SACW | Sept. 25-26, 2008 / Sri Lanka: War and crisis / Bangladesh 1971 war crimes film / India: Jamia Nagar and Communal Witch Hunt

Harsh Kapoor aiindex at gmail.com
Thu Sep 25 23:25:59 CDT 2008


South Asia Citizens Wire | September 25-26, 2008 | Dispatch No. 2572 
- Year 11 running

[1] Sri Lanka:
- Humanitarian crisis has larger implications (Jehan Perera)
- Letter to Editor re - Efforts by the  government to meet the 
humanitarian needs
- Sri Lanka is losing its soul to war (Peter Foster)
[2] Bangladesh: "Juddhaporadh 71": Documentary highlighting war crimes
[3] India: Stem the Communal Turn after the Jamina Nagar Police 'Encounter'
(i)  Jamia Teachers Condemn Communal Witch Hunt and Demand 
Independent Impartial Enquiry
(ii) Sahmat Statement in Defence of Jamia Milia and its Vice Chancellor
(iii) Don't communalise anti-terror fight (Editorial, The Hindu)
[4] India: Reinvigorate secular nationalism (Malini Parthasarathy)
[5] India: Give Them A Chance (Ajay K Mehra)
[6] India: Proposed Protest letter to Director-General of Police of 
Chattisgarh State
[7] Announcements:
- Public Discussion: Communal Violence: Against Christians And Other 
Minorities  (New Delhi, 26 September 2008)
- A Maoist Vision for a New Nepal - A Public Talk by Prachanda (New 
York, 26 September 2008)
- [Late announcement]  Anti Christian Violence in India White House 
Prayer Vigil (Washington, 25 September 2008)

______


[1]

(i)
Daily Mirror,

September 17, 2008

HUMANITARIAN CRISIS HAS LARGER IMPLICATIONS

by Jehan Perera

A humanitarian crisis is looming over the northern Vanni region under 
LTTE control. The prospects of escalated warfare and the government's 
order to all international humanitarian organisations in the area to 
withdraw from there with immediate effect signals a war without 
limits and without witnesses. However, protests by civilians have led 
the international humanitarian organisations to temporarily halt the 
withdrawal of their staff from those areas. The UN has requested an 
extra three weeks to complete its withdrawal. The government has also 
demonstrated a measure of flexibility and permitted the ICRC to 
remain in Kilinochchi indefinitely. The humanitarian crisis in Sri 
Lanka has gained international attention with the UN Secretary 
General's office making a statement regarding the issue.

Government spokespersons have responded critically to this statement, 
pointing out that the situation in other countries with similar 
problems is much worse and that Sri Lanka should not be compared to 
them. On the other hand, objective statistics show that the Sri 
Lankan conflict is one of the very worst in the world in terms of 
deaths, including battlefield deaths.  The Uppsala Conflict Data 
Programme on Uppsala University in Sweden has shown that in 2007 
there were four wars in the world with more than 1000 battle related 
deaths. "The Iraq conflict had the highest number of battle related 
deaths, followed by the ones in Afghanistan, Sri Lanka and Somalia." 
(Journal of Peace )Research, Vol. 45, No 51, September 2008. It is 
therefore no surprise that the country's international image is 
getting increasingly negative.

However, so far the government has not shown willingness to 
compromise on its decision with regard to the eviction of 
humanitarian agencies from the Vanni region. The Sri Lankan army has 
now advanced sufficiently deep within LTTE controlled territory to 
bring the LTTE's administrative centres within firing range of long 
distance artillery. On the other hand, the advance of the government 
troops has been accompanied by civilian displacement, with most of 
the civilian population falling back along with the LTTE. The 
prospect of a final victory may induce the government to seek the 
war's end at any cost. 
[. . .]
http://tinyurl.com/3euzmz

o o o

(ii)

The Daily Mirror
26 September 2008

Letters to the editor

EFFORTS BY THE  GOVERNMENT TO MEET THE HUMANITARIAN NEEDS

At the plenary meeting of the Catholic Bishops Conference of Sri 
Lanka (CBCSL) held on  September 22  2008 the Bishops shared their 
concerns about the plight of the thousands of internally displaced 
people as a result of the ongoing war in the districts of Mullativu 
and Killinochchi.

We appreciate the efforts taken by the government to ensure that food 
and other essentials reach the internally displaced. However, we also 
understand that sufficient stocks of food do not reach the people due 
to certain hindrances. Thousands of people are living under trees and 
open spaces without shelter and access to water and sanitation. 
Difficulties in transporting essential commodities have resulted in 
fuel, food, medicine, shelter materials etc., being in short supply. 
Education of the children has been disrupted. It was noted that as a 
result of aerial bombing several innocent civilians have been killed. 
The trauma that the people, particularly the children, undergo is 
noted to be unprecedented.

Therefore, we earnestly urge the government and the LTTE that utmost 
care be taken to protect the lives of innocent civilians. It was 
noted that the LTTE is not permitting the civilians to come out of 
Mullativu and Killinochchi. This is a very unfortunate situation. We 
ask the LTTE not to hinder the innocent civilians from proceeding to 
safe areas as the war is escalating and the lives of these innocent 
people are greatly endangered. Innocent civilians must not be used as 
human shields.

We strongly urge that every effort be made by the government to be 
conscious of this situation and meet the humanitarian needs and take 
meaningful  steps to take the people out of this trapped situation. 
We also recommend that some alternate measures such as zones of peace 
be taken to ensure the safety of the innocent in the districts of 
Mullativu and Killinochchi.

We plead that humanitarian laws be respected by everyone, and that 
institutions such as schools, hospitals and places of worship be 
carefully avoided in the combat.

We wish to reiterate the position that we have always upheld that 
lasting peace can be realized only through a negotiated political 
solution which recognizes human dignity and equality ensuring the 
legitimate rights and aspirations of all citizens.

Bishop Vianney Fernando
President, Catholic Bishops Conference
Bishop Norbert M. Andradi Omi
Secretary General

o o o

(iii)

The Telegraph - September 22, 2008
http://blogs.telegraph.co.uk/peter_foster

SRI LANKA IS LOSING ITS SOUL TO WAR
by Peter Foster

Predictably in a conflict which stirs such bitterness, my last post 
on Sri Lanka and an analysis piece I wrote in Saturday's paper on Sri 
Lanka's human rights record has generated a slew of emails accusing 
me of failing to understand the conflict and 'siding with the 
terrorists.'

I must preface this post, therefore, with the (I hope unnecessary) 
disclaimer that I hold no candle for the Tamil Tigers or their 
methods, which include recruiting child soldiers and the abduction, 
intimidation and extortion of Tamils both home and abroad.

But in the same breath, it must be said once again that Sri Lanka's 
war on terror does not absolve Mahinda Rajapakse's government of its 
basic responsibilities on human rights, any more than America's war 
against Al Qa'eda absolves the US of those same responsibilities at 
Guantanamo, Abu Ghraib and all those other secret little hidey holes 
where the CIA and its proxies beat and water-boarded suspects in the 
name of 'freedom and democracy'.

I'm fully aware that the Bush Administration has questionable grounds 
to preach on this subject, but Richard A. Boucher, Assistant 
Secretary of State for South and Central Asian Affairs was right 
when, after a lengthy denunciation of the Tamil Tigers, he told a 
meeting of South Asian leaders (SAARC) in Colombo this August:

  "The violations of human rights, the horrible killings of the 
terrorist groups -- we [the US] absolutely condemn them and are very 
clear in our commentary, in our human rights reports, about that.

  "But that does not mean that everyone is allowed to do it. It is 
very clear, especially for a government that is democratic, for a 
society that does have a strong democratic tradition, that we all 
need to live up to our highest ideals, we all need to live up to our 
founding principles."

  Put America's hypocrisy to one side for a moment and absorb the 
truth of those words.

What disturbs me about Sri Lanka now - and long time readers of this 
blog will know the genuine affection in which I hold the country - is 
that the fabric of society, Tamil and Sinhalese, is being torn apart 
in the name of achieving a 'total victory' over the Tamil Tigers.

Even if that were possible - and most neutral observers doubt that it 
is, notwithstanding recent military gains by Sri Lanka forces in The 
Wanni - is the military victory worth the wider price currently being 
paid?

Today my email inbox contains two stories, which illustrate the true 
price of war in Sri Lanka.

The first, from the Asian Human Rights Commission, is part of a 
common theme and concerns a man called Nishantha Fernando, 36, who 
was shot dead by two men on a motorbike on Saturday while driving in 
his van with his 11-year-old son. Mercifully, they left the boy.

Mr Fernando, a Tamil businessman, had made several complaints of 
bribery and torture against the local police, several of whom, 
including a senior officer, he had named in an on-going judicial 
inquiry. He'd been in hiding for some time and only recently dared 
venture back into the open.

There are almost too many of these kinds of murders to mention - 
which is why they receive so little news coverage - and they are now 
an almost daily demonstration of what Human Rights groups, the UN and 
most Western governments have described as the 'culture of impunity' 
existing in Sri Lanka.

The second is a follow-up to the story I wrote in May this year about 
Keith Noyahr, a journalist on Sri Lanka's 'Nation' newspaper who was 
abducted and savagely beaten after he written articles criticising 
Sri Lanka's army top brass, including by implication its chief, 
Sarath Fonseka, of using the army as a 'private fiefdom'.

In the last few months it seems that that brave newspaper, which had 
dared on occasion to take a line independent of the Rajapakse 
government, has now been taken over a 'kinsman' of the President and 
a keen-to-please supporter.

Earlier this month one of the last free-thinking journalists at the 
Nation, D.B.S (David) Jeyaraj felt compelled to resign from his 
position after an article which contradicted the government's own 
version of events in the war-torn north was not published.

In a long resignation letter he cited the "shameless sycophancy" of 
the paper's new controllers towards the Rajapakse Government which in 
practice amounted to censoring all 'bad' news - military or political 
- while giving maximum profile to anything detrimental to the 
opposition UNP.

These are the actions of a society that is rapidly turning in on 
itself, led by a government unable to tolerate dissent, even from 
people whose love of their country (and I know several of those at 
the Nation and can vouch for their national loyalty personally) could 
never be doubted.

As Tamils in Colombo line up to register - a policy with a reasonable 
security justification, but extremely nasty overtones - I wonder what 
will be left, even if Mr Rajapakse claims his promised victory 
against the Tigers.

The cost of Sri Lanka's war will be counted in more than just blood 
and (increasing amounts of Chinese and Iranian) treasure.

Along with truth, the traditional 'first casualty' of conflict, you 
can add justice, freedom of speech and any hope of an equitable and 
peaceful settlement of Sri Lanka's ethnic problem for years to come.

Even if the Tamil Tigers are driven into the sea; even if the elusive 
Prabhakaran is dragged, Saddam-like from his bunker and exported to 
India for trial, even then (as the American discovered in Iraq), the 
victory will not be won.

As I said above, I've always had affection for Sri Lanka, and I don't 
use that word lightly. I mean a feeling of genuine warmth and 
goodness, which any tourist who has visited Sri Lanka on holiday, 
will know is a characteristic of the Sri Lankan people.

This, for me, is why events in Sri Lanka are so sad. What is being 
done in the name of the Sri Lankan people is not only wrong and 
wrong-headed, but fundamentally antithetical to my experience of who 
the Sri Lankan people are.

As a distant bystander, I dearly hope that the chauvinist 
grand-standing of this Sri Lankan government, doesn't fool the Sri 
Lankan people into giving up the soul of their country to division 
and enmity for another generation.

______


[2] Bangladesh:

The Daily Star
25 September 2008

Film Screening
"JUDDHAPORADH 71": DOCUMENTARY HIGHLIGHTING WAR CRIMES
Cultural Correspondent

Audience at the documentary screening. Photo: Mumit M.
Sundari Dasi was only seven months old at that time, when people 
found her suckling from her dead mother's breast. Her mother was 
brutally raped and killed by the Pakistani military and their Bengali 
collaborators during the Liberation War. This incident stirred the 
village Chuknagar of Khulna district, where one of the large-scale 
genocides of 1971 occurred. Now in her late 30s, Sundari Dasi wants 
the trial of the war criminals.

Lutfar Rahman was a school student when some influential people of 
his village forced him to join the 'Razakar Bahini' -- to benefit 
from the political situation and secure "a blissful afterlife," as 
they put it. He went into training and was part of several crimes 
against humanity. Rahman was punished with a year of imprisonment 
after Independence. He knows what the 'Razakar Bahini' did at that 
time and says, "I was almost a child then and even I was punished, 
then why should the other war criminals go unpunished?"

The above two cases are featured in Juddhaporadh 71, a documentary by 
renowned litterateur and working President of 'Ghatak Dalal Nirmul 
Committee' Shahriar Kabir. A special screening of the documentary was 
held on September 23 at WVA Auditorium. The documentary takes on the 
task of defining what "war crimes" mean and the dreadful acts against 
humanity that the war criminals committed during 1971. Through the 
eyes of three youth who set out to search for the truth, the 
documentary works on a vast canvas -- including facts, interviews 
with eminent personalities and war victims, rare footage, documents 
and more.

"It took almost two years to complete the documentary. I'm grateful 
to the district correspondents of 'Ghatak Dalal Nirmul Committee' and 
especially to the local journalists, who helped me to go to remote 
places for interviews and collect proof. I think it would be a hard 
blow to the war criminals who now dare to deny the facts," said the 
documentary-maker in his welcome speech.

An important aspect of the documentary as recognised by Shahriar 
Kabir is that it includes interviews with those social and human 
rights activists in the then West Pakistan who protested against the 
military regime of Pakistan during 1971 and were punished for their 
efforts. Shahriar Kabir also sheds some light on the legal procedures 
for the trial of war criminals and tries to clarify the issue of 
'general amnesty' declared by Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman.

A brief discussion was held after the documentary screening, presided 
over by Justice Golam Rabbani. Noted journalist Kamal Lohani, human 
rights activist Ayesha Khanam, architect and art critic Rabiul 
Hossain and Professor Ajay Roy, among others, were the discussants at 
the event. The discussants emphasised taking the documentary to the 
masses to generate awareness on the need for trial of the war 
criminals.

The documentary has been produced by South Asian People's Convention 
against Fundamentalism and War Crime. Noted cultural personality 
Asaduzzaman Noor has done the narration in the film, Lucky Akhand is 
the music director and Said Kajol, Nafis Ahmed Nadvi and Zahir Ahmed 
(Pakistan) are the cinematographers.


______


[3]  Delhi's Jamia Nagar 'Encounter' - Stem the communal turn

[ Media manipulation by police to create a distinct communalised imagery
http://communalism.blogspot.com/2008/09/media-manipulation-by-police-to-create.html 
]

(i)

http://www.sacw.net/article21.html

24th September 2008

Press Statement      

Jamia Teachers Solidarity Group.

Jamia Teachers Condemn Communal Witch Hunt and Demand Independent 
Impartial Enquiry

The events of 19th September and subsequent days have left the Jamia 
community shocked, aggrieved and fearful. In particular the manner 
and the suspicious circumstances in which young boys, many of them 
students of Jamia Millia Islamia, have been picked up by the Special 
Cell, and pronounced "dreaded terrorists" by a trial by an utterly 
sensationalist and prejudiced media has created an atmosphere of fear 
and suspicion.

On the day of the operation indiscriminate arbitrary detentions were 
made that included five school children living in the flat opposite 
and were released only late in the night. Arrests are continuing 
unabated. Even as some teachers had accompanied senior lawyers to 
meet with the families of boys picked up, on 23.09.2008, around 5 o' 
clock, news arrived that Saqib Akhtar, a 17-year-old boy, a distant 
cousin of slain Atif Amin, had been picked up from his residence in 
Abul Fazal Enclave. A complaint with the police was filed at the 
Jamia Nagar Police Station. Within an hour the Special Cell 
communicated to the boy's family that he would be released. It 
appears that the presence of a well-known Supreme Court lawyer, 
teachers from Jamia, and senior journalists pressured the Special 
Cell enough to refrain from detaining an innocent boy, and ensured 
that Saqib returned home safe the same evening. This incident 
illustrates the vulnerability of the people residing in the locality: 
not only are they subject to arbitrary 'arrests' by the Special Cell, 
which whisks them off to undisclosed locations, the local police 
refuses to file complaints or feigns ignorance. Further, they lack 
recourse to proper legal aid.

We as teachers feel that we cannot afford to isolate ourselves in 
intellectual ivory towers. There is an urgent need to reach out to 
the community which lives at our very doorstep, and where a large 
number of teachers, administrative staff and our students reside. The 
locality has been besieged by a sense of alienation, terror and 
insecurity. We unequivocally condemn this brazen witch hunt in the 
name of fighting terror and pledge solidarity with the people of 
Jamia Nagar, and especially the families of those whose boys have 
been picked up and arrested without a shred of evidence.

Independent fact finding teams and even sections of the media have 
raised doubts about the veracity of the police version regarding the 
'encounter' on 19th September and the subsequent arrests made on that 
basis. We demand that an impartial and independent enquiry be 
constituted to examine this entire episode.

We further demand that a list of students who have been picked up by 
the Delhi Police/ Special Cell should be provided to the University 
immediately. The University must demand that no students (whether 
living in the hostel or not) shall be picked up/ arrested without 
intimating the university authorities. And upon receiving such 
information, the administration must actively intervene and ensure 
that students are not tortured in custody and that their rights as 
citizens are not denied.

The Jamia Teachers Solidarity Group also resolves to extend legal or 
any other assistance to the students arrested/ implicated in this 
entire episode. We shall work to extend the movement to include 
teachers from other universities, as well as other bodies such as the 
DUTA, JNUTA, IGNOUTA, and other democratic and secular individuals 
and organisations.

Signed:

Prof. Farida Khan (Faculty of Education)
Prof. A. K. Ramakrishnan (Centre for West Asian Studies)
Prof. Janaki Rajan (Faculty of Education)
Prof. Azra Razzack (Centre for Dalit and Minority Studies)
Prof. Navnita Behera (Centre for Peace and Conflict Resolution)
Dr. Neshat Quaiser (Department of Sociology)
Dr. Padmanabh Samarendra (Centre for Dalit and Minority Studies)
Dr. Sanghamitra Misra (Centre for Peace and Conflict Resolution)
Dr. Ravi Kumar (Department of Sociology)
Dr. Narendra Kumar (Centre for Dalit and Minority Studies)
Dr. Rahul Ramangundam (Centre for Dalit and Minority Studies)
Dr. Farah Farooqi (Faculty of Education)
Dr. Anuradha Ghosh (Department of English)
Manisha Sethi (Centre for the Study of Comparative religions and Civilizations)
Sreerekha (Centre for Women's Studies)
Tanweer Fazal (Centre for Peace and Conflict Resolution)
Ahmed Sohaib (Centre for the Study of Comparative religions and Civilizations)
Kamei Aphun (Department of Sociology)
Dr. Shahid Jamal Ansari (Centre for West Asian Studies)
Dr. Sabiha Hussain (Centre for Dalit and Minorities Studies)
Ambarein Qadas (Mass Communication Research Centre)
M.G. Shahnawaz (Department of Psychology)
Waseem Ahmed Khan (Faculty of Education)
Meher Fatima Hussain (Centre for Dalit and Minority Studies)
Harpreet Kaur Jass (Faculty of Education)
Arshad Ahmed (Faculty of Education)
Dr. Sarwat Ali (Institute of Advanced Studies in Education)
Dr. Rafiullah Azmi (Centre for West Asian Studies)
Arshad Alam (Centre for Jawaharlal Nehru Studies)
Dr. Arif Ali, (Department of Biotechnology)
Adil Mehdi (Department of English)
Haris Ul  Haq (Jamia Middle School)
Dr. Ranjeeta Dutta, (Department of History)

o o o

(ii)

http://www.sacw.net/article31.html

Press Statement
SAHMAT
8, Vithalbhai Patel House,
  Rafi Marg,New Delhi-110001
Telephone- 23711276/ 23351424
e-mail: sahmat@ vsnl.com

25.9.2008

Appeal to Defend Jamia's Secular Character

We applaud the Vice Chancellor of the Jamia Millia Islamia, Professor 
Mushirul Hasan and the entire academic community of the university 
for their calmness and courage in what is proving to be a testing and 
traumatic time.

We fully endorse the decision by the Vice Chancellor, to provide the 
university students who have been swept up in the terrorism dragnet, 
with a competent legal defence. This decision has to be recognised as 
a sign of abiding commitment to the basic rule of natural justice: 
that a person is innocent until proven guilty.

We appeal to :

All democratic and secular individuals and organizations to support 
all steps of the University administration and the faculty to 
maintain and strengthen the secular character of  this premier 
institution.

We condemn the vituperative attacks that have been launched against 
Professor Mushirul Hasan by spokesmen of the BJP and its affiliates.

Anil Chandra                            Arjun Dev 
Atluri Murali
Badri Raina                              Biswamoy Pati 
C.P.Chandrasekhar
Chanchal Chauhan                    D. N. Jha 
Girish Mishra
H. C. Satyayarthi                      Indira Chandrasekhar 
Iqtidar Alam
Irfan Habib                               Jabri Mal Parekh 
Jayati Ghosh
Lata Singh                                Lima Kanungo              M.K.Raina
Madangopal Singh                    Madhu Prasad 
Manmohan
Mihir Bhattacharya                   MMP Singh 
N. Rajendran
Parthiv Shah                             Prabhat Patnaik 
R. L. Shukla
R. S. Sharma                            Rajan Gurukul 
Rajen Prasad
Ram Rahman                            Ramkrishna Chatterjee  S Kalidas
Saeed Mirza                             Shireen Musvi 
Sohail Hashmi
Suvira Jaiswal                           Utsa Patnaik 
V Ramakrishna
V. N. Jha                                 Veer Munshi 
Vivan Sundaram


o o o

(iii)

The Hindu
September 26, 2008

Editorial

DON'T COMMUNALISE ANTI-TERROR FIGHT

The Bharatiya Janata Party, it seems, is incapable of distinguishing 
between the offer of legal aid to an accused and the moral 
justification of a heinous crime. What other conclusion can be drawn 
from its militant outburst against Mushirul Hasan, Vice Chancellor of 
Jamia Millia Islamia, for offering legal aid to two students of his 
university arrested by the police in connection with the recent Delhi 
bomb blasts? What is dangerous about the demand for his dismissal, 
apart from its communal motivation, is the attack on a foundational 
principle of the rule of law and on fundamental rights guaranteed by 
the Constitution. The right to legal representation is a vital part 
of the right to a free trial. Embedded in the idea of providing 
accused with the means of defending themselves competently is a 
jurisprudential principle that forms the bedrock of modern law - the 
presumption of innocence unless the person is proved guilty. The 
effectiveness of an adversarial legal system such as India's - where 
the judge comes to a conclusion after hearing out the prosecution and 
the defence - depends critically on how evidence is marshalled in 
support of a person's case. The high responsibility of providing 
"equal justice and free legal aid" to all citizens is enshrined in 
Article 39A of the Constitution, which mandates the state, through 
suitable legislation, schemes, or other means "to ensure that 
opportunities for securing justice are not denied to any citizen by 
reason of economic or other disabilities." Ironically, the BJP's 
spokesperson who denounced the Jamia Millia Vice-Chancellor's offer 
of legal aid as "most objectionable" and "despicable" was Ravi 
Shankar Prasad, an experienced lawyer. He must have known that the 
attack on the principle of offering legal aid to persons charged with 
the most heinous crimes had no constitutional leg to stand on. So he 
shifted ground and falsely accused the central university, which 
notwithstanding the 'Islamia' in its name prides itself on its 
non-denominational character, of using "taxpayers' money" to provide 
legal assistance to those accused of terrorist activities.

What is clear is that Dr Hasan, who is respected not only for his 
historical scholarship but also for his secular credentials (and 
ironically, in an earlier chapter in the same university, was 
targeted by Muslim fundamentalists), has acted by the book in this 
sensitive case. Offering legal aid to the two students is not just in 
accordance with the constitutional principle that "opportunities for 
securing justice are not denied to any citizen by reason of economic 
or other disabilities." It is specifically sanctioned by university 
regulations and precedents and the practice of several universities 
round the world. Dr Hasan has pointed out that Jamia Millia has, in 
the past, provided legal aid for accused students and helped them get 
justice, without any controversy. He has also made it absolutely 
clear that the legal aid to the two students will come not from 
central funds channelled through the University Grants Commission - 
but from Jamia Millia's own income from student fees and other 
sources. The BJP's attempt to communalise the fight against terrorism 
by insinuating that the offer of legal aid by Jamia Millia Islamia in 
the latest case amounts to being soft on Islamist terrorism must be 
strongly condemned.


______


[4]

The Hindu
September 26, 2008

REINVIGORATE SECULAR NATIONALISM

by Malini Parthasarathy

The fundamental duty of any state is to ensure that its citizens are 
not rendered vulnerable to terrorists out to subvert the nation's 
political structure and destroy its social fabric. It is equally the 
responsibility of the state to ensure that the social and political 
cohesion built up over decades is not undermined by groups with 
political agendas that will subvert and destroy national unity.

The deadly terror strikes in the heart of the national capital, which 
manifested themselves in five bomb explosions within the space of 
twenty minutes, shattering familiar landmarks, one such in an upscale 
neighbourhood like Greater Kailash, brought fear into the home of 
every Indian. With television images in living rooms nationwide 
relentlessly replaying the horrifying aftermath of the terrorist 
savagery - the agony of the bereaved, the struggle of the injured for 
their lives - the police and other authorities appeared to be 
scrambling to get control of the evidently perilous situation. It was 
becoming increasingly impossible to ignore the pervasive sense of 
vulnerability and dread.

The potency of terrorism lies in its disconcertingly accurate reach 
and seeming ability to penetrate the most inviolable and 
high-security areas, the safety of which ordinary citizens take for 
granted. By exposing the fragility of political and social 
structures, terrorism is able to strike fear at the deepest level of 
the psyche. Therein lies its strategic utility for its perpetrators.

Historical experience has demonstrated repeatedly that terror tactics 
are adopted by alienated groups to express their strong anger against 
the system that they believe has denied them justice. Terrorists bank 
heavily on creating sharp anxiety and insecurity among citizens so 
that their faith in the state's ability to protect them is severely 
eroded. Certainly, no political or social argument can validate the 
premise that terror is a legitimate response to any perceived 
injustice or a denial of rights. Nor can it be suggested that 
unleashing violence and death constitute morally permissible acts of 
retaliation.

Yet the undeniable reality, as has been seen elsewhere in Sri Lanka 
or in the Palestinian crisis, is that the rise of terrorist groups 
like the LTTE or Hamas reflects extreme responses in polarised 
situations, in which the minority groups feel pushed to the wall. 
Terrorism is often the recourse of minorities who turn to 
fundamentalist doctrines to retaliate against what they see as a 
suffocating dominance by ethnic or communal majorities. The intention 
to disrupt political or social structures is a clear reflection of an 
alienated perspective that sees no light at the end of the tunnel, 
believing as it does that the entire state machinery, the courts, and 
other public institutions are in the hands of the majority that it 
sees as its oppressor.

It is unquestionably the fundamental duty of any state to ensure that 
its citizens are not rendered vulnerable to the homicidal impulses of 
terrorists bent on subverting the political structure and destroying 
the social fabric of the nation. But it is equally the responsibility 
of the state, especially in India, to ensure that the social and 
political cohesion built up over decades is not undermined by groups 
with subversive political agendas, out to destroy national unity for 
their own strategic gains.

It cannot be disputed that it was a conscious decision taken by the 
leaders of the Indian nationalist movement after Independence to 
ensure that India became a democratic republic, secular and pluralist 
in its moorings. It was this scrupulous adherence to the ethos of 
secular nationalism and the premium placed on national unity by 
India's early leaders, particularly Jawaharlal Nehru, that insulated 
the Indian nation-state from disintegrative tendencies and allowed it 
to harness all its productive energies, transforming itself rapidly 
into a major power among developing countries.

Undeniably, the rise of an abrasive genre of Hindu cultural 
nationalism in the early 1990s - the first flashpoint being the Rath 
Yatra campaign of BJP leader Lal Krishna Advani - set in motion a 
dangerous process of communal polarisation. The destruction of the 
Babri Masjid was viewed as an ominous sign by the Muslim community 
that its culture and cultural symbols would no longer be safe in a 
Hindu India. It must be recalled that the very first instance of 
horrific retaliation by extremists in the Muslim community was the 
series of bomb blasts in Mumbai in early 1993, which signalled that 
the costs of strategies of communal polarisation were indeed going to 
be high.

If the BJP and its allies in the Sangh Parivar appeared to be 
determined to mount a challenge to the secular and democratic 
orientation of the state, the failure of the Congress and other 
so-called secular formations to grasp the true import of this 
challenge to Indian nationhood contributed in large measure to the 
increasing alienation of the minority communities. The carnage in 
Gujarat in 2002, perceived as having the implicit support of the 
state administration, which saw more than a thousand people killed in 
the violence targeting ordinary Muslims, has clearly radicalised some 
of the elements of the community, driving them to extreme forms of 
anti-social and destructive behaviour.

The latest wave of terrorist bombings, which surfaced first in Jaipur 
in May 2008, then in Ahmedabad in July, and recently in Delhi, have 
an eerily similar pattern in timing and execution. These terrorist 
strikes have all been traced back to the Students Islamic Movement of 
India (SIMI) and a sinister new group that has emerged from the 
shadows, calling itself the Indian Mujahideen (IM) and cold-bloodedly 
claiming responsibility for these gruesome and homicidal attacks.

The sudden escalation of terrorist attacks is clearly designed to 
suggest that a war of sorts against the Indian state is in progress. 
The IM aggressively declared that the terror strikes in Gujarat were 
"revenge" or "Qisaas", an Islamic concept of "equal punishment," for 
the Gujarat pogrom; it has also implied that the terrorist attack in 
Delhi was a similar retributory act. That Islamist terrorism has 
become a full-blown phenomenon and taken on a life of its own, with 
dangerous links to a larger global network, suggests that it is still 
regrettably able to draw momentum from the fact that there is a 
continuing crisis of confidence among the minority communities as 
regards the Indian state.

It is true that initially the Manmohan Singh administration made 
earnest efforts to reach out to the minority communities. One 
path-breaking initiative was the commissioning of the Sachar 
Committee report, which highlighted the deep deficiencies and 
deprivation that exist among the Muslim community, thus exposing the 
hollowness of the propaganda that minorities are being 'appeased.' 
However, recent events have served to undermine this promising start. 
In the controversy relating to the Amarnath Shrine Board, the UPA 
should have made it emphatically clear that there was no question of 
entertaining the proposition that state land could be handed over to 
the Shrine Board.

The failure to unambiguously uphold a basic tenet of the Indian 
Constitution, that the state should not mediate in religious 
activities or allow its properties to be used for religious purposes, 
was a dismaying indication that the UPA was yielding to Hindu 
cultural nationalist pressures. The provocative economic blockade of 
the Kashmir Valley by the Jammu-based activists of the Amarnath 
Sangarsh Samiti, with the encouragement of the BJP and the VHP, 
reopened old wounds and gave a lease of life to what was until then a 
moribund separatist agitation. This dalliance with the politics of 
Hindu cultural nationalism, particularly in the context of the 
Kashmir issue, marked a senseless tactical blunder on the part of the 
Congress-led UPA.

It has become imperative for the Congress leadership, Prime Minister 
Manmohan Singh, and party president Sonia Gandhi to acknowledge that 
costly mistakes have been made in the recent period. The latest 
savagery displayed by Bajrang Dal activists against Christians in 
Orissa and Karnataka shows that Hindu nationalism is trying to stage 
a comeback in the political arena. With general elections a few 
months away, it is clear why the BJP and the Sangh Parivar find it 
useful to return to the strategies of majoritarian Hindu communalism. 
A weak-kneed response on the part of the Congress at this critical 
juncture will invite disaster. The Prime Minister is justifiably 
elated over his foreign policy coup in having India beat the odds and 
become a member of an elite group of nuclear power nations. But he 
must also remember that India's greatness and national pride lie 
primarily in the astonishing success story of its secular democracy. 
It is that ethos of secular nationalism that provided the 
underpinning for India's economic advance and increasing global 
significance.

The failure to act decisively and punitively against anti-social 
saboteurs, be it Bajrang Dal militants or Islamist terrorists, will 
cost the UPA dearly. The costs of prevarication are too high. The 
time has come to affirm assertively that India cannot survive as a 
republic unless the structure of its democracy is anchored firmly to 
a secular national vision. The Congress party must take the lead in 
launching a nationwide struggle against the destructive forces of 
cultural nationalism. Such a campaign should also make clear that 
India's future as a nation-state is critically tied to its capacity 
to uphold the original commitment to its citizens to provide secular 
and democratic governance.

______


[5]


Times of India
22 Sep 2008

GIVE THEM A CHANCE

by Ajay K Mehra

The reported rejection of the Sachar committee proposal for an Equal 
Opportunity Commission (EOC) - for which a distinguished expert group 
prepared a blueprint - by the HRD ministry recently invites a 
holistic debate. The Sachar Committee recommended equal opportunity 
and diversity perspectives to deal with the discrimination and 
disabilities the oppressed and dispossessed face in a diverse India: 
"It is a well accepted maxim in law that not only must justice be 
done, but it must appear to be done... the committee recommends that 
an EOC should be constituted by the government to look into the 
grievances of deprived groups."

Consequently, the government of India set up two expert groups - one 
chaired by N R Madhava Menon to design an EOC and the other chaired 
by Amitabh Kundu to design a Diversity Index to measure diversity in 
public spaces (education, employment and housing). Obviously, the 
discourse on issues in the Sachar committee report deserves 
elaboration with the three reports now in the public domain.

The concern of the Sachar committee was "an urgent need to recognise 
diversity in residential, work and educational spaces" and "to ensure 
equity and equality of opportunity to bring about inclusion" in a 
manner "that diversity is achieved and at the same time the 
perception of discrimination is eliminated". The committee, 
therefore, recommended that the "idea of providing certain incentives 
to a 'Diversity Index' should be explored."

The Madhava Menon group envisaged the EOC to "address the concerns of 
all deprived groups, with respect to equality of opportunity in 
education, employment and other sectors in a proactive manner." 
Arguing that the idea of equality was founded on the provisions 
relating to the Right to Equality in Part III of the Constitution of 
India (Articles 14-17 and 29), considerably strengthened by the 
Directive Principles of State Policy in Part IV, which expand the 
scope of the idea of equality beyond political equality to include 
equality in the socio-economic sphere (particularly Articles 38, 39, 
41, 43, 45-47), it stressed an urgent "need to develop a wide variety 
of context-sensitive, evidence-based policy options that can be 
tailored to meet specific requirements."

As the Indian nation enters its diamond jubilee decade of 
independence, the aspirations for equal opportunities among those 
from socially excluded groups are growing. The demands of the 
disadvantaged are best summed in the words of former US president, 
Lyndon Johnson, who said: "We seek not just freedom but opportunity. 
We seek not just legal equity but human ability, not just equality as 
a right and a theory but equality as a fact and equality as a 
result... To this end equal opportunity is essential, but not enough, 
not enough."

The demand for a job quota for the OBCs, the assertion for 
application of such criterion cutting across religious lines, 
increasing contestations on majority-minority issues, attacks 
(physical and political) by the majoritarianists on hyphenated 
identities such as Christian- Dalits, Muslim-Dalits, Christian and 
Muslim OBCs and Christian-tribals, invite public policy interventions 
on equal opportunities supervised by an autonomous institution.

The Amitabh Kundu-led expert group on the Diversity Index, on the 
other hand, based its analysis and recommendations on the fact of 
concentration of individuals in "say, a housing complex, an 
educational institution or a production distribution unit" not 
because of personal choice, but because of "discrimination and the 
denial of opportunities to groups that are different, not on grounds 
of merit, but on grounds of their ethnic characteristics or group 
affiliations". Admitting the complexity of representing diversity 
across multiple social spaces in India, the expert group attempted a 
pathway beyond reservation, in developing an index to measure 
diversity for the purpose.

Taking its cue from diversity indices used in ecology to measure the 
number of species in an ecosystem, the Kundu group applies it to the 
contentious arena of social diversity, an exercise that was attempted 
by the 'USA Today' in 1991 to measure that any two people are of a 
particular race in the US society. In the Indian case, first 
measuring, and then increasing, social diversity in public spaces is 
built on the notion of fair and proportional representation of the 
social mosaic consisting of religious, linguistic, caste, tribe, race 
and gender identities.

Social exclusions of the past and present in a competitive and 
volatile democratic milieu make the representational dimension 
complex. Faced with operationalising the proposed Diversity Index, 
the expert group has recommended a diversity commission entrusted 
with the complexity of applying incentive and disincentive mechanisms.

Indeed, this makes the fear of a multiplicity of institutions a real 
one. The three expert group reports nevertheless are a result of the 
first serious attempt in the country to look at diversity beyond 
caste, communal and sectarian prisms. They deserve an integrated 
reading if we are to debate and critique their proposals. Any 
rejection of their proposals before such a debate is like throwing 
the baby out with the bathwater.

The writer is a member of the expert group on the Diversity Index.

______


[6]  Proposed Protest letter to Director-General of Police of Chattisgarh State

Univ. of California, Berkeley, invites Director-General of Police of 
Chattisgarh State
If you are in the academia, this is a special request to you. It came 
to me only today; I have endorsed it, and am obliged to send it to 
you all in the hope that those in the academia, in North America or 
else where, will kindly add their name to the growing list. IT MUST 
BE DONE RIGHT AWAY.
Of all the academic places in North America, it is the University of 
California, Berkeley, that has invited the Director-General of Police 
of the Chattisgarh State in India to be a speaker at a seminar on 
"Indian Democracy: Justice and the Law",
The note below is self explanatory. If you agree with the protest 
letter, kindly send your e-mail  to:
"Aravinda <paravinda at gmail.com>"
listing your
i)	Name,
ii)	Title/Designation and
iii)	Affiliation

you could copy it to us at <sansad at sansad.org> too.
Many thanks
hari sharma
for SANSAD


This note is to ask for your endorsement of the attached protest 
letter to Mr. Vishwa Ranjan, the Director-General of Police of 
Chhattisgarh.  You may remember that the Chhattisgarh state 
government has imprisoned noted physician and human rights activist 
Dr. Binayak Sen for the last 16 months. Despite an international 
campaign to ensure due process, including an appeal signed by 22 
Nobel laureates, Dr. Sen and other human rights activists, lawyers 
and journalists in Chhattisgarh continue to be harrassed by the 
Chhattisgarh police.
This coming Saturday, the DGP is an invited speaker at a panel on
Chhattisgarh as part of a seminar at UC Berkeley on Indian Democracy,
entitled "Justice and the law."  The seminar is organized by the
Center for South Asia Studies at UC Berkeley and the Foundation for
Democratic Reforms in India (fdri.org).  In light of what's happening
in Chhattisgarh, the participation of the top police official of
Chhattisgarh in a seminar about Justice and Law in India assumes
special significance. We've attached the draft of a protest letter to
the DGP, which we plan to hand-deliver to the DGP this Saturday. We
hope you will sign on to the letter, and also forward this request to
your colleagues. Please send your endorsement to "Aravinda
<paravinda at gmail.com>" listing your
i)	Name,
ii)	Title/Designation and
iii)	Affiliation


To:	Mr. Vishwa Ranjan, Director-General of Police, Chhattisgarh

We, concerned members of university and college faculties, write to 
condemn the ongoing violations of the human and civil rights of its 
citizens by the state of Chhattisgarh, primarily through the agency 
of your department, the Chhattisgarh police force.  These violations 
include the arbitrary arrest and indefinite detention of hundreds of 
people, including Dr. Binayak Sen, an internationally respected 
provider of medical services to Chhattisgarh's tribal communities, 
threats and assaults against civil liberties activists, lawyers and 
journalists, and most egregious of all, the growing depredations of 
the state security forces, including the police and the so-called 
special police officers (SPOs), as well as the state-sponsored 
violent militia known as the Salwa Judum.  We regret to note that not 
only have you been unsuccessful in halting these violations of human 
rights, but you have actively justified them and accused anyone 
opposing them as "demoralis[ing] the state machinery."
In a report released this past July, Human Rights Watch (HRW) has 
documented in detail the human rights abuses committed by the Salwa 
Judum against civilians in Chhattisgarh. HRW's report gives the lie 
to your oft repeated claim that the Salwa Judum is a spontaneous 
unarmed peaceful anti-Naxalite movement by documenting eyewitness 
accounts of "police participating in violent Salwa Judum raids on 
villages - killing, looting, and burning their hamlets."   Similar to 
earlier investigative reports by the Independent Citizen's Initiative 
and a joint report by the People's Union of Civil Liberties (PUCL) 
and People's Union for Democratic Rights, among others, the HRW 
report also documents the arbitrary detentions and torture of 
villagers by the Chhattisgarh police.  Reporters without Borders 
noted with concern that "[journalists] are prevented from reporting 
and investigating by corrupt politicians, police and Salwa Judum 
members, many receiving harassment, intimidation and beating ... 
Currently journalists report from press releases produced by the 
government or risk their life and career by reporting objectively 
both sides of the struggle."
Perhaps the best-known case of a non-violent dissenter being arrested 
and jailed in Chhattisgarh is that of Dr. Binayak Sen, a prominent 
and early critic of the Salwa Judum and of state violence. Dr. Sen, a 
physician serving the poorest and most marginalized communities in 
the interior and tribal areas of Chhattisgarh for more than 25 years, 
has been a guiding light for peace and community health.  He has won 
many awards for his work, including the Paul Harrison Award in 2004 
from CMC Vellore, his alma mater, from which he had been graduated 
over 30 years ago following a most distinguished academic career, and 
most recently the Jonathan Mann Award from the Global Health Council 
in May 2008.  Binayak Sen appears to have earned the government's ire 
by being a vocal critic of the high-handed and illegal ways adopted 
by the state in the name of suppressing the Maoist insurgency in 
Chhattisgarh.  For instance, investigations by ETV-Madhya Pradesh and 
others had exposed that 12 alleged Maoists, killed by the police in 
Santoshpur village in a supposed gunfight on March 31, 2007, were 
unarmed tribals executed at close range. Dr. Sen's insistence, along 
with others, finally forced the Chhattisgarh State Human Rights 
Commission to take note of this investigation and order the bodies of 
the victims exhumed. Shortly afterward, Dr. Sen was arrested.   Not 
only have you and the state prosecutor failed to present any legally 
valid evidence against Dr. Sen, the responsible police officers 
appear to be blatantly concocting fables and planting false evidence.
Other citizens who have been harrassed by the police include: 
Amarnath Pandey and DP Yadav, two lawyers who had filed lawsuits 
regarding the 'encounter killing' of one Narayan Khairwar and the 
custodial rape of one Ledha Bai; filmmaker Ajay TG, a member of the 
State Executive Committee of the Chhattisgarh Unit of PUCL, and 
journalist Sai Reddy, both of whom had to be released on bail when 
the police failed to file a chargesheet even after ninety days; 
Himanshu Kumar of the Vanvasi Chetna Ashram, an NGO that implements 
implements government programs on health, nutrition, and education, 
for the 'crime' of assisting fact-finding teams investigating human 
rights abuses; journalists Santosh Poonyem and Kamlesh Paikra for 
daring to write about the violence committed by Salwa Judum; and even 
the participants at the third annual meeting of Chhattisgarh Net 
(www.cgnet.in), an online citizen journalism initiative.
It bears noting that such actions by the law enforcement machinery of 
any state are not only in violation of the laws of India, but also 
run counter to India's international treaty obligations.  The 
International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (CCPR), which 
India acceded to in 1979, declares in relevant part that:
* All peoples have the right of self-determination. By virtue of that 
right they freely determine their political status and freely pursue 
their economic, social and cultural development. (Article 1.1)
* Every human being has the inherent right to life. This right shall 
be protected by law. No one shall be arbitrarily deprived of his 
life. (Article (6.1)
* No one shall be subjected to torture or to cruel, inhuman or 
degrading treatment or punishment. (Article 7)
* Everyone has the right to liberty and security of person. (Article 9.1)
* Anyone who has been the victim of unlawful arrest or detention 
shall have an enforceable right to compensation. (Article 9.5)
* All persons deprived of their liberty shall be treated with 
humanity and with respect for the inherent dignity of the human 
person. (Article 10.1)

We strongly urge you, as the highest police official in the state of
Chhattisgarh, to:
* Follow in letter and spirit, the values enshrined in the
Indian Constitution and the CCPR.
* Stop encouraging an all-out civil war in Chhattisgarh through your 
support of the Salwa Judum.  The extra-judicial killings by the state 
security forces and the SPOs are so distasteful and blatant that the 
Supreme Court of India recently noted that this amounts to abetment 
of murder by state officials.  Excesses committed by the security 
forces, as documented in a recent NHRC report, were deemed "very 
painful to read" by the Chief Justice, Supreme Court of India.
* Stop victimizing dissenters in Chhattisgarh.  Drop all charges 
against political prisoners, including Dr Binayak Sen, filmmaker Mr. 
Ajay TG, journalist Mr. Saii Reddy.  Release all political prisoners 
unconditionally, pay compensation for the harassment and loss of 
liberty they have suffered due to their unwarranted detention, and 
arrest and prosecute state officials and police officers involved in 
harassing, arresting and holding all these political prisoners.
* Ensure a just and honest governance that improves the lives of 
millions of desperately poor people in Chhattisgarh.

Signed,



______


[7] Announcements:


       The Centre for Policy Analysis cordially invites you for a
Discussion on:

        COMMUNAL VIOLENCE: AGAINST CHRISTIANS AND OTHER MINORITIES
        at Conference Room I

        India International Centre

        Lodhi Estate on

        Friday, September 26,2008

        At 2.0 p.m.

        The discussion will be joined by senior leaders from the 
CPI(M), CPI, BSP, TDP and other political parties.

        S.P.Shukla
        Deepak Nayar
        Anuradha Chenoy
        Kamal Morarka
        Seema Mustafa

---

A Maoist Vision for a New Nepal

A Public Talk by Pushpa Kamal Dahal (Prachanda), Prime Minister of Nepal,
   friday September 26th, 2008

September 26, 2008
6:00-8:00 pm (must be seated by 5:45)
Tishman Auditorium, Alvin Johnson/J.M. Kaplan Hall
66 W. 12-th St. (Corner of 5th Ave. and 12th St.)
New York City

[event flyer:
http://tinyurl.com/47bz7q ]

Nepal's Prime Minister, *Pushpa Kamal Dahal*, also known as Prachanda 
(`The Fierce One'), came to power in August 2008 following his party's
success in the country's first-ever Constituent Assembly elections. 
Chairman of the Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist) and leader of its
People's Liberation Army, he led a decade-long People's War 
(1996-2006) with the goals of ending Nepal's monarchy and creating a 
new federal
republic.

Introductory remarks will be by:

  Professor Andrew Arato, Dorothy Hart Hirshon Professor of Political 
and Social Theory, The New School.

  Q&A session moderated by:
Kul Chandra Gautam, Senior Fellow, India China Institute.

Admission is free and open to the public. Limited seating on a first 
come basis. Seating must be completed by 5:45 pm.

Co-sponsored by: Alliance for Democracy and Human Rights in Nepal | 
American Nepal Friendship Society | Association of Nepali Tarain in
America | Federation of Indigenous Peoples of Nepal in America | 
United Nepalese Democratic Forum | Ashikaar | Nepalese Americas 
Council |
Friends of Nepal-New Jersey

- - -

[Delayed Announcement]

White House Prayer Vigil Press Release
Published : Sep 23, 2008


PRESS RELEASE

Contact: John PD 
September 23, 2008

Office: 202-547-6228

Cell: 301 346 5736                                                    

  Announcing The Prayer Rally To Highlight The Violence Against 
Christians In India During Prime Minister Singh's Visit To The White 
House.

  The Prime Minister Of India Mr. Manmohan Singh Is Meeting President 
Bush To Sign The Nuclear Agreement On Thursday At The White House. We 
Will Be Holding Our Prayer Rally Out Side The White House At The Same 
Time To Draw Attention To The unprecedented Levels Of Religious 
Violence Against Christians In India By Extremist Religious Radicals.

  Event: Rally Demanding An End To The Violence Against Christians In India

Time And Date: September 25. 2008,            2 PM

Venue: Lafayette Square (in Front Of The White House), Washington DC.

  Background:

  Radical Religious Extremist Outfits Like VHP (World Hindu Council) 
And RSS (National Hindu Volunteer Corps), Both Associated With 
India's Nationalist Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), Have Unleashed A 
Wave Of Unprecedented Level Of Violence And Bloodshed Against 
Christians In The Indian States Of Orissa And Karnataka For The Past 
Several Weeks.

  Members Belonging To VHP/RSS/BJP Have Killed Or Burnt Alive At Least 
49 Christian Priests, Nuns And Members Of Local Congregations. Over 
300 Churches (among Them 90% Catholic And Protestant Churches), 
Besides Number Of Convents/orphanages Were Burnt Or Destroyed; Over 
3000 Houses Belonging To Christian Villagers Were Burnt And Destroyed.

  On Christmas Eve, Nine Months Ago, Violence Exploded Against The 
Christians In Orissa. Number Of Churches And Convents Were Burnt And 
Over 100,000 Christians Were Forced To Flee Their Homes On The Day Of 
Christmas. This Is The Same State Where An Australian Missionary, 
Graham Stains And His Two Young Boys (10 And 12 Years Old) Were Burnt 
Alive In 1999 By The Same Hindu Religious Groups. Orissa Is 
Projecting An Image That They Love To Burn People Alive.

  VHP/RSS/BJP Members Claim That The Christian Mission Work And The 
Christian Schools Are Causing Religious Conversions. Underground 
Maoist Insurgent Have Reportedly Gunned Down A Hindu Leader 
Laxanananda Saraswati On August 23rd Who Was Engaged In Forceful 
Re-conversions Of Christians Into Hindu Faith. Though Christian 
Leaders Have Condemned The Killing The VHP, RSS And BJP Leaders Took 
Advantage Of This Assassination, To Mount An Offensive Against The 
Christians.

  On August 27, Pope Benedict Condemned This Ongoing Violence In 
Orissa Saying He Was, "profoundly Saddened By The Violence That Has 
Left As Least 11 People Dead (official Count As On Aug 27), nearly 
All Christians And By Destruction Of Christian Homes, Churches And 
Orphanages At The Hands Of Hindu Mobs In Orissa". But International 
Leaders, Including The US And UK Have Largely Remained Silent So Far.

  Today, It Is Shameful To Allow Such Things To Take Place While India 
Is On Its Way To Becoming An Economic Power. This Kind Of Behavior 
Needs To Be Discouraged If India Must Become A Member Of The 
Civilized Global Society.

  Mr. Narendra Modi: What Is Happening In The States Of Orissa And 
Karnataka Are Very Similar To The Tactics They Used Successfully In 
Another Indian State - Gujarat In 2002. There Also, The Chief 
Minister Of The State Ordered The Police To Stand Down While 
VHP/RSS/BJP Party Workers Enjoyed A Free Hand In Killing And Burning 
The Properties Of Muslims. (under The International Religious Freedom 
Act Of 1998 Mr. Narendra Modi Has Been Banned From Entering The US 
Since 2005)

US Based Organizations Affiliated To These Radical Indian Religious 
Outfits Support A Number Of Things From Restricting The 
Constitutional Rights Of People To Follow A Religion Of Their Own 
Choice, To Supporting The Creation Of A Hindu Religious State In 
India.

  Groups In The US, Affiliated Or Sympathetic To VHP/RSS/BJP, 
Operating As Cultural, Social And Business Associations, Often Spread 
False Propaganda And Hate Against Christians. These Outfits Accuse 
Church Based Services Such As Education Of Tribal Children, Rural 
Primary Health Care In Remote Areas And Safe Drinking Water Projects 
In Villages As A "part Of An Effort To Convert People To 
Christianity". These Groups In The US Raise Funds Under Various 
Banners But These Funds Often End Up Being Used For Staging Violent 
Attacks Against Christians.

   Demands: We Ask The US And International Governments To Strongly 
Condemn This Religious Violence Directed Against A Particular Group 
Solely Because Of Their Religious Faith And To Tell The Prime 
Minister Of India To Do All That Is Necessary To Provide Adequate 
Security To The People Of Orissa And Karnataka. US And Members Of 
Other International Community Must Tell The Prime Minister Of India 
That He Should Not Risk India's Friendship With The Rest Of The World 
By Allowing The Culprits To Walk Away Freely.

  We Ask The US To Help Hold The People Responsible For This Violence 
Accountable And Bar Them From Entering The US As Per The 
International Religious Freedom Act Of 1998 Passed By The US Congress.

We Ask The Justice Department To Investigate The Activities And Fund 
Raising Efforts By Organizations Affiliated To Radical Hindu Groups 
In The US And How These Funds Used For Supporting Violence Against 
Christian Religious Groups.

Rev. Bernard Malik,

President

110 Maryland Ave, NE Suite 506, Washington, DC 20002. P:202 547 6228 
F:866 844 8316 WWW.FIACONA.ORG



_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/

Buzz for secularism, on the dangers of fundamentalism(s), on
matters of peace and democratisation in South
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