[sacw] sacw dispatch (15 Dec.99) 'India Special'

[Harsh Kapoor]

South Asia Citizens Web - Dispatch [India Special]
15 December 1999
http://www.mnet.fr/aiindex
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Contains:
#1. Gujarat's proposed law on Religion threat to Democracy
#2. Indian Feminists letter to the Editor on 'Sati'
#3. Statement of Andhra Pradesh Civil Liberties Committee
#4. Second edition of historian Habib's book released
#5. On India's Minorities & 21st century
#6. India's atomic energy boss & his 'pie in the sky' plans
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#1.
Editorial, The Times of India, December 13, 1999

SPIRITUAL DEMOCRACY

The year began with incidents so unspeakably gruesome that they did violence
to the concept of India: The attacks on Christians, in particular the brutal
killing of the Staines family, were a blot on the proudly and intrinsically
secular nature of our interdependently multi-ethnic society. And yet, it is
a tribute to the resilience of the sound foundation on which the
superstructure called India rests that we unfailingly recover from such
injuries. Indeed, Christian community leaders were compelled to acknowledge
this truth, when, contrary to their fears, the Pope was treated as a revered
guest. Sadly, many months after that reconciliation, there are renewed
attempts to revive the controversy that was at the root of Christian
disaffection=F3the campaign against conversion. In Gujarat, a BJP MLA has
sought to introduce a private member=EDs Bill that, if passed, will stop al=
l
conversion. The ironically named Gujarat Freedom of Religion Bill
ostensibly aims at preventing forcible conversion through =EBinducement=ED a=
nd
other such =EBfraudulent=ED means. However, the definition of =EBinducement=
=ED has
been made so sweeping that virtually any conversion, even that which is
undertaken in full and voluntary consciousness, could be treated as obtained
by force. Indeed, by equating allurement with any 'temptation' offered in
'cash or kind', the Bill brings within its ambit all missionary activities:
Should the Bill be accepted, it would be impossible for anyone seeking to
adopt the Christian faith to visit a missionary hospital or go to a
missionary school.
In other words, the Bill strikes at the fundamentals of the
country. No
doubt, the Bill's advocates would cite past precedents, the existence of a
similar law in Madhya Pradesh for instance, but that is insufficient
justification given that under our Constitution the right to preach and
propagate a religion is a fundamental right in fact, a right on a par with
the right to life and liberty. The faithful would go a step further and
argue that spiritual belief must be conferred a place higher than life
itself. For, while the right to life guarantees protection to the mortal
body, the right to faith goes beyond the physical to the metaphysical =F1 to
the immortal. Long after a person has gone, his soul =F1 or the beliefs tha=
t
formed the core of his being remains, never to be destroyed: There can,
then, be no human existence without the soul. It is interesting that the
dictionary defines the phrase, 'proselytising', which is often used as a
synonym for religious conversion, to include change of opinion, ideas and
even movement from one political party to another the latter a pastime
most favoured by our political parties. Political democracy accords our
political parties the right to propagate their ideology and indeed even to
offer inducements. What are election-eve promises, if not inducements in
exchange for votes? By the same token, spiritual democracy must accord an
individual the right both to propagate his/her religion and, if necessary,
to offer inducements for conversion =F1 provided only that this is not done
against the will of the person sought to be converted. Use of force,
whether by a political party or a religious mission, can be dealt with
under existing laws. If the Bill proposed by Gujarat were to become the
norm, then it might become necessary retrospectively to frame charges
against Ambedkar who embraced Buddhism with thousands of his followers.

_____________
#2.
The Asian Age
15 December 1999

LETTERS TO THE EDITOR =20

To say that she committed suicide is a legitimation of widow immolation
Sir, The death of Charan Shah (55-year-old resident of Satpurwa village,
Uttar Pradesh) on November 11, has become clouded in the debate of
whether it should be regarded as sati or "suicide." To investigate the
matter further, and determine whether such a distinction is at all
valid, a team comprising members of Nirantar and Saheli, two Delhi-based
women's groups, and independent researchers, went to Satpurwa on
November 22. Along with Vanangana, a women's group in the area, the team
toured Satpurwa and its surrounding villages and spoke to a number of
people in the region. Prior to this team, other groups have visited the
area and concluded that Charan Shah committed suicide of her own
volition. But the report of this team clearly indicates that the facts
of her death are not as simple as has been suggested. Many factors cast
doubts on prevailing theories that Charan Shah could have left her house
(in the middle of the village), and reached the pyre unnoticed by the
villagers, or that people were unaware of her intention to kill herself
on her husband's pyre. The team also found that there was some
controversy about the time of Man Shah's (Charan Shah's husband) death.
Some people claimed that he may have died the night before, which lends
credence to statements of some residents in the surrounding villages,
that they had prior information of the sati that was to take place the
next morning. Similarly, Shishupal, Charan Shah's son, who had earlier
claimed that by the time he reached his father's pyre and found his
mother burning, it was too late to help her, now claimed that he became
unconscious when he heard that his mother had jumped into the pyre.
Also, a number of people claiming to have "witnessed" the event, told
the team that Charan Shah was not on the pyre, but sitting on the
ground, leaning against the foot of the pyre, which raises serious ques
tions as to how she could have died in such a position, and
significantly, why she couldn't have been saved. Studies of previous
satis in Rajasthan have shown that such a narration of the sequence of
events is typically structured around prohibitory laws, leading to the
collective suppression of evidence of instigation, abetment and
coercion. Charan Shah's death seems to be no exception. While the
numbers of people who congregated seems nowhere near the figures quoted
in press reports, some people claim that she was pushed back into the
fire and that there was an active effort to keep the fire going. This
only corroborates our understanding that there is no such thing as
"innocent witnessing" of such an event. It is always collusion. Along
with the nature of her death, and the subsequent attempts to worship and
glorify it, these facts clearly indicate that the incident cannot be
relegated to mere "suicide." It is our conviction that force is not
merely direct physical force, but also collective pressure in other
forms. In fact, every person the team spoke to referred to the incident
as sati. The fact of another recent case of attempted widow immolation
in the area, and the presence of three sati temples in neighbouring
Mahoba, Jaari and Magrauta are clear pointers that the prevailing sati
ideology in the region was already actively involved with both, the
widow immolation and its subsequent glorification. Therefore, variations
in the rituals of widow immolation do not make the event a suicide, nor
can the appropriation of an upper caste patriarchal practice by lower
castes be condoned.

[signed by ]
Dr Kumkum Sangari, Dr Uma Chakraverti and others
New Delhi
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#3.

14 december 1999

STATEMENT OF THE ANDHRA PRADESH CIVIL LIBERTIES COMMITTEE

(APCLC) on the recent executions of three prominent leaders
of the Communist Party of India-Marxist Leninist (Peoples
War) =20
The APCLC team visited the house in Bangalore from where three
leaders of the CPI-ML(Peoples War),Nalla Adi Reddy,Santosh Reddy and
Seelam Naresh were picked up by the Andhra Pradesh Police in semi-
unconscious state.When we talked to the neighbours and the owners of
the house,we were told that four or five heavily armed policemen in
civilian dress came to the house at about 2PM on 1st December 1999
and lifted them bodily and put them in a white Maruti van and sped
away.We saw the room where the three persons were staying locked
from outside and when we peeped through the window,we found that
the room was already cleaned with water,in order to suppress the
evidence.We were also told that the house owners and the neighbours
were threatened not to reveal anything about the incident.Under
these circumstances,we believe that there is a prima facie case of
kidnapping of the three persons from the said house by the Andhra Pradesh
Police.It is a clear case of extra-judicial murder.According to the
Andhra Pradesh High Court directions in the Madhusudan Raj Yadav
killing case and the National Human Rights Commission directions,
whenever someone is killed in an encounter a murder case must be
registered.
(1)We demand the Karnataka Police must register a case of kidnapping
of the three Peoples War leaders.
(2)We demand that the Government of Andhra Pradesh order a judicial
enquiry into what it claims to be encounter killings at Karimnagar.
(3)We demand that the Andhra Pradesh Police produce Govinda Reddy
and his family,who were residing as tenants in Tayappa's house
from where the three persons were picked up.
This is essential as they are the eye-witnesses to the incident.
(4)Protection must be provided to the house owner Tayappa.
(5)We demand the Andhra Pradesh Government stop encounter killings
immediately.If anyone engages in unlawful activities,then that
person should be produced in a court of law and appropriate
action can be taken against him.The government has no right
in indulging in extra judicial killings as it has been proved
in the present case. =20

M.T.Khan, Former President, APCLC =20
S.Seshaiah, State General Secretary, APCLC =20
Dr G.Laxman, State Vice-President, APCLC =20
G.Ravi, Member, APCLC =20
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#4.
The Hindustan Times
15 December 1999

SECOND EDITION OF HISTORIAN HABIB'S BOOK RELEASED

New Delhi, December 14 (HT Correspondent)
THE SECOND revised edition of eminent historian Prof Irfan Habib's The
Agrarian System of Mughal India was released at a function organised at
Ramjas College today. The revised edition has been published 36 years
after the publication of the original edition. The work focuses on the
agrarian conditions in the country from 1556 to 1707.

On the occasion, rich accolades were paid to Prof Habib by renowned
historians Prof Tapan Ray Chaudhuri and Prof Bipan Chandra. Prof Ray
Chaudhuri said that the book had thrown new light on several aspects
during the Mughal era such as self-sufficiency of village economies,
trade in agricultural products, exploitation in rural areas and land,
and property rights. "The work is one of the finest in the tradition of
Indian histography. It reflects the depth of scholarship and dedication
of Prof Habib," he felt.

Describing the work as a monument of scholarship, Prof Ray Chaudhuri,
who now lives in Oxford, appreciated the extensive data used in
supporting the arguments. Speaking at the function, Prof Bipan Chandra
commented on the extensive range of Prof Habib's works and scholarship.

"He has written extensively on Mughal India, the peasantry and caste
system in ancient India and colonialism in modern India," he said. He
also expressed happiness that the second edition of the book would
immensely benefit the students and teachers of history alike. Both Prof
Ray Chaudhuri and Prof Chandra also recalled their decades-long
association with Prof Habib. In his address, Prof Irfan Habib stated
that considerable time had elapsed since the publication of the first
edition. Revisions had been incorporated in the work based on the new
evidence unearthed on various issues.

He pointed out that while the work was primarily on economic history,
the influences of the social structure, taxation systems, religious
attitudes and the caste system on economic conditions had also been
taken into account. "But there are also some drawbacks like insufficient
focus on the rural attitudes of those times and the gender perspective
due to inadequate historical documents on these subjects," he added.

The renowned scholar also launched a blistering attack on the Sangh
Parivar for "adopting a communal agenda", saying that they were trying
to distort history and fill institutions "with their own men". "Their
theories like the Indian origin of the Aryan race and that the Indus
Valley civilisation was an Aryan one, is without basis and cannot be
accepted.

I feel proud that most historians of repute have not succumbed to the
propaganda and patronage of the saffron brigade," he observed.
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#5.
Secular Perspective (Dece. 1-15, 1999)

INDIA, MINORITIES AND TWENTY-FIRST CENTURY

India is one of the largest democracies in the world. Not only that
it has one of the largest minorities too. Muslims alone constitute more
than twelve percent population and in terms of numbers they are about 12
crores. If we take other minorities into account the number will exceed 15
crores. It is no insignificant number. Thus India has been a pluralist
democracy from the day one and in true sense. Also, India did not become
pluralist as a modern nation but has been plural since ages. In fact
pluralism has been its proud heritage. While pluralism is a matter of great
pride for the modern secular nation, it is also a matter of complex
problems.

A true democracy ensures not only individual rights but also rights
of minorities as a community. Our Constitution has rightly laid down in the
Articles from 25 to 30 the rights the religious, cultural and linguistic
minorities will enjoy. These rights, needless to say, make India a truly
democratic and pluralist nation de jure, not only as de facto. According to
these Articles the minorities are not only free not only to profess,
practice and propagate their religions but also to establish the
institutions of their choice. These rights are such as to make even the
most modern nation in the world proud. And these rights were incorporated
into our Constitution in 1950 soon after the declaration of the charter of
human rights by the United Nations. The founding fathers of our
Constitution as if anticipated the new millennium.

But of course there was a big gap between noble intentions and
actual realisation. The minorities continued to face several problems
despite incorporation into our Constitution these fundamental rights. The
most important problem was of security, especially as far as Muslims were
concerned. One can argue, and rightly so, that it was basically the legacy
of the partition. Partition had created many misgivings in the minds of the
majority community and the Muslims who chose to remain in India had to pay
the price for partition though they were not necessarily the ones who were
responsible for it. It would not be unreasonable to maintain that if the
constitution, especially the articles pertaining to minorities, had been
drafted before 1947, many Muslims who fell victim to the Muslim League
propaganda would not have so easily accepted the partition as a solution.
As it is, many Muslims from U.P. and Bihar who accepted the partition plan
were shocked to learn that Pakistan was out there in Punjab and Bengal and
not right near their home states. Partition was more a result of
apprehensions on the part of the minority than of a separatist design on
the basis of religion. Pakistan was more a result of climate of distrust
created by Muslim league propagandists than the actual need of Indian
Muslim elite. What was needed was the constitutional assurance of their
rights which could not be done in time.

In a democracy minority problems can be sorted out, despite their
apparent enormity, given commitment to principles. A section of the
Congress leadership before partition was committed to these principles.
However, a section which was majoritarian in its attitude and was not
committed to equal rights for the minorities helped create a climate of
distrust and thus ultimately helped the forces of separatism. In a
democracy what is needed is mutual trust and faith between various
communities.

Thus main thing in handling minority problem is mutual faith and
understanding. Even after partition much bloodshed in the form of communal
riots could have been avoided if this mutual trust had been established.
Even after the drafting of the Constitution and its enforcement enormous
problems continued to be there. Now as fas as Muslims were concerned the
partition became a millstone around their neck though all Muslims were not
responsible for it. The communal elements among the Hindus launched a
propaganda offensive against the minorities in general, and the Muslims in
particular. Their loyalties to the country were questioned and they were
accused of being pro-Pakistani. Such suspicion has now undoubtedly reduced
but still persists in some quarters. The Muslim loyalty became a major
issue in the communal propaganda. Here it must be noted that formation of a
nation state was a new experience for the people of India. Before the
British came the people lived in princely states and considered it their
country - mulk or watan. Hindus as well as Muslims were loyal to the ruler
of the state. Both laid down their lives for the defence of their watan.
The question of loyalty of this or that community never arose.

However, with the two nation states - India and Pakistan - coming
into existence after independence the question of loyalty became a major
question in the communal dynamics in India. In many riots the slogan
"Musalman jao Pakistan or Qabrastan" (i.e. Muslims go to Pakistan or to
cemetery became quite common. It must be stated that with the two nation
states coming into existence in 1947 the Indian Muslims were also confused.
Some really thought that Pakistan is an Islamic country and hence their
real homeland. But the break up of Pakistan in 1971 shocked such Muslims
and it brought about transformation in their thinking. Also, the problems
the Muhajirs (immigrant Muslims form India) faced further impacted the
thinking of Indian Muslims. The Muhajirs were not only being treated as an
alien in Pakistan but also as a linguistic minority. Not only this, the
Shia Muslims also began to face severe problems and began to develop the
feelings of a minority. Thus Pakistan could no more be looked upon as a
homeland of Muslims. The myth was effectively punctured due to the
developments in Pakistan.

But still the distrust continued. In the eighties it acquired
religious overtones rather than nationalistic overtones. Two major
questions emerged on the scene. The Shah Bano controversy on one hand, and
the Ramjanambhoomi controversy on the other. The Muslim leadership rejected
secular law in favour of their religion and the Sangh leadership equated
Hinduism with nationalism. Both were violative of the spirit of nationalism
and secularism. Muslims living under secular dispensation have to rethink
on many issues and should not always insist on finality and immutability as
far as social issues are concerned. After all the Ulama in the past were
also thinking in their own times and social context concretising the
teachings of the Qur'an.

Those Hindus who insisted on demolishing of Babri Masjid and
constructing of a Ram Mandir should realise that a modern nation-state has
its own logic and majoritarian attitudes weaken it rather than
strengthening it. A modern nation-state could be run only on the basis of a
constitution and secular laws. Any attempt to impose majoritarian
perspective can result in serious problems for the democratic governance.
Not only this the majoritarian mind-set could be destructive of the healthy
spirit of nationalism. A modern democracy cannot succeed until the
minorities feel completely secure. It is part of the culture of democratic
governance.

Now at the fag end of twentieth century the Christian minority is
also under attack and is feeling quite insecure. The major question as far
as the Christians are concerned is conversion, as loyalty to the country
became major issue as far as Muslims were involved. Conversion, it should
be noted, is a fundamental right unless it is brought about by coercion or
fraud or inducement. If it is brought about through coercion or fraud it is
a legal and not a constitutional problem and should be dealt with as such.
But Christians as a whole have come under attack as if all of them are
engaged in the project of conversion and a ban on it is being demanded.
This demand is not justified, as it will be a flagrant violation of ones
constitutional rights.

We cannot enter twenty first century with such mindset. Twenty
first century will be the century of democracy and human rights. Democracy
began to take roots from nineteenth century though it was more a century of
colonialism. But it was during this century that the seeds of democracy
were sown and these seeds began to sprout in twentieth century when the
colonised countries began to gain independence one after the other. But it
will come to full fruition in the next century. Many ex-colonial countries
in the third world are not even democratic, let alone further deepening and
consolidating it during the next century. But India can be justly proud of
being democratic right from the day of its independence. The question now
is to further deepen and consolidate it and to improve its quality. And the
quality of democracy certainly depends on the question of treatment of
minorities. In real democratic governance minorities should be treated with
justice and dignity.

However, the problems being faced by minorities in India are more
of a transitory rather than permanent nature. Not only that the quality of
democracy will improve the minorities will get full opportunities for their
own creative contribution to the process of nation building. The minorities
will also have to adopt more positive and constructive approach. Democratic
culture should prevail among all sections of the society. Pluralism should
be respected and women too should have a sense of equality and dignity.
Necessary reforms will have to be ushered in. However, no one should be
coerced into doing that. It has to be a democratic process. The twenty
first century will also be a century of mutual dialogue. The culture of
dialogue is essential to culture of democracy and necessary to create
mutual trust and confidence. Both majority and minorities will have to
realise that confrontation leads to destruction and dialogue promotes
mutual understanding and constructive attitude.

While the majority should realise that more secure the minorities
feel, more they will contribute to the process of nation building and
prosperity of the country. And the minorities should realise that more they
contribute to the process and consolidation of nation building more they
will be respected and only both together can ensure better quality of
democratic governance in the next century.
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#6.
The Hindustan Times
15 December 1999

'Priority must be given to atomic energy development'
Indore, December 14 (HT Correspondent)

ATOMIC ENERGY Commission (AEC) chairman and secretary, Department of
Atomic Energy, Dr R. Chidambaram, has said that as atomic energy will be
the base for future development of the country, the nation should give
top priority to development of atomic energy capabilities.

"There can be no alternative to it", Mr Chidambaram said.

Speaking on "Nuclear Science and Technology-Vision 2020", which was
organised to mark the completion of a decade of inter-university
consortium and department of atomic enegry, at the Taklshila campus of
Devi Ahilya University here, Mr Chidambaram stressed on greater synergy
between the two bodies as the nation is going ahead to become a safe and
economical nuclear power in the next millenium.

Dr Chidambaram said that India has got the potential to attain
self-reliance in the field of atomic energy. The country's nuclear
energy technology is sufficient to meet the energy requirements of the
country, he said and added that the most important feature of India's
atomic energy technology is that it is not only safe but also
environment-friendly. He said that India will not use nuclear weapons
for mass destruction but will use it for generation of power and for the
productive use in the field of agriculture and nuclear medicine.

Dr Chidambaram further said that India has a target of producing around
20,000 MW of nuclear energy by the year 2020. To reach that goal, India
has already streamlined the distribution process with the setting up of
nuclear power corporations. The have already achieved 60 to 70 per cent
capacity utilisation during the last five years and reached 80 per cent
in last year.

To achieve the target of 20,000 MW by 2020, various steps have been
taken like setting up heavy water reactors, high breed reactors, light
waster reactors and technical collaboration with Russia for its Tamil
Nadu plant, Dr Chidambaram said.
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SOUTH ASIA CITIZENS WEB DISPATCH is an informal, independent &
non-profit citizens wire service run by South Asia Citizens Web
(http://www.mnet.fr/aiindex) since1996.