anniversary of Mikoyan Design
Bureau (currently called the Engineering Center and being part of MiG
Design Bureau) and the program of the bureau's reorganization into the MiG
aviation complex.

However, the journalists who attended the press conference expected Nikitin
to explain the reasons for the leave of 12 specialists who were working on
the program of upgrading MiG-29 and MiG-31 fighter jets. Another question
that worried the journalists was the trustworthiness of the reports about
the bureau's roll-up of the military component of its manufacture. This
latter assumption was immediately denied by Nikitin, who stated that MiG
Design Bureau is not intent on closing down the military production.
Nikitin named the work on the deck modification of the MiG-29K jet for the
Indian Navy as the priority in the military direction of the bureau's
performance. According to Nikitin, India has placed an order for 30 such
jets (for comparison: the Russian Armed Forces has not ordered a single
MiG-29 in the past three years). The planes in question are to be deployed
on the "Admiral Gorshkov" aircraft carrier that India is purchasing from
Russia. Nikitin confirmed the reports that India will also manufacture
MiG-29 fighters at its aviation enterprises under the Russian license. In
addition, he noted that the bureau is continuing the development of the
training and assault modifications of the MiG-AT jet, although "the work
has recently been slightly deadlocked".

Still, MiG Design Bureau does have certain problems in the military sphere.
The matter is, the work on the upgrading of MiG-29 SMT aircraft is led,
according to Nikitin, "by the Russian Avionics commercial firm founded by
Mikhail Korzhuev, a former director of MiG Design Bureau", whereas
Nikitin's bureau is left to content itself with the role of a contractor.
Nikitin hinted that this situation developed not without participation of
certain people connected with the Russian Defense Ministry. However, he did
not enlarge upon this topic. This past summer the design bureau addressed
Russian Avionics with a proposal of cooperation, but did not receive any
reply. As of now, the MiG-29 SMT has already been highly appreciated by
military experts as regards its navigation and piloting systems, but it is
still not considered a battle complex because the testing program has not
yet been completed.

It was due to the fact that Russian Avionics has intercepted the Defense
Ministry's order that 12 leading designers left MiG Design Bureau-at bottom
of things, they were left without their work. Nikitin stated that he does
not know where his former colleagues are working now but expressed his
readiness to attempt to talk them into returning.

On the other hand, it will already be a civilian enterprise that the
designers will be offered to return to. MiG Design Bureau is currently
loaded to 3.5% of its capacities, and the only chance to preserve the firm
is to develop the civilian manufacture. In the opinion of the bureau's
managing staff, 80% of all its resources should be used for manufacturing
civilian aircraft. As for military hardware, it will be designed and
assembled only in case of defense orders. The bureau already has a civilian
project of its own, the MiG-110 multifunctional aircraft capable of
transporting 5 tons of cargo or 50 passengers. However, the major civilian
development of the firm remains the Tu-334 passenger plane. According to
Nikitin, $69 million are needed to certify the aircraft and bring its
development to the stage of serial manufacture. MiG Design Bureau does
possess such a sum. The enterprise will search for money for serial
production (approximately $600 million) along with the other participants
of the project, namely Tupolev Design Bureau, Aviant enterprise (Kiev), and
the Russian Aerospace Agency.
(Translated by Andrei Bystrov) [Original-Language: Russian]

*********
[2.]
Nezavisimaya Gazeta, December 3, 1999, p. 2

SU AND MIG FIGHTERS ARE WINNING THE MALAYSIAN MARKET
BY Vadim Solovyov

Russian aircraft enterprises are in the center of everybody's attention at
the Lima '99 air exhibition. The Irkutsk Aircraft Industrial Association
(IAIA) presented several its battle aircraft at once and has gained the
reputation of the leader of public attention since the first day of the
exhibition. The fact that the said enterprise is successfully fulfilling
the contracts to deliver 40 Su-30K planes to India is yet increasing
specialists' interest. This year the enterprise signed the contract to sell
Delhi another ten aircraft. Three weeks ago the Indian Air Force received
the last plane of that batch, the first two aircraft having already been
flied out.

The next stage on this way will be the delivery of Su-30MKIs, the
multipurpose planes of the fifth generation. All the Su-30K planes earlier
sold to India will be upgraded to meet the MKI standards. (=8A) Indian- and
Russian-made computers will form the backbone of the new avionics for the
Su-30MKI. The sides are working on the plan of cooperation by 2018. General
Director of the IAIA Alexei Fyodorov told journalists that his enterprise
will build the total of 140 aircraft for India.

Irkutsk specialists note that the project has attracted interest of a
number of countries that already possess Su-30K aircraft. The upgraded
planes will be capable of delivering strikes against ground targets.
Electronic equipment will allow to guide a missile directly to their
targets and simultaneously perform continuous automatic missile tracking.
The new planes will also be able to use high-precision thermal imaging
weapons. (=8A)

The two pilots flying the new aircraft share their tasks in the following
fashion: the first one flies the plane and conducts air battle, whereas the
second one uses high-precision air-to-surface missiles, including against
sea targets.

The IAIA is also conducting work on development of object-to-object
navigation, which will allow several crews to swap information, regardless
of the distance between their planes. This year, two relevant navigation
tests were carried out near the North Pole.
(=8A)
The Su-30 is not the only battle plane of the well-known firm with a high
exporting potential. The delegation of the Sukhoi Design Bureau headed by
Mikhail Pogosyan presented eight modifications of the Su-27 series at the
exhibition. These modifications may be offered to foreign clients,
including Malaysia. Deputy General Director of Rosvooruzhenie company
Alexei Roshchin stated during the exhibition that if Kuala Lumpur chooses
one of the eight modifications for purchases, this will be an absolutely
new plane as compared to the existing aircraft. Pogosyan also told
journalists that the IAIA is continuing intensive work on the S-37
experimental fighter of the fifth generation. The prototype has already
performed 70 test flights.

The traditional rivals of the Sukhoi Design Bureau are not sitting with
their arms folded, either. Representatives of the MiG Design Bureau stated
that their prototype MFI plane of the fifth generation will perform the
first test flight in December 1999. The MiG representatives also reported
that in August 1999 they sent Kuala Lumpur the offer to deliver 18 upgraded
MiG-29SMT aircraft in addition to the ones Malaysia already has in its
inventory. Thus, Malaysia has something to choose from.
[original-Language: Russian ]

*********
[3.]
Izvestia, December 2, 1999, p. 3

AN AIR POCKET
BY Vladimir Skosyrev

IS THE RUSSIAN-INDIAN $1.8 BILLION MILITARY CONTRACT JEOPARDIZED BY MINOR
DEFECTS IN THE CONSTRUCTION OF RUSSIAN FIGHTER JETS?

In the near future the Indian Defense Ministry will have to answer an
important question, namely what planes young Indian pilots will fly to
master the basics of air battle. The matter concerns purchases of new
aircraft abroad or upgrading of at least 60 training planes the Indian Air
=46orce already possesses.

According to the Indian press, the Defense Ministry of that country may
choose MiG-21 planes or Western jets. (=8A)

Russian aircraft-building enterprises compete in the Indian market with
=46rance, which has been selling Delhi Mirage fighters for many years on end=
=2E
Against this background, the reports about the progress of the contract
between the Indian government and Rosvooruzhenie company to deliver a batch
of Su-30 multipurpose fighters to India do not appear very much reassuring.
The Indian paper "Pioneer" writes with reference to high-ranking sources
that Indian specialists detected engine defects of at least four aircraft
of the batch and were forced to send the planes back to the manufacturer
for repairs. In accordance with the provisions of the contract signed in
1996, Rosvooruzhenie is to deliver 40 Su-30 planes to India. According to
Rosvooruzhenie specialists, the contract costs $1.8 billion.

"Pioneer" maintains that various defects are typical of the Russian
aircraft in general. Thus, when Indian pilots were learning to fly Su-27s,
engines of 70% of the planes turned out to be defective. This time, the
situation is allegedly repeating itself.

On the other hand, the Indian side is partly to blame for the fact that the
deliveries of the Su-30 jets resemble an obstacle-race. India still cannot
decide what navigation system to equip its new fighters with. This task is
supposed to be solved with participation of French and Israeli companies,
but specialists of the Headquarters of the Indian Air Force and the Indian
Defense Ministry are conflicting with each other and have not yet made
their choice.

That Delhi is attracting third countries to participate in the fulfillment
of the contract is no wonder. India wants to receive the best products
currently being offered in the international market. Still, how accurate is
the information quoted by the Indian paper? The Indian embassy in Moscow
does not deny that the fulfillment of the contract is being delayed, but
stresses that the hold-up must not be dramatized, for the Su-30 jet is the
symbol of the new technology in aviation, and its development is inevitably
connected with difficulties.

And what is the opinion of the Russian side? Unfortunately, we failed to
receive any comments from Russian officials. Well, let's hope that the
contract is not threatened with a complete breakdown.
(Translated by Andrei Bystrov) [original-Language: Russian ]

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