SACW | February 10-13 , 2009 / S. Lanka: internment camps / Pak India: fishermen / Kashmir / India: Religion vs Freedom of Expression

Harsh Kapoor aiindex at gmail.com
Fri Feb 13 00:01:23 CST 2009


South Asia Citizens Wire | February 10-13, 2009 | Dispatch No. 2605 -  
Year 11 running
From: www.sacw.net

[1] SRI LANKA:
   - The barbed wire returns (The Times)
   - Backgrounders on the Sri Lankan Conflict (S. P. Udayakumar)
   - New configurations and constraints (Jayadeva Uyangoda)
   - Sri Lanka's war: To the bitter end (The Economist)
   - Thousands Caught in Sri Lanka's conflict - 12 Feb 09
   - Sri Lanka plans to house war refugees for 3 years (Ravi Nessman)
   - 'Govt Targets Media Under Civil War Cover' (Paranjoy Guha Thakurta)
   - Govt Ignores Supreme Court (IPS)
[2] PAKISTAN - INDIA: Civil society must assert for renewal of  
dialogue process (Kashmir Times)
    - Pakistan, India urged to release fishermen
    - Time for India to think of carrots too, not just sticks  
(Siddharth Varadarajan)
[3] INDIA ADMINISTERED KASHMIR:  Human Rights Watch Letter to Chief  
Minister Omar Abdullah
[4] INDIA - KARNATAKA:  Hindutva Fire and Secular Response
      - Understanding and Responding to the Mangalore Assaults (Sumi  
Krishna)
      - Minister targets academic (S R Ramakrishna)
      - The Rediff Interview - "Apply anti-terror laws against  
Mangalore attackers" U R Ananthamurthy
      - Movements that protest attacks by Sri Ram Sene, but with love  
(Priyanka P. Narain)
[5] INDIA: Freedom of religion vs Freedom of Expression
     - Report of the UN Special Rapporteur Asma Jahangir's Mission to  
India
     - The Statesman Editor, Publisher arrested (The Hindu)
     - Johann Hari: Why should I respect these oppressive religions?
[6] INDIA: Secular Stage - Twenty years of Sahmat
[7] Elections in India are cause for pride, governance is yet to be  
so (Ramachandra Guha)
[8] INTERNATIONAL: Behind the violence in Gujarat, Gaza and Iraq is  
the banality of democracy (Pankaj Mishra)
[9 MISCELLENA:
     - Obama's Faith Based Office an Insult to Women (Martha Burk)
     - Lieberman's anti-Arab ideology wins over Israel's teens (Yotam  
Feldman)
     - Religulous: Believers, Skeptics and a Pool of Sitting Ducks  
(Stephen Holden)
[10] ANNOUNCEMENTS:
    (i) Say No to the 'Morality Police'!  : AISA and AIPWA protest on  
Valentine's day (New Delhi, 13-14 February 2009)
    (ii) 8th Professor AR Desai Memorial Lecture (Bombay, 20 February  
2009)
    (iii) Join March 7 events against Sharia and Religious-based  
Tribunals in UK (London, 7 March 2009)
    (iv) Call for Media -  In a Planet of Our Own (Bombay, 15-22  
March 2009)



_____


[1] Sri Lanka:

THE BARBED WIRE RETURNS
The Sri Lankan Army's plans for camps to intern Tamil civilians is  
brutal and illegal. It will help neither peace nor reconciliation on  
the island

It was one of the 20th century's most bestial images, and one that  
was invented by the British. The concentration camps set up by Lord  
Kitchener to intern Boer women and children were officially intended  
to shelter civilians while the British Forces conducted a scorched- 
earth policy to deprive Boer combatants of food and shelter. In fact,  
they were places of brutality, hardship and death. More than 26,000  
people died in some 50 makeshift camps across South Africa.

Forty years later, millions more died in Nazi camps that borrowed the  
name and copied the brutal regime of starvation and death. Humanity  
vowed that never again would such atrocities be tolerated. Yet they  
have persisted: from the Soviet gulags to the killing fields of  
Cambodia and the Serb-run camps housing half-starved Bosnians. And  
now the barbed wire is going up again, as Tamil civilians are herded  
into makeshift compounds. The victorious Sri Lankan Army, sweeping  
across the last holdouts of the separatist Tamil Tigers, is proposing  
to imprison tens of thousands of non-combatants in a “safe zone” for  
up to three years as the area is “cleansed” of rebel supporters.  
Starvation, despair and death are all too easy to predict.

Some 250,000 civilians have been trapped by the fighting in the north  
east of the island. Hundreds have already been killed, either by  
Tiger fighters firing on them as they tried to escape or by  
government troops shelling the rebel enclave, now only some 70 square  
miles. Many of those fleeing the crossfire have been killed by mines.  
The International Committee of the Red Cross has done its best, but  
was forced yesterday to evacuate 160 patients from a makeshift  
hospital where artillery shelling killed 16 people earlier in the  
week. The United Nations is planning for an exodus of 150,000 people.  
But the troops appear intent on holding them, ostensibly for their  
safety but in fact to root out any supporters or relatives of the  
Tiger fighters.
[. . .]
http://www.timesonline.co.uk/tol/comment/leading_article/ 
article5720434.ece

See Also:

Backgrounders on the Sri Lankan Conflict
TASA Occasional Papers 1 and 2 (February 2009)
by S. P. Udayakumar
http://www.sacw.net/article645.html

New configurations and constraints
by Jayadeva Uyangoda
http://www.flonnet.com/stories/20090227260402200.htm

Sri Lanka's war: To the bitter end (The Economist)
http://www.economist.com/world/asia/displaystory.cfm?story_id=13109866

Thousands Caught in Sri Lanka's conflict - 12 Feb 09
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=chXjUU2Fk2I

Sri Lanka plans to house war refugees for 3 years
by Ravi Nessman
http://www.google.com/hostednews/ap/article/ 
ALeqM5gmtyIc3i3bbHFVccfl_J7YYG-7wQD969GUDO1  )

Sri Lanka:  'Govt Targets Media Under Civil War Cover'
by Paranjoy Guha Thakurta*
http://www.ipsnews.net/news.asp?idnews=45711

Sri Lanka:  Govt Ignores Supreme Court
http://www.ipsnews.net/news.asp?idnews=45594

____


[2] Pakistan / India:


Kashmir Times
February 9, 2009

PEACE PROCESS IS IMPERATIVE
Civil society in India and Pakistan must assert for renewal of  
dialogue process

Both India and Pakistan have yet to learn to live in peace, dignity  
and honour on the basis of equality as responsible sovereign  
democratic countries and enter into a fruitful era of mutual goodwill  
and cooperation, overcoming the prolonged confrontation that has only  
brought in its wake avoidable death and destruction.It took years for  
the civil society in the two countries to build bridges of  
understanding for beginning a process of dialogue and conciliation in  
place of mutual acrimony and confrontation. The peace process between  
the two neighbouring countries was the result of the efforts of the  
men and women of goodwill and peace who worked tirelessly since 1993  
for forging people-to-people contacts to pressurize their respective  
governments to initiate the much needed process for peace and  
reconciliation. While the peace activists were striving for peace the  
powerfully entrenched vested interests, the rabble rousers and  
fundamentalists of various hues in the two countries were making  
every effort to subvert the peace process. Unfortunately the peace  
process between India and Pakistan had not moved as fast as it should  
have been. The hopes that with the return of democracy in Pakistan  
the peace process will be accelerated have been dashed to the ground  
with the Mumbai terror attack. The shock and anger over this most  
condemnable act was not misplaced. The concern for security of the  
citizens too is understandable. But the war cries and finger-pointing  
leading to the reversal of peace process defy any logic. The  
objective of the terrorists responsible for the attack was to subvert  
the peace process and renew hostilities between the two countries.  
Instead of playing into their hands it was imperative for the  
leadership of the two countries to push forward the peace process. It  
is indeed unfortunate that instead of meeting the challenge of  
terrorism with determination and mutual cooperation the ruling elites  
in the two countries are engaging themselves in a blame game and war  
of nerves.

The peace in the region is not only possible but is also necessary  
for the very welfare of the people of the two countries.Since the  
peace process, derailed in the wake of Mumbai terror attack, was the  
result of the efforts of the peace activists and members of the civil  
society in the two countries to create the conducive climate in this  
regard it is for them to rise, unite and assert to silence the war  
cries again being heard in the two countries. Let the saner elements  
in both India and Pakistan say no to war and confrontation and  
pressurize their respective governments to pick up the broken threads  
for reviving the much needed peace process. Instead of talking at  
each other the two governments must be made to talk to each other  
both for eliminating terrorism in the region and ushering into an era  
of peace and mutual cooperation. The people-to-people contacts  
established in the recent past have been the catalyst for the  
beginning of the dialogue process between the two estranged  
neighbouring countries. These contacts need to be further  
strengthened for pressurizing the establishments in Islamabad and New  
Delhi to renew the dialogue process for overcoming trust deficit and  
evolving a joint strategy and mechanism to deal with the menace of  
terrorism that poses threat to the security of the people as well as  
peace in the region. The two governments should allow such visits of  
the well-meaning civil society activists in increasing number for  
resurrection of the peace process.Dialogue is the only way to resolve  
all the outstanding disputes and overcome differences on various  
issues between the two countries. If the terrorists and hawks have  
the vested interests to subvert the peace process the interests of  
the common people in the two countries can best be served by carrying  
the peace process to its logical end. One can very well imagine the  
disastrous consequences of any war between the two nuclear powers.  
Let the people in the two countries assert to put halt to the foolish  
cries of war, hot pursuits, surgical strikes or retaliatory action  
and force the two governments to revive the abandoned peace process.  
All the contentious issues can be settled only through a purposeful  
process of dialogue with utmost sincerity.

o o o

(Thanks to Pakistan Fisherfolk Forum for sending this Information:

http://www.dawn.com/2009/02/11/local10.htm

PAKISTAN, INDIA URGED TO RELEASE FISHERMEN

KARACHI, Feb 10: Members of the fishermen’s community including women  
and children took out a rally on Tuesday to protest against the  
arrest of their fishermen by the Indian authorities.

Participants of the rally, organised by Pakistan Fisherfolk Forum,  
gathered outside the Sindh Assembly in the afternoon and marched  
towards the Karachi Press Club where they staged a sit-in to press  
the government for the early release of the fishermen kept in Indian  
jails.

The rally, led by PFF chairman Mohammad Ali Shah, General Secretary  
Saeed Baloch, Karachi Committee President Majeed Motani and Tahira  
Ali, was attended by the relatives of arrested fishermen including  
women and children hailing from coastal villages of Karachi, Keti  
Bandar, Kharo Chhan, Shah Bandar, Jati and Thatta.

Most of the protesters had travelled from the small villages along  
the coastal belt of Thatta and Karachi to attend the protest rally.

Carrying banners and placards, the children and women chanted slogans  
for the release of their relatives, who had been arrested by India  
coastal authorities in Korangi Creek and Kajar Creek, and demanded  
that President Asif Ali Zardari ensure the release of the fishermen  
from Indian captivity.

Women participants of the rally told reporters that as the heads of  
their families were in Indian jails, they had no breadwinners left.

They urged Pakistan and Indian governments to release fishermen who  
were jailed in Indian and Pakistani prisons.

PFF chairman Muhammad Ali Shah spoke at the protest rally and termed  
the arrest of Pakistani fishermen a violation of their human rights.  
He asked both the governments to follow international law and stop  
arresting fishermen.

He demanded that both countries release the arrested fishermen from  
their jails on humanitarian grounds.

He expressed concern over the constant arrest of the fishermen and  
said that it had forced their families to face starvation besides  
seriously affecting the education of the fishermen’s children.

The PFF leader urged the government to resolve the lingering issue of  
Sir Creek besides releasing the arrested fishermen.

Other PFF leaders also demanded of the Pakistani government to ensure  
the presence of security forces in Pakistani waters so that fishermen  
could be stopped from straying into Indian waters.—Agencies

o o o

FISHERWOMEN PROTEST ILLEGAL DETAINMENT OF FISHERMEN
http://thenews.jang.com.pk/daily_detail.asp?id=161995

o o o

TIME FOR INDIA TO THINK OF CARROTS TOO, NOT JUST STICKS
by Siddharth Varadarajan
Now that the Mumbai terror probe has crossed the hurdle of Pakistani  
denial, India must shed its distrust
http://www.hindu.com/2009/02/13/stories/2009021354571000.htm



_____


[3] India Administered Kashmir:

HUMAN RIGHTS WATCH LETTER TO CHIEF MINISTER OMAR ABDULLAH

February 9, 2009


Chief Minister Omar Abdullah
Civil Secretariat
Government of Jammu and Kashmir
Jammu-Tavi
Jammu and Kashmir

Dear Chief Minister,

Congratulations on your recently taking office as Chief Minister. You  
face an enormous set of economic, political, and human rights  
challenges.

In 2006, when your party was in opposition, Human Rights Watch shared  
with you our report on the human rights situation in Jammu and  
Kashmir. We found that both government forces and militants were  
responsible for numerous and serious abuses. We would like to remind  
you of some of our recommendations, updated to reflect the current  
situation, in the hope that you will act swiftly to address the human  
rights concerns of Kashmiris.

While we understand that many of the human rights violations in Jammu  
and Kashmir are committed by security forces that operate under the  
jurisdiction of the central government, it is important that your  
state government ensures better protections for the Kashmiri people  
and demands that those who commit abuses are investigated and, where  
appropriate, prosecuted for their crimes. This is a crucial  
confidence building measure.

Thousands of people remain victims of enforced disappearances in  
Jammu and Kashmir. The practices of "disappearances" and  
extrajudicial executions violate basic human rights, including the  
right to life, the right to liberty and security of the person, the  
right to a fair and public trial, as well as the prohibition on  
torture and cruel, inhuman, and degrading treatment or punishment.  
Under international law, an enforced disappearance is a continuing  
crime until the "disappearance" is resolved.

While previous governments have admitted that many persons are  
missing, it was claimed that they had crossed the border into  
Pakistan to become militants. Yet, as you are aware, unmarked graves  
of those deemed to have been unidentified foreign militants are  
scattered all over Jammu and Kashmir. Many believe that these graves  
contain the remains of their loved ones who were picked up by  
security forces, killed in custody, and then falsely identified in  
police reports to be foreign militants, usually Pakistani citizens.  
In many cases, when relatives have succeeded in their demand to have  
graves exhumed, their claims have been found to be correct.

We urge you to set up an independent, transparent, and time-bound  
commission where relatives and others can provide information about  
cases of enforced disappearance. This commission should be empowered  
to summon members of the security forces who might have been  
responsible, even if they are no longer posted in Jammu and Kashmir  
or have retired from service.

Laws such as the Jammu and Kashmir Disturbed Areas Act and the Armed  
Forces (Jammu and Kashmir) Special Powers Act, which prohibit the  
arrest of members of the armed forces without permission of the  
central government, should be repealed. These laws have allowed  
security forces to torture, arbitrarily arrest, and extrajudicially  
execute people with effective immunity. As you are aware, the  
extraordinary power to shoot-to-kill conferred by the Armed Forces  
(Jammu and Kashmir) Special Powers Act, has led to what the army  
itself describes as "errors of judgment." Many people have been  
killed without regard to international legal restrictions on the use  
of lethal force, including many completely innocent of any  
involvement in the conflict. The law has led to the proliferation of  
bogus "encounter killings" where people are taken into custody,  
tortured, and then executed by security forces. In the vast majority  
of such cases-including the extrajudicial killings in Pathribal in  
2000 where your National Conference party, then in power, requested  
an inquiry by the Central Bureau of Investigation-there has been a  
failure to prosecute and punish the perpetrators who hid behind  
immunity provisions in the law.

During the October 2008 hearings in Ghulam Nabi Magrey vs Union of  
India, the state government told the court that from 1990 to 2007 it  
had requested permission from New Delhi to prosecute members of the  
army or paramilitary for killings and other human rights violations  
in at least 458 cases. The Principal Secretary of the Home Ministry  
told the court that in 270 cases the state government had received  
sanction (authorized permission) to prosecute. If this is accurate,  
your government should act immediately to initiate proceedings in  
these cases. If the army fails to cooperate by producing those  
accused, citing as it routinely does the protections offered under  
the Armed Forces (Jammu and Kashmir) Special Powers Act, your  
government will be able even more strongly to justify the need for  
the central government to repeal of the law. The failure to deliver  
justice where the police have found that criminal acts have occurred  
is an obvious indictment of the Armed Forces (Jammu and Kashmir)  
Special Powers Act.

While a new law may be required if your government believes that the  
security situation merits the continued deployment of the army for  
operations against militants, this law should not provide the wide  
range of powers under the existing Armed Forces (Jammu and Kashmir)  
Special Powers Act. Specific clauses such as section 6 of the act,  
which provides effective immunity to soldiers and protects them from  
prosecution when they commit human rights violations, should not be  
included in future legislation. The United Nations Principles on the  
Effective Prevention and Investigation of Extra-legal, Arbitrary and  
Summary Executions specify that under no circumstances, including a  
state of war or public emergency, shall immunity from prosecution be  
granted to alleged perpetrators of extrajudicial executions.

We also urge you to repeal the Public Safety Act, which allows  
preventive detention for two-year renewable periods for offenses  
defined by vague and overbroad terms, and violates international due  
process standards. This law has been used to keep people in custody  
without trial for decades, with fresh detention orders issued when  
the two-year period lapses. If people are responsible for crimes,  
they should be prosecuted in accordance with international fair trial  
standards, but cannot be held indefinitely based on a presumption of  
guilt.

It is through the efforts of some courageous human rights defenders  
that the plight of civilians caught in the middle of the conflict has  
been exposed. Attempting to silence dissent or critics is the sign of  
an abusive regime. Numerous human rights activists have been killed  
in the two decades of conflict in Jammu and Kashmir. Human rights  
lawyer Pervez Imroz, in June 2008, survived a grenade attack outside  
his home allegedly by members of the police. We urge you to ensure  
all such cases are immediately investigated, appropriate criminal  
cases are filed, and that human rights defenders receive necessary  
protection from the state.

Human Rights Watch urges you and your government to take the  
following steps:

     * Immediately establish an independent, impartial and  
transparent commission of inquiry into serious violations of  
international human rights and humanitarian law by security forces in  
the state since the beginning of the conflict. In particular, an  
immediate investigation should be started on all allegations of  
enforced disappearance.

     * Repeal all legislation, including the Jammu and Kashmir  
Disturbed Areas Act and the Armed Forces (Jammu and Kashmir) Special  
Powers Act, that prohibits the arrest of members of the armed forces  
without permission of the central government.

     * Repeal all legislation, including the Jammu and Kashmir  
Disturbed Areas Act and the Armed Forces (Jammu and Kashmir) Special  
Powers Act, that authorizes the excessive use of force, including  
deadly force, beyond that allowed by the United Nations Basic  
Principles on the Use of Force and Firearms by Law Enforcement  
Officials.

     *  Repeal the Public Safety Act, which allows preventive  
detention for two-year renewable periods for offenses defined by  
vague and overbroad terms, and violates international due process  
standards.

     *  Given the continuing failure of the military justice system  
to fully prosecute members of the armed forces for human rights  
abuses, prosecute fairly in civilian courts members of the army and  
other security forces of all ranks implicated in serious rights  
abuses. Prosecutions should not be limited to those directly  
responsible for abuses, but should include persons implicated as a  
matter of command responsibility, when superiors knew or should have  
known of ongoing crimes and failed to take action.

     * Strengthen the State Human Rights Commission by empowering it  
to independently investigate allegations of abuse by the security  
forces and militants. The commission should be empowered to  
investigate even those cases under review by a court so that in  
"disappearances" cases a family is not forced to choose between  
trying to find their relatives, or settling for the compensation that  
the human rights commission would recommend. The state and national  
governments should take appropriate action based on the commission's  
recommendations.

     * Strengthen and enforce laws and policies that protect  
detainees from torture and other mistreatment, including strict  
implementation of requirements that all detainees be brought before a  
magistrate or other judicial authority empowered to review the  
legality of an arrest within 24 hours. A centralized register of  
detainees, accessible to lawyers and family members, should be  
established.

     * Immediately respond to requests for necessary measures to  
ensure the protection of human rights defenders and civil society  
activists.

We hope that you will act soon on these recommendations. Human rights  
abuses and the failure to deliver justice serve as a recruiting  
agency for militancy and perpetuate the cycle of violence. It is  
crucial that your government shows its determination to deliver  
justice and ensure that all Kashmiris can once again dream of a  
prosperous, secure, and peaceful future.

Yours sincerely,

Brad Adams
Executive Director
Asia Division

_____


[4]  India: Hindutva gone amuck in Karnataka : Secular response


sacw.net  - 11 February 2009
http://www.sacw.net/article642.html

UNDERSTANDING AND RESPONDING TO THE MANGALORE ASSAULTS

by Sumi Krishna, Bangalore: 11 Feb. 2009

How should we in the women’s movement understand and respond to the  
cluster of assaults by the Rama Sene, Bajrang Dal and other  
fundamentalists; the targeting of minorities and their places of  
worship; the harassment and molestation of women of all classes in  
the name of nation, culture and religion; the fear and anger  
spreading through villages and towns in southern-coastal Karnataka?

As Sandhya Gokhale of  the Forum Against Oppression of Women, Mumbai,  
says in The Hindu, on one level the horrific abuse of young women in  
a pub is ‘a morality issue’, but it is also about the space and  
decision making power for which women have fought for years. Arvind  
Narrain of the Alternative Law Forum, Bangalore, writing in the  
Indian Express, sees the abuse of religious and sexual minorities as  
the ‘saffron’ challenge to ‘the legacy of the women’s movement in  
India’ and ‘the thin end of the wedge’ in re-establishing male  
dominance.

Indeed, enhancing the freedom and autonomy of individual women has  
been one of the cornerstones of the women’s movement.  In a gender- 
equitable democratic polity, matters of dress, behaviour, mobility  
and personal life choices are not less important than people’s rights  
to livelihood, dignity and an empowered citizenship. Not  
surprisingly, in protests all over the country, whether by students  
and teachers in Mangalore or at the Tata Institute of Social  
Sciences, Mumbai, by Vimochana, Hengasara Hakkina Sangha and other  
women’s groups in Karnataka, by activists like Nirantar, Saheli,  
Jagori and INSAF in Delhi, by organisations of dalits and slum- 
dwellers, or of young designers, IT professionals and academics in  
Bangalore, there is a common refrain: ‘What happened to our  
freedom?’, ‘Where is democracy?’

For the Rama Sene the issue of ‘morality’ is subsumed into an attack  
on westernisation and so-called ‘pub culture’. This has been helped  
along in no small measure by National Commission for Women member  
Nirmala Venkatesh (formerly a Congress MLA in Karnataka, elected  
unopposed in a bye-election) who deviously attempted to shift the  
debate from the criminality of the assault to the legality and  
functioning of the pub. Commenting in the Deccan Herald on a counter- 
protest in Mangalore by college girls shouting, ‘Pub culture: Down!  
Down!’, TV journalist Vasanthi Hariprakash  says she asked their  
leader what was meant by pub culture. ‘Adhu American  
samskriti’ (that’s American culture), the girl said. When she  
persisted with the query, the girl replied ‘I don’t know what it is…  
but I have been told it is bad’. Vasanthi writes, ‘I realised that  
anguished Indians some of who happen to be proud Hindus like me, have  
a long battle to fight — against mindsets, not just a fringe group of  
maniac men.’

Is this then all about deeply embedded sexual politics, about using  
women’s bodies as the repositories of an imagined homogenous Indian  
culture? Journalist Ammu Joseph urges a debate on what Indian culture  
is and who has the right to enforce it. Our cultures are after all  
dynamic, not set in stone and, as some litterateurs at the Kannada  
Sahitya Sammelan at Chitradurga asked, ‘Why should women alone be  
targeted as guardians of culture?’. In a ‘Joint Statement on the  
Brutal Assault in Mangalore’,  a cross-section of over 600 citizens  
from India and beyond, have pointed out that there ‘can and should be  
dialogues on what constitutes “Indian-ness”, but  regardless of the  
interpretations of Indian culture and traditions, beating and  
molesting women cannot be condoned’.

Indeed, the bustling port town of Mangalore and the adjoining rural  
areas along  the Konkan coast were formerly known for the remarkably  
peaceful admixture of  cultures and languages (Tulu, Konkani, Kannada  
and Beary), with diverse communities including the Hindu Billavas,  
Mogaveeras, Bunts and Saraswats,  the Muslim Bearys, the Catholics,   
Jains and several others. A century ago, Christian missions brought  
education and health care to Christians and non-Christians alike. In  
the decades since, banking and commerce flourished, as did a distinct  
melded Mangalorean cuisine. Despite differences of religion, caste  
and class, everyday life was not marked by deep social discrimination  
or religious prejudice.

Some of the Tulu-speaking communities like the Bunts and the Jains  
are matrilineal and matrilocal. In the past, Mangalorean women have  
had a relatively better social position; leaders such as Rani  
Abbakka, a Jain who fought the Portuguese in the 16th century, and  
the Gandhian social reformer Kamaladevi (nee Dhareshwar)  
Chhatopadhyay, a Saraswat Brahmin, are much acclaimed. In keeping  
with the region’s pioneering and egalitarian heritage, in 2006,  
Mangalore University became the first in South India to introduce  
‘Gender Equity’ as part of the foundation course for every  
undergraduate student in some 125 affiliated colleges in Dakshin  
Kannada, Udipi and Coorg districts.

As in other regions on the West Coast, however, emigration and large  
cash remittances from the Middle East have transformed the social  
fabric, creating pockets of great wealth, growing consumerism, new  
aspirations and social fizzures. During the 1990s, the sandy shores,  
the groves of betel and coconut, the old tiled houses on meandering  
streets, and the tolerant attitudes changed rapidly with a boom in  
construction, multiplexes, malls, even hospitals for ‘health  
tourism’. Disputes between merchants of different communities,  
between fisher people and traders, incidents involving young Hindu  
and Muslim girls and boys, all this was exploited by  the Bajrang Dal  
and the Hindu Jagran Vedike to incite violence against the Muslims,  
as in Suratkal in 1998-99. Most Hindus and Christians remained silent  
observers at that time.

A decade later, the Hindutva elements had grown powerful enough to  
control a subterranean economy of extortion from newly rich hoteliers  
and pub owners, even as different groups on the saffron fringe began  
to fight for the same terrain. In 2008, churches across Mangalore  
were attacked and ransacked with impunity, ostensibly on the issue of  
religious ‘conversion’, while the BJP government in Karnataka took  
its own time to restore law and order. But the Mangalore Catholics,  
an organised and educated community, did draw support from the rest  
of India.

In recent years, taking a leaf out of the Shiv Sena’s book, the  
leaders of the Rama Sene are reported to have begun recruiting poor  
young men from villages in the vicinity, luring them with petty jobs  
in Mangalore. It is this cadre of youth, bound by ties of gratitude  
if not ideology, that is said to make up the Sene’s strike forces. It  
is easy for Hindutva propagandists, or for any pseudo-religious  
political grouping, to prey on the anxieties and aspirations of  
people pushed to the edge by poverty and unemployment. These young  
men must bear the consequences of their brutal televised assault, yet  
we need to recognise that to some extent they are also victims of a  
mafia.

The ‘pub attack’ has aroused widespread anger and debate, across  
class, age and social groups. Karnataka has earlier seen unspeakable  
atrocities against dalit women, horrendous ‘acid attacks’ and other  
kinds of violence against women of all communities, but never before  
have the media and the middle class empathised with such spontaneity  
and vehemence.

The women’s movement needs to take advantage of the unprecedented  
coalition of civic groups to counter the attitudes and mind-sets that  
tacitly or directly accept gender-based violence in the family, the  
community and society. This is not just about ‘pub drinking’ by  
urban, elite upper caste women but about communalism and gendered  
violence at all levels.  We need to foster rational dialogue between  
cultures and affirm our commitment to the human rights and civil  
liberties of all classes of women threatened by religious  
fundamentalists, be they Hindu, Muslim or Christian, in Karnataka,  
Tamil Nadu, Maharashtra or elsewhere. For these are rights that have  
been so hard won by so many women across religion, caste and class  
through decades of struggle for gender justice.

o o o

Minister targets academic
by S R Ramakrishna	Date:  2009-02-09, MID-DAY
http://www.mid-day.com/news/2009/feb/090209-Pattabhirama-Somayaji- 
College-of-Mangalore-University-English-Professor-Amnesia-mob- 
violence.htm

The Rediff Interview/U R Ananthamurthy
Apply anti-terror laws against Mangalore attackers: Ananthamurthy	
http://www.rediff.com/news/2009/jan/29-apply-anti-terror-laws-for- 
mangalore-attackers.htm

Movements that protest attacks by Sri Ram Sene, but with love
by Priyanka P. Narain
http://www.livemint.com/2009/02/12224436/Movements-that-protest- 
attacks.html

_____


[5] India: Freedom of religion vs Freedom of Expression

Report of the Special Rapporteur on freedom of religion or belief,  
Asma Jahangir - Mission to India
26/01/2009	A/HRC/10/8/Add.3	
http://www.sacw.net/article641.html

o o o

  (The Hindu, 11 February 2009)
THE STATESMAN EDITOR, PUBLISHER ARRESTED

Staff Reporter

Kolkata: The Editor and Publisher of the city-based newspaper, The  
Statesman, were arrested here on Wednesday on the charge of insulting  
the religious sentiment of a minority community.

An article published by the newspaper last Friday led to mass  
protests and acts of violence in different parts of the city in the  
past few days.

“We arrested Ravindra Kumar, Editor , and Anand Sinha, Publisher,  
from their residences acting on a complaint,” Pradip Kumar  
Chattopadhyay, city police’s Joint Commissioner (Administration),  
said here on Wednesday. The complaint was made under Section 295A  
(maliciously insulting the religions or the religious belief of any  
class) of the Indian Penal Code.

Both Mr. Kumar and Mr. Sinha were produced before a metropolitan  
magistrate and were granted interim bail.


[Posted below is this excellent article by Johann Hari whose  
publication became the cause of the arrest of the editors /  
publishers of The Statesmen]
http://www.independent.co.uk/opinion/commentators/johann-hari/johann- 
hari-why-should-i-respect-these-oppressive-religions-1517789.html
The Independent

Johann Hari: Why should I respect these oppressive religions?

Whenever a religious belief is criticised, its adherents say they're  
victims of 'prejudice'

Wednesday, 28 January 2009

The right to criticise religion is being slowly doused in acid.  
Across the world, the small, incremental gains made by secularism –  
giving us the space to doubt and question and make up our own minds –  
are being beaten back by belligerent demands that we "respect"  
religion. A historic marker has just been passed, showing how far we  
have been shoved. The UN rapporteur who is supposed to be the global  
guardian of free speech has had his job rewritten – to put him on the  
side of the religious censors.

The Universal Declaration of Human Rights stated 60 years ago that "a  
world in which human beings shall enjoy freedom of speech and belief  
is the highest aspiration of the common people". It was a Magna Carta  
for mankind – and loathed by every human rights abuser on earth.  
Today, the Chinese dictatorship calls it "Western", Robert Mugabe  
calls it "colonialist", and Dick Cheney calls it "outdated". The  
countries of the world have chronically failed to meet it – but the  
document has been held up by the United Nations as the ultimate  
standard against which to check ourselves. Until now.

Starting in 1999, a coalition of Islamist tyrants, led by Saudi  
Arabia, demanded the rules be rewritten. The demand for everyone to  
be able to think and speak freely failed to "respect" the "unique  
sensitivities" of the religious, they decided – so they issued an  
alternative Islamic Declaration of Human Rights. It insisted that you  
can only speak within "the limits set by the shariah [law]. It is not  
permitted to spread falsehood or disseminate that which involves  
encouraging abomination or forsaking the Islamic community".

In other words, you can say anything you like, as long as it  
precisely what the reactionary mullahs tell you to say. The  
declaration makes it clear there is no equality for women, gays, non- 
Muslims, or apostates. It has been backed by the Vatican and a bevy  
of Christian fundamentalists.

Incredibly, they are succeeding. The UN's Rapporteur on Human Rights  
has always been tasked with exposing and shaming those who prevent  
free speech – including the religious. But the Pakistani delegate  
recently demanded that his job description be changed so he can seek  
out and condemn "abuses of free expression" including "defamation of  
religions and prophets". The council agreed – so the job has been  
turned on its head. Instead of condemning the people who wanted to  
murder Salman Rushdie, they will be condemning Salman Rushdie himself.

Anything which can be deemed "religious" is no longer allowed to be a  
subject of discussion at the UN – and almost everything is deemed  
religious. Roy Brown of the International Humanist and Ethical Union  
has tried to raise topics like the stoning of women accused of  
adultery or child marriage. The Egyptian delegate stood up to  
announce discussion of shariah "will not happen" and "Islam will not  
be crucified in this council" – and Brown was ordered to be silent.  
Of course, the first victims of locking down free speech about Islam  
with the imprimatur of the UN are ordinary Muslims.

Here is a random smattering of events that have taken place in the  
past week in countries that demanded this change. In Nigeria,  
divorced women are routinely thrown out of their homes and left  
destitute, unable to see their children, so a large group of them  
wanted to stage a protest – but the Shariah police declared it was  
"un-Islamic" and the marchers would be beaten and whipped. In Saudi  
Arabia, the country's most senior government-approved cleric said it  
was perfectly acceptable for old men to marry 10-year-old girls, and  
those who disagree should be silenced. In Egypt, a 27-year-old Muslim  
blogger Abdel Rahman was seized, jailed and tortured for arguing for  
a reformed Islam that does not enforce shariah.

To the people who demand respect for Muslim culture, I ask: which  
Muslim culture? Those women's, those children's, this blogger's – or  
their oppressors'?

As the secular campaigner Austin Darcy puts it: "The ultimate aim of  
this effort is not to protect the feelings of Muslims, but to protect  
illiberal Islamic states from charges of human rights abuse, and to  
silence the voices of internal dissidents calling for more secular  
government and freedom."

Those of us who passionately support the UN should be the most  
outraged by this.

Underpinning these "reforms" is a notion seeping even into democratic  
societies – that atheism and doubt are akin to racism. Today,  
whenever a religious belief is criticised, its adherents immediately  
claim they are the victims of "prejudice" – and their outrage is  
increasingly being backed by laws.

All people deserve respect, but not all ideas do. I don't respect the  
idea that a man was born of a virgin, walked on water and rose from  
the dead. I don't respect the idea that we should follow a "Prophet"  
who at the age of 53 had sex with a nine-year old girl, and ordered  
the murder of whole villages of Jews because they wouldn't follow him.

I don't respect the idea that the West Bank was handed to Jews by God  
and the Palestinians should be bombed or bullied into surrendering  
it. I don't respect the idea that we may have lived before as goats,  
and could live again as woodlice. This is not because of "prejudice"  
or "ignorance", but because there is no evidence for these claims.  
They belong to the childhood of our species, and will in time look as  
preposterous as believing in Zeus or Thor or Baal.

When you demand "respect", you are demanding we lie to you. I have  
too much real respect for you as a human being to engage in that  
charade.

But why are religious sensitivities so much more likely to provoke  
demands for censorship than, say, political sensitivities? The answer  
lies in the nature of faith. If my views are challenged I can, in the  
end, check them against reality. If you deregulate markets, will they  
collapse? If you increase carbon dioxide emissions, does the climate  
become destabilised? If my views are wrong, I can correct them; if  
they are right, I am soothed.

But when the religious are challenged, there is no evidence for them  
to consult. By definition, if you have faith, you are choosing to  
believe in the absence of evidence. Nobody has "faith" that fire  
hurts, or Australia exists; they know it, based on proof. But it is  
psychologically painful to be confronted with the fact that your core  
beliefs are based on thin air, or on the empty shells of revelation  
or contorted parodies of reason. It's easier to demand the source of  
the pesky doubt be silenced.

But a free society cannot be structured to soothe the hardcore  
faithful. It is based on a deal. You have an absolute right to voice  
your beliefs – but the price is that I too have a right to respond as  
I wish. Neither of us can set aside the rules and demand to be  
protected from offence.

Yet this idea – at the heart of the Universal Declaration – is being  
lost. To the right, it thwacks into apologists for religious  
censorship; to the left, it dissolves in multiculturalism. The  
hijacking of the UN Special Rapporteur by religious fanatics should  
jolt us into rescuing the simple, battered idea disintegrating in the  
middle: the equal, indivisible human right to speak freely.

An excellent blog that keeps you up to dates on secularist issues is  
Butterflies and Wheels, which you can read here.

If you want to get involved in fighting for secularism, join the  
National Secular Society here.

j.hari at independent.co.uk



____


[6] INDIA: SECULAR STAGE - TWENTY YEARS OF SAHMAT
http://www.flonnet.com/stories/20090213260304900.htm


_____


[7]

The Telegraph
January 31 , 2009

TOWARDS POSITIVE CHANGE - Elections in India are cause for pride,  
governance is yet to be so
by Ramachandra Guha

In India, astrologers are paid much better and respected far more  
than historians. But their profession is altogether more risky. Who,  
when the people of India went to the polls in the winter of 1951-2,  
could ever have predicted that this general election would be the  
first of very many? Not a respected Madras editor, who dismissed  
India’s tryst with electoral democracy as the “biggest gamble in  
history”. Not an Oxford-educated civil servant, who, when asked to  
supervise the polls in Manipur, wrote to his father that “a future  
and more enlightened age will view with astonishment the absurd farce  
of recording the votes of millions of illiterate people”. Not the  
Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh, whose journal, the Organiser, was  
certain that Jawaharlal Nehru “would live to confess the failure of  
universal adult franchise in India”. Sceptical about this “leap in  
the dark”, this “precipitate dose of democracy”, the Organiser  
complained that Nehru, “who has all along lived by slogans and  
stunts, would not listen”.

As it happens, Nehru’s faith was shared by millions of ordinary  
Indians. They chose to disregard the warnings of Hindu reactionaries,  
Oxford scholars, and English-speaking editors. A staggering 107  
million Indians cast their franchise in the 1952 elections, this by  
far the greatest exercise of democratic will in human history. The  
record set then has been beaten 13 times — each time by Indians. And  
in the summer of 2009 the record will be superseded once more.

Before India, no society steeped in poverty and illiteracy had ever  
experimented with electoral democracy. Before India, no polity, large  
or small, had granted adults of both genders the vote at one fell  
swoop. In older democracies such as France, the United Kingdom, and  
the United States of America, the privilege was first extended to  
rich men, later to educated men, then to all men, and finally, after  
a very long struggle, to women as well. Even a supposedly ‘advanced’  
country such as Switzerland permitted its women citizens to vote only  
as late as 1971. On the other hand, in independent India the  
franchise was immediately granted to all adults, regardless of  
education, wealth, gender or caste. The American constitution was  
adopted in 1787, but people of colour have effectively had the right  
to vote only since the 1960s. However, Dalits in India voted, and  
Dalit candidates were elected to Parliament, within two years of the  
writing of our own Constitution.

Electoral democracy in India was an act of faith, a challenge to  
logic and the received wisdom, perhaps even the biggest gamble in  
history. That it has now gone through so many iterations should be a  
matter of pride for Indians. Not least because our elections are free  
and fair. The Election Commission of India enjoys an enviable  
reputation for efficiency and neutrality. As recently as 2000, an  
American presidential election was decided by faulty balloting and  
biased judges. But we can be certain that the 2009 general election  
in India will more reliably reflect the will of the people.

Who will this verdict favour? Even the most trained psephologist (or  
astrologer) will not, I think, go so far as to offer an unambiguous  
answer to this question, to thus make himself hostage to a prediction  
that may go horribly wrong. For all one can safely say about the next  
general elections is that, like the six that immediately preceded it,  
no single party will get a majority in Parliament. Three options  
present themselves — first, that the Congress and its allies will  
somehow cobble together a majority; second, that the Bharatiya Janata  
Party and its allies shall beat them to the magic figure of 272;  
third, that neither alliance will achieve its aim, thus making room  
for a minority ‘third front’ government propped up by either the BJP  
or the Congress.

The rise of coalition governments is a product of the deepening of  
Indian democracy. Our country is too large and too diverse to be  
adequately represented by a single party, or to be ruled in turn by  
two rival ‘national’ parties either. Thus communities that claim  
disadvantage on the basis of region, language or caste have  
articulated their grievances through political parties set up to  
represent their interests. At the local level, these identity-based  
parties have sometimes promoted a more inclusive politics, by giving  
space to groups previously left out of governance and administration.  
However, when aggregated at the level of the nation, these regional  
diversities lead to irrational and excessively short-term outcomes.  
Despite their grand-sounding names, neither the United Progressive  
Alliance nor the National Democratic Alliance has a coherent ideology  
that serves to bind the alliance’s partners. Smaller parties join the  
BJP or the Congress on a purely opportunistic basis, seeking to  
extract profitable ministerships or subsidies to vote banks in  
exchange for political support.

This historian is hesitant to assume the role of an astrologer, but  
less hesitant to stake his claim to be a citizen. As I said, we  
should all take pride in the fact that after 60 testing years of  
freedom we are still somewhat united and somewhat democratic. But we  
might take less pride in the conduct of our political parties and  
politicians. The ‘hardware’ of Indian democracy, by which I mean the  
machinery and conduct of elections, is robust and intact. The  
‘software’ of democracy, by which I mean the processes by which we  
are governed in-between elections, is corrupt and corroded.

What might be done to redeem this? How might the political process be  
made more efficient and more sensitive to the needs of the citizens?  
Here are a few concrete suggestions for how we may improve Indian  
politics in the year 2009 and beyond:

First, promote bipartisanship on issues of national security and  
foreign policy. The Congress and the BJP are equally guilty here.  
When Atal Bihari Vajpayee visited Srinagar, as the first prime  
minister to do so in more than a decade, Sonia Gandhi asked the  
Congress ministers in the state government to boycott his speech.  
More recently, when several years of peace were threatened by the  
Amarnath controversy, L.K. Advani worked to intensify the conflicts  
between Jammu and the Kashmir valley, when he could have instead  
chosen to collaborate with the government to resolve them. On the  
question of terrorism, too, the BJP and the Congress seek to wound  
the other party rather than to make common cause in the national  
interest. When the idea of India is itself in peril, there must be no  
place for the politics of vindictive opposition.

Second, promote lateral entry into government. One reason Western  
states are better run than ours is that top jobs are not a monopoly  
of party apparatchiks and civil servants. Rather, qualified  
technologists, lawyers, entrepreneurs and journalists are encouraged  
to enter government in posts suited to their skills. Why should a  
successful businessman not be eligible to be made commerce secretary,  
or a brilliant scientist education secretary?

Third, restore Parliament as a theatre for reasoned debate, which it  
indeed was for the first quarter-century of its existence. The first  
few Lok Sabhas met for some 150 times a year; now, we are lucky if  
Parliament convenes for 80 days a year. And when they are not on  
holiday, the members of parliament seek not to speak themselves but  
to stop others from speaking.

Fourth, put pressure on political parties to voluntarily adopt a  
retirement age. No one more than 70 years of age should be permitted  
by their party to contest elections or hold office. In a young  
country and fast-moving world, to have octogenerians running state  
governments or seeking to be prime minister simply won’t do.

Fifth, act on the EC’s suggestion and include, on the ballot paper,  
the category “None of the above”, to be inserted after the list of  
candidates for each constituency. The right not to vote, and to make  
it known that an individual will not vote , is a natural extension of  
the democratic right to choose a particular candidate or party to  
represent oneself.

As the aftermath of the Mumbai terror attacks has underlined, the  
disenchantment with politicians runs deep in India. However, the  
slogans that currently express this disgust — “Jail all corrupt  
politicians”, “Do not pay your taxes”, and so on — are either wholly  
negative, or wholly impractical, or both.

On the other hand, the proposals outlined above are both positive as  
well as realistic. They are intended to make Indian democracy  
something more than the periodic exercise of the popular right to  
vote. That right is, of course, indispensable — and we should be  
thankful that, unlike some other countries in our neighbourhood, we  
can exercise it yet again in 2009. But we cannot be content with  
this. And so, in the interval between the 15th and the 16th general  
elections, let us promote bipartisanship in foreign policy, encourage  
talented professionals to enter government, restore the integrity of  
Parliament, send old politicians into a dignified retirement, and  
add, to the right to vote, the right not to vote as well.

_____


[8]

The Guardian
11 February 2009

Behind the violence in Gujarat, Gaza and Iraq is the banality of  
democracy

The moral deviancy of our elite no longer shocks. What is dispiriting  
is its tacit endorsement by electoral majorities

by Pankaj Mishra

In his memoir, Secrets, Daniel Ellsberg describes how he decided to  
risk years in prison by leaking the Pentagon Papers, the top-secret  
record of American decision-making on Vietnam, to the New York Times.  
Hoping that his wife, Patricia, would help him make up his mind,  
Ellsberg showed her a few memos on bombing strategies crafted by his  
former superiors at the Pentagon. She was horrified by some of the  
phrases in the documents: "a need to reach the threshold of pain";  
"salami-slice bombing campaign"; "the objective of persuading the  
enemy"; "ratchet"; "one more turn of the screw". "This is the  
language of torturers," she told Ellsberg. "These have to be exposed."

I recalled this scene while reading about Israel's objectives in its  
assault on Gaza, as defined by the country's political and military  
leaders and its western supporters. Speaking to a delegation from the  
Israeli lobby Aipac, President Shimon Peres confirmed that "Israel's  
aim was to provide a strong blow to the people of Gaza so that they  
would lose their appetite for shooting at Israel". Writing in the New  
York Times, Thomas Friedman, who had previously explained that the US  
invasion of Iraq was meant to say "suck on this" to the Muslim world,  
agreed that "the only long-term source of deterrence is to exact  
enough pain on the civilians".

Perhaps it is no longer shocking that elected leaders and mainstream  
journalists in democracies seem to borrow their tone and vocabulary  
from Ayman al-Zawahiri and Hassan Nasrallah - after all, the war on  
terror, now officially declared a "mistake", unhinged some of our  
best writers and thinkers. What is more bewildering and dispiriting  
than the moral deviancy of our political elites is its tacit  
endorsement by large democratic majorities.

Democracy, loudly upheld as a cure for much of the ailing world, has  
proved no guarantor of political wisdom, even if it remains the least  
bad form of government. In 2006 the Palestinians voted for Hamas,  
whose doctrinal commitment to the destruction of Israel makes peace  
in the Middle East even less likely. Given the chance, majorities in  
many Muslim countries would elect similarly intransigent Islamist  
parties to high office.

But majority opinion in older and presumably more mature democracies  
often doesn't seem much more sensible: the violence approved by it  
makes much of the devastation caused by terrorists and dictators seem  
minor by comparison. Initially, at least, Americans overwhelmingly  
supported George Bush's catastrophic forays in the Middle East.  
Operation Cast Lead was blessed by a remarkably high proportion of  
Israelis, who since 1977 have freely elected a series of leaders -  
Menachem Begin, Yitzhak Shamir, Ariel Sharon - tainted by involvement  
in terrorist groups and war crimes, and appear ready to extend their  
imprimatur to the obstreperously racist Avigdor Lieberman.

When last week in Ha'aretz the Israeli historian Tom Segev judged  
Israeli "apathy" towards the massacre in Gaza as "chilling and  
shameful", he brought on deja vu among Indians. In 2002 the Hindu  
nationalist government of Gujarat supervised the killing of more than  
two thousand Muslims. The state's chief minister, Narendra Modi, who  
green-lighted the mass murder, seemed a monstrous figure to many  
Indians; they then watched aghast as the citizens of Gujarat - better- 
educated and more prosperous than most Indians - re-elected Modi by a  
landslide after the pogrom. In 2007, a few months after the magazine  
Tehelka taped Hindu nationalists in Gujarat boasting how they raped  
and dismembered Muslims, Modi again won elections with contemptuous  
ease. Though prohibited from entering the US, Modi is now courted by  
corporate groups, including Tata, and frequently hailed as India's  
next prime minister.

As the Israeli right looks likely to be the latest electoral  
beneficiary of state terror, it is time to ask: can the institutions  
of electoral democracy, liberal capitalism and the nation-state be  
relied upon to do our moral thinking for us? "Trust in the majority,"  
they seem to say, but more often than not the majority proves itself  
incapable of even common sense.

It is true that thoughtlessness and apathy rather than malicious  
intent on the part of majorities helps their representatives to  
perpetrate or cover up such atrocities as Gujarat, the blockade of  
Gaza, or the occupation of Kashmir - forms of violence less obvious  
or written about than 9/11, Saddam Hussein's regime, and the recent  
terrorist attacks on Mumbai. But this doesn't make thoughtlessness  
and apathy less destructive in actuality than the malevolence of  
despots and terrorists.

Hannah Arendt's phrase "banality of evil" refers precisely to how a  
generalised moral numbness among educated, even cultured, people  
makes them commit or passively condone acts of extreme violence.  
Arendt marvelled at "the phenomenon of evil deeds, committed on a  
gigantic scale, which could not be traced to any particularity of  
wickedness, pathology or ideological conviction in the doer, whose  
only personal distinction was a perhaps extraordinary shallowness".

Shallowness and ignorance have been our lot in the mass consumer  
societies we inhabit, where we were too distracted to act  
politically, apart from periodically deputing political elites to  
take life-and-death decisions on our behalf. We were shielded from  
many of the deleterious consequences, which worked themselves out on  
obscure people in remote lands. The free world's economic implosion  
is bringing home the intolerable cost of this collective deference to  
apparently efficient elites and anonymous, overcomplex institutions.

It is too easy to blame Bush, who told Americans to go spend and  
consume while he ratcheted up pain levels in Iraq and Afghanistan, or  
the grotesquely overrated technocrats running banks and businesses.  
As the New York Times columnist Frank Rich reminded Americans last  
week: "We spent a decade feasting on easy money, don't-pay-as-you-go  
consumerism and a metastasizing celebrity culture. We did so while a  
supposedly cost-free, off-the-books war, usually out of sight and out  
of mind, helped break the bank along with our nation's spirit and  
reputation."

The prosperity many democracies enjoyed lulled citizens into  
political torpor. The prospect of economic collapse has persuaded a  
majority of Americans to exercise more individual judgment than they  
showed while re-electing Bush in 2004. But collective failures of the  
kind Barack Obama spoke of in his stern inaugural speech will  
continue to occur among citizens of other democracies - and they will  
have no Obama to exhort them to personal responsibility.

In any case, economic disasters or foolish wars are hardly guaranteed  
to bring about large-scale individual self-examination or renew the  
appeal of truly participatory democracy. They are more likely to make  
authoritarianism attractive, as European democracies in the 1930s and  
Russia in recent times demonstrated. Many Indians and Israelis seem  
set to elect, with untroubled consciences, those who speak the  
language of torturers and terrorists. More disturbingly, these  
corrupted democracies may increasingly prove the norm rather than the  
exception.

• Pankaj Mishra is author of Temptations of the West: How to Be  
Modern in India, Pakistan, Afghanistan and Tibet

_____


[9] MISCELLANEA:

OBAMA'S FAITH BASED OFFICE AN INSULT TO WOMEN
by Martha Burk
http://www.huffingtonpost.com/martha-burk/obamas-faith-based- 
office_b_164567.html

o o o

Haaretz  07/02/2009
LIEBERMAN'S ANTI-ARAB IDEOLOGY WINS OVER ISRAEL'S TEENS
by Yotam Feldman
http://www.haaretz.com/hasen/spages/1061910.html

o o o

The New York Times, October 1, 2008
http://www.nytimes.com/2008/10/01/movies/01reli.html

MOVIE REVIEW | 'RELIGULOUS': Believers, Skeptics and a Pool of  
Sitting Ducks

by Stephen Holden

There is no arguing with faith. As the comedian and outspoken  
nonbeliever Bill Maher travels the world, interviewing Christians,  
Jews and Muslims in the facetiously funny documentary “Religulous,”  
you begin to wonder if there might be two subspecies of humans.

The skeptical minority to which Mr. Maher belongs constitutes 16  
percent of the American population, he says, citing a survey. For  
many of them, including Mr. Maher, the tenets of Christianity,  
Judaism and Islam (Eastern and African religions are ignored) are  
dangerous fairy tales and myths that have incited barbarous purges  
and holy wars that are still being fought. A talking snake? A man who  
lived inside a fish? These are two of Mr. Maher’s favorite biblical  
images offered up for ridicule.

The majority of Americans, however, embrace some form of blind faith.  
But because that faith by its very nature requires a leap into  
irrationality, it is almost impossible to explain or to defend in  
rational terms.

Mr. Maher has already established his position as an agnostic in his  
HBO comedy series, “Real Time With Bill Maher.” A recent clash on the  
program with his frequent guest the blogger and author Andrew  
Sullivan, who is a Roman Catholic, illustrated how believers and  
those who doubt might as well be from different planets. They can  
argue with each other in fairly reasonable voices about politics, but  
not about faith.

“Religulous” is directed by Larry Charles, whose credits include  
“Borat: Cultural Learnings of America for Make Benefit Glorious  
Nation of Kazakhstan” and many episodes of HBO’s “Curb Your  
Enthusiasm.” And the movie has the same loose, on-the-road structure  
as “Borat.” Much of Mr. Maher’s film is extremely funny in a  
similarly irreverent, offhanded way. Some true believers — at least  
those who have a sense of humor about their faith — may even be  
amused. But most will not.

In a small journalistic coup Mr. Maher interviews a Roman Catholic  
priest in front of the Vatican, who laughingly agrees with him that  
the fundamental teachings of the Catholic Church are nonsense that  
are not to be taken literally. Mr. Maher, unfortunately, doesn’t  
press him on why he wears priestly vestments and presumes to exert  
religious authority.

Although theologians and scientists are interviewed in the film, they  
are fleeting presences in a documentary that doesn’t pretend to be a  
serious cultural or scientific exploration of the roots of faith.  
Because Mr. Maher adopts the attitude of an inquiring reporter  
instead of a pundit, his contempt for organized religion isn’t as  
pointed in the movie as it is in his television monologues.

His strategy is to coax most of those subjects who are true believers  
to appear foolish as they offer stumbling, inarticulate responses to  
his friendly interrogations. The majority of his subjects are easy  
targets. One such sitting duck is José Luis de Jesús Miranda, a  
nattily dressed Miami preacher who declares that he is the second  
coming of Christ and claims that his Growing in Grace ministry has  
100,000 followers. Like the fulminating televangelists whose  
ministries the film glosses over, he comes across as a greedy, self- 
satisfied charlatan with a fondness for gold.

When Mr. Maher asks Senator Mark Pryor, an Arkansas Democrat and  
fervent evangelical Christian, why faith is good, he stumbles for an  
answer. Returning later to Senator Pryor, Mr. Maher suggests that  
many evangelicals look forward to the end of the world, when it is  
prophesied that Jesus will return. The senator doesn’t dispute him.

John Westcott, a former homosexual who is now married and the  
director of Exchange Ministries in Winter Park, Fla., an organization  
whose mission is to reorient sexuality, can only smile when Mr. Maher  
reminds him that Jesus never addressed the subject of homosexuality.  
At a Christian theme park where the passion of Christ is re-enacted  
in a tacky musical pageant, the actor playing Jesus compares the Holy  
Trinity to the three states of water: liquid, ice and vapor.

When “Religulous” turns from evangelical Christianity to Judaism and  
Islam, its tone becomes uncertain and its rhythm choppy. An attitude  
of glib condescension is inadequate to address clashing religions  
that have turned the Middle East into an ideological cauldron.  
Jihadism and Orthodox Judaism are red-hot topics that Mr. Maher  
addresses too sketchily to convey the same authority he brings to  
Christianity.

Ultimately, “Religulous” turns into a thunderous warning about the  
future, complete with apocalyptic images of stampeding armies and  
mushroom clouds issued by Mr. Maher, standing in the ruins of  
Megiddo, the Israeli site from which the Book of Revelation says  
Armageddon will originate. Secular humanists, agnostics and atheists  
should rise up and make themselves heard, he declares. Instead of  
faith, he emphasizes, we should consider doubt.

“Religulous” is rated R (Under 17 requires accompanying parent or  
adult guardian). It includes humor that many will consider blasphemous.

RELIGULOUS

Directed by Larry Charles; director of photography, Anthony Hardwick;  
edited by Jeff Groth, Christian Kinnard and Jeffrey M. Werner;  
produced by Jonah Smith, Palmer West and Bill Maher; released by  
Lionsgate. Running time: 1 hour 41 minutes.

[see also: http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=UhN5dTTiIXU&feature=related]


_____


[10] ANNOUNCEMENTS:

(i)  AISA and AIPWA protest on Valentine's day in Delhi.

SAY NO TO THE 'MORALITY POLICE'!

On February 13, on the eve of VALENTINE'S DAY

Join Rajendra Yadav, Arundhati Roy, teachers and students of DU,  
Jamia Millia, JNU, activists of cultural and women's groups

to Celebrate 'Love in Our Times'

with poetry, music, readings
Vivekananda Statue, Arts Faculty, Delhi University, 12 noon

and

On February 14,

Gather to Celebrate Our Right to Live and Love in Freedom!

Come with Banners, Placards, Songs, Skits
to march at public spaces in and around the North Campus and Kamla  
Nagar market
Assemble at Vivekananda Statue, Arts Faculty, Delhi University, 11 am


Dear friends,

The Sangh's moral police brigade has been intensifying its assault on  
individual liberties and particularly on women's freedoms. The  
assault in the Mangalore pub was the latest in the series of attacks  
by the Sanghi Taliban – many of them on friendships and relationships  
(especially inter-religious ones) between women and men, on women's  
freedom to interact with men in public spaces (not just pubs, but  
even schools, colleges, buses, streets, restaurants etc...). More  
sinister is the fact that even leaders of the Congress, Chief  
Ministers of several states and worst of all, a member of the NCW,  
also lent their voice to the Sangh-inspired smokescreen of the  
imagined dangers of 'pub culture,' 'women wearing semi-nude clothing'  
and 'boys and girls walking hand in hand.'

These assaults in the name of 'morality,' of course, resonate with  
many other attacks in our society – the killings of inter-caste  
couples in the name of 'honour', the tragedies of same-sex couples  
committing suicide, the draconian Article 377 in our law books, the  
many voices that, when a woman is raped, declare that she herself –  
thanks to her clothes, her lifestyle, her being at the 'wrong place,  
wrong time' – is guilty...

This Valentine's Day, as the saffron brigade openly declares its  
agenda of vandalism and violence, we hope you'll join us for some  
defiant celebration – of our right to live and love freely, of  
freedom of expression and women's hard-won rights, of all our ongoing  
struggles for a better, freer world.

All India Students' Association (AISA)
All India Progressive Women's Association (AIPWA)

Contact: Pooja, AISA DU, (9968321240),
Kavita, AIPWA, (9868112252)

- - -

(ii) 8TH PROFESSOR AR DESAI MEMORIAL LECTURE
For those interested, the Dept. of Sociology, University of Mumbai,  
is organizing the 8th Professor A. R. Desai Memorial Lecture to be  
held on February 20, 2009 at 3.00 p.m. at the Pherozeshah Mehta  
Auditorium in Kalina Campus. The lecture will be delivered by Dr.  
Pratap Bhanu Mehta, President of the Centre for Policy Research and  
one of India's legal political and constitutional experts. Dr. Mehta  
will speak on 'The Social Basis of Indian Citizenship'. Justice B.N.  
Srikrishna, former Judge of the Indian Supreme Court, will chair.

- - -

(iii) JOIN MARCH 7 EVENTS AGAINST SHARIA AND RELIGIOUS-BASED  
TRIBUNALS IN UK

In commemoration of International Women’s Day join the One Law for  
All organised rally, public meeting and art competition award  
ceremony on Saturday, March 7, 2009 in London.

This is your chance to voice your opposition to Sharia law and all  
religious-based tribunals in Britain and elsewhere, demand one  
secular law and full citizenship rights, demand an end to cultural  
relativism and racism, and defend universal rights.

On the 7th, meet at North Terrace, Trafalgar Square, 3:30-4:30pm for  
a symbolic demonstration followed by a march towards Conway Hall from  
4:30-5:30pm.

Then join a public meeting entitled Sharia Law, Sexual Apartheid and  
Women's Rights from 6:00-8:00pm at Conway Hall, 25 Red Lion Square,  
London WC1R 4RL. Speakers include: Yasmin Alibhai-Brown (Journalist  
and British Muslims for Secular Democracy Chair), Naser Khader  
(Democratic Muslims Founder), Gina Khan (One Law for All  
Spokesperson), Kenan Malik (Writer and Broadcaster), Maryam Namazie  
(One Law for All Spokesperson), Fariborz Pooya (Iranian Secular  
Society and Council of Ex-Muslims of Britain Chair), and Carla Revere  
(Lawyers’ Secular Society Chair).

Prizes for our Art Competition will be awarded at the March 7 public  
meeting. You can participate in the competition by submitting a  
painting, drawing, photograph, animation or short video in digital  
format no later than February 27, 2009. The goal of the art  
competition is to expose the discriminatory nature of Sharia and  
religious-based tribunals and/or promote equal rights for all  
citizens, as embodied by the campaign's emblematic phrase: One Law  
for All. All submissions will be reviewed by a panel of prominent  
judges, namely, AC Grayling (Philosopher), Deeyah (Singer), Johann  
Hari (Journalist and Playwright) and Polly Toynbee (Writer and  
Columnist).

Also, don’t forget to donate to our organisation if you can. Any  
amount will help. The March 7 event, and our future plans for a legal  
and informational campaign, a speaking tour across the country, a  
mass rally in November and more all cost money. If everyone who  
supports our work and/or who has signed our petition (7500 so far  
since December 10) gave even a £1, we would have the money needed to  
move this campaign forward.

We know we have a huge fight ahead and can only win if we do this  
together. We have no choice but to mobilise a mass anti-racist  
movement that defends people's rights and lives and gives them  
precedence over culture and religion.

To donate, for more information, to download a leaflet or a booking  
form, or to sign the petition, visit our website:  
www.onelawforall.org.uk. You can
also contact us via:
BM Box 2387
London WC1N 3XX, UK
Tel: +44 (0) 7719166731
onelawforall at gmail.com

- - -

(iv) CALL FOR DIGITAL MEDIA

In a Planet of Our Own- A vision of sustainability from across six  
continents

15-22 March 2009
AEC World Expo 2009, Bombay Exhibition Centre, NSE Complex, Mumbai,  
India
IIT, Mumbai, India and other venues.

This international event is aimed at creating awareness on  
sustainability and simultaneously offers a platform for interaction  
for professionals and activists from various fields and the general  
public. The events are centered around the interests of students,  
educationists and practicing professional designers, engaged in any  
manner with a broad vision of sustainability and aims to address the  
need to reach a wider audience and create greater awareness. The  
event has been designed to be lively, interactive and thought  
provoking and will provide great opportunity to interact with  
stalwarts in the field of sustainable development and related  
practices, connect with thought leaders and listen to visions by
outstanding speakers.

The event comprises many exhibition opportunities and provides a wide  
platform for sustainability-related work done by individuals and  
institutions over the years. We are organizing public installations  
along with film/video screenings for the same. The films will be used  
for screenings within the exhibition and as part of a larger  
compilation to be exhibited in public spaces across Mumbai. We expect  
to exhibit work that deals with a wide variety of themes within a  
broad ambit of sustainability, especially culturally specific  
endeavours, and will appreciate work that is visually stimulating and  
engaging in its depiction.

If you have relevant work in this area, we would like to include it  
after a preliminary viewing. There is no restriction and the work  
could span any visual representation from prints to photographs, film/ 
video/animation or work in any other digital media.

PLEASE FORWARD US YOUR WORK AS A CD/DVD IN ANY VIEWABLE FORMAT  
KEEPING IN MIND THE FACT THAT IT MUST BE SUITABLE FOR PROJECTION/ 
PUBLICATION, HENCE NEEDS TO BE A GOOD QUALITY PRINT (AVI/MPEG/DVD FOR  
VIDEO AND IMAGES IN 300 DPI JPEG OR TIFF).

For film/video submission, please include –

- 5(or more) high-resolution images from your film
- Brief write-up of less than 150 words about your work/ideas
- Short biography and photograph of yourself

This information will be used for inclusion in the exhibition and  
related publicity material with your permission.

PLEASE SEND US YOUR WORK BEFORE 28TH FEBRUARY 2009.

You could send us your work at the following address:

Exhibition - In a Planet of Our Own
c/o Vaibhav Singh
Industrial Design Centre (IDC)
Indian Institute of Technology (IIT)
Powai, Mumbai 400076

For an overview of the event please visit http:// 
www.inaplanetofourown.net

For all queries please email us at sustainability.iit at gmail.com

Regards,
Monica Bhasin

_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/

S o u t h      A s i a      C i t i z e n s      W i r e
Buzz for secularism, on the dangers of fundamentalism(s), on
matters of peace and democratisation in South
Asia. An offshoot of South Asia Citizens Web: www.sacw.net/

DISCLAIMER: Opinions expressed in materials carried in the posts do not
necessarily reflect the views of SACW compilers.





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