SACW | August 14-15, 2007
Harsh Kapoor
aiindex at mnet.fr
Wed Aug 15 08:59:55 CDT 2007
South Asia Citizens Wire | August 14-15, 2007 | Dispatch No. 2435 - Year 9
[1] Sri Lanka: SAHR's Fact finding Report on the state of the Displaced
[2] Pakistan: Jinnah and the Islamic State:
Setting the Record Straight (Pervez Hoodbhoy)
[3] Bangladesh: Bangabandhu's assassination -
Declare this day as National Mourning Day (Daily
Star)
[4] India and Pakistan - Partition: 60 years of remembering (Pamela Philipose)
[5] Kashmir: Consensus is possible: Looking for a Lodestar (Z.G. Muhammad)
[6] India:
(i) The Other Attack on Taslima Nasrin at Hyderabad (C. M. Naim)
(ii) Attack on Taslima - Love of Islam or Love of Power? (Asghar Ali Engineer)
[7] Tributes of Bina Srinivasan + her last contribution to SACW
(i) Obituary by Medha Patkar for NBA
(ii) Obituary by Nandini Oza
(iii) Obituary by Rohit Prajapati and others
(iv) Sanjay Dutt in Prison: Danger Averted? (Bina Srinivasan)
[8] Petition re arrest 4 activistsof the NFFPFW in Robertsganj, U.P (NTUI)
______
[1]
REPORT ON THE FACT FINDING MISSION TO THE NORTH & EAST OF SRI LANKA TO
ASSESS THE STATE OF DISPLACED PERSONS
SOUTH ASIANS FOR HUMAN RIGHTS (SAHR)
AUGUST 2007
CONTENTS
Foreword 3
About South Asians for Human Rights (SAHR) 4
Background and Current Situation 5
Summary of Findings of the Mission 7
Recommendations 14
Regional Reports
Batticaloa, Kalmunai and Akkaraipattu 21
Vavuniya, Mannar and Puttlam 31
Trincomalee and the Border Villages 36
FOREWORD
This report on the state of displaced persons in the North and East of Sri
Lanka analyses the security condition and concerns of those who live in
makeshifts and camps in conflict affected areas. It provides an overview
of the current ground situation, i.e. the altered displacement landscape,
and the dynamics which shape the distribution of aid and resettlement. In
doing so it highlights the manner in which resettlement, sometimes forced
resettlement, is changing the ethnic composition of certain areas, and
being used to establish the political dominance of certain
parties/segments of the population.
The usefulness of this report lies in the fact that while it sets out the
current living conditions of displaced persons (right to life, liberty,
food, water etc.) it also provides an analysis of the causes of
displacement within the framework of the human security vs militarisation
debate.
During the fact-finding mission all attempts were made to address the
concerns of Sinhala, Tamil and Muslim communities with regard to
displacement and security issues.
I hope this report will function as a useful advocacy tool for those
working to protect and promote human rights, in particular the rights of
displaced persons.
IK Gujral
Chairperson
August 8, 2007
FULL TEXT at: http://xrl.us/35ya
______
[2]
Economic and Political Weekly
VOL 42 No. 32 August 11 - August 17, 2007
Jinnah and the Islamic State: Setting the Record Straight
by Pervez Hoodbhoy
What was Mohammed Ali Jinnah's position on the
contentious issue of secularism in Pakistan? What
was his stand on Pakistan as an Islamic state?
What legacy did he leave for the citizens of his
country on a question with which they continue to
grapple?
View Full Article at:
http://www.epw.org.in/epw/user/viewAbstract.jsp#
______
[3]
The Daily Star
August 15, 2007
Editorial
Bangabandhu's assassination
Declare this day as National Mourning Day
The nation observes with appropriate solemnity
the thirty-second anniversary of the
assassination of Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur
Rahman and the members of his family today. The
day should serve as a moment for the nation to go
into serious soul-searching about the tragedy and
the terrible ramifications it has had on national
politics since August 15, 1975. The time has
surely arrived when as a society we need to have
our perspective on the tragedy set in clear
outline as a way of moving on. And that is a job
that can be done through taking steps toward
officially declaring August 15 as National
Mourning Day. We would like to take this
opportunity to point out here that The Daily Star
has since 1993 editorially been demanding that
August 15 be declared as National Mourning Day.
One hardly needs to reiterate the thought that
the tragic happenings of August 1975 remain a
dark spot on the history of this nation,
particularly because of the clear absence of
justice that was noted with regard to the murders
under successive governments. It is a matter of
grave embarrassment that Bangabandhu's assassins
were given protection through an infamous
indemnity ordinance that was again incorporated
as law through the fifth amendment to the
constitution. What remains galling for the nation
is that most of the assassins were subsequently
sent off to Bangladesh's diplomatic missions
abroad in various capacities. At a later stage,
some of the killers were even permitted to set up
a political party and take part in the 1988
presidential election. Such episodes only went
towards further undermining our national
self-esteem, a phase that came to an end only
when an Awami League government initiated the
process of a trial of Bangabandhu's murderers
through a repeal of the indemnity ordinance in
1996. We hope that the wheels of justice will
turn fully and that the shame perpetrated in
August 1975 will never be repeated.
Today, as we recall the contributions of
Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman to our history
and the pivotal role he played in the shaping of
our destiny, we ask the powers that be that
August 15 be officially declared National
Mourning Day as a mark of respect to the great
man. We are happy to observe that steps have been
taken to correct the history of Bangladesh's
struggle for freedom in school textbooks. It is a
move that will surely go a long way toward
removing the falsehoods that have distorted our
history since August 1975. We understand that the
President, the Chief Adviser and the chiefs of
the army, navy and air force will visit
Bangabandhu's grave in Tungipara today. We
welcome the move. Their presence at the final
resting place of the country's founder will
surely be a true manifestation of the sentiments
of the people of Bangladesh.
______
[4]
Indian Express
August 13, 2007
60 YEARS OF REMEMBERING
by Pamela Philipose
When it was discovered that the train had bought
a full load of corpses, a heavy brooding silence
descended on the village...
'Train to Pakistan', 1956 by Khushwant Singh
Partition, the largest peace-time migration in
history, which involved an estimated 14 million
people and saw another million killed, has been
something of a meta-narrative for the
subcontinent. Its grievous injuries, never fully
forgotten, have endured in the collective memory
despite the emergence of three post-Partition
generations. Cynical politicians have
periodically gained great dividends from it, not
just in terms of the occasional episodes of riots
and carnage, or indeed in the carefully
constructed hostility between India and Pakistan,
but in the suspicions and bad faith between
Hindus and Muslims that continue to mark
ordinary, everyday life, 60 years on.
Those grainy, black-and-white images of trauma,
horror and pain from a lost era could have served
as a 'never-again' lesson, rather than remaining
a perennial source of animosity. Only one group
of men and women, whom we somewhat erroneously
term our "founding fathers", having been witness
to that turbulence at first hand, drew the right
conclusions. The Constitution they drafted, in
many ways, testifies to this. Several, including
Gandhi and Nehru of course, spoke eloquently on
the issue, but let me cite S. Radhakrishnan's
speech on the floor of the Constituent Assembly
on August 14-15, 1947, before the clock struck
12: "Were we not victims, ready victims, so to
say, of the separatist tendencies foisted on us?
Should we not now correct our national faults of
characters, our domestic despotism, our
intolerance which has assumed the different forms
of obscurantism... Now that India is divided, it
is our duty not to indulge in words of anger.
They lead us nowhere..."
Some among the crowds realised this in their own
distinct ways. On August 15, 1947, the late
journalist, Nikhil Chakravarty, was able to
capture as a cub reporter an eloquent scene in
the slums of a Calcutta still reeling from the
worst Hindu-Muslim riots in its history: "The
first spontaneous initiative came from the Muslim
bustees and was immediately responded to by Hindu
bustees. It was Calcutta's poor, especially
Muslims, who opened the floodgates... Muslim boys
clambered up at Chowringhee and shouted,
'Hindu-Muslim ek
ho'..." This found immediate echo in the Hindu
bustees. "Then all of a sudden in the very storm
centres of the most gruesome rioting of the past
year, Muslims and Hindus ran across the frontiers
and hugged each other in wild joy."
That visionary gleam took awhile to dispel. The
fifties were relatively peaceful, but by the
sixties communal riots were once again very much
a part of the Indian political scene. The decade
began with the Jabalpur riots of 1961, triggered
reportedly by a Hindu girl eloping with a Muslim
boy, and ended with a major conflagration in
Ahmedabad, in 1969, which bore all the familiar
characteristics of the major riots that followed
- including the political assertion of the
RSS/Jan Sangh. The Justice P. Jaganmohan Reddy
Commission appointed to inquire into them made
the now familiar recommendation that the Gujarat
police needed to be reorganised in order to be
less biased, a theme that figured hugely in the
Srikrishna Commission report two decades later.
Sociologist Paul Brass has argued that this
"production of Hindu-Muslim communal violence",
often occurring in waves, was linked to the
political construction of 'Hindu' and 'Muslim'
identities in post-Independence India.
But Partition did more than coalesce communal
identities. Its fearsome repercussions branded
the lives of the women of the subcontinent.
Inherently vulnerable, they were attacked in
innumerable and horrific ways - outlined
graphically in work done by feminists like Ritu
Menon, Kamala Bhasin, Urvashi Butalia, Shahnaz
Rouse, Gargi Chakravartty and many others -
because they came to define the identities of the
warring groups and represent community honour. As
Menon and Bhasin put it, the women "became their
respective countries". This legacy carried on,
well into the post-Independence years. In
Pakistan, Rouze points out, 'Muslim' dress came
to be defined as the shalwar kameez, with the
sari being denounced as 'Hindu'. Clearly, if
communal attitudes today drew sustenance from
memories of Partition so too did dispositions
towards women.
Which brings us to the question whether the
subcontinent can ever, will ever, decisively
transcend Partition's negative legacies. Some
years ago I put this very question to artists and
writers of the Partition generation. Their
responses gave no great cause for optimism. The
late Manohar Shyam Joshi, whose Buniyaad
flickered brilliantly and briefly on our
television screens, believed that one of great
problems was that "we are a nation devoted to
forgetting than remembering". He added that this
may have something to do with the Hindu timeframe
based on yugantars: "We either exist in the
present reality or in infinity. In our shhradhs,
we remember our ancestors only up to three
generations." He believed that this was probably
one reason why we don't have a great novel of the
Partition, "not even a great partisan novel - a
Hindu Mahasabha version of those events in
fiction."
Theatre doyen, Habib Tanvir, who forced his
immediate family to remain in India when the
larger family left for Pakistan because "I was
convinced that the place you belong to is your
place", believed that it is important that
creative people must work towards undoing
Partition's inheritance of hate. One of his
powerful plays, Jisne Lahore Nahin Dekhiya, was
based on a story by Asghar Wajahat that drew from
real life. When a Hindu woman who chose to live
in Pakistan died after 30 years, a local maulvi
maintained that her body should be cremated. The
cremation caused riots. "If that play conveyed
the message of the senselessness of riots and
that communalism is not the preserve of any one
community, I believe I have succeeded."
Ram Kumar, the noted painter, who had even
attempted a novel on the theme, Ghar Bane, Ghar
Toote, argued that the baleful effects of
Partition can only be exorcised through art -
"yet the interregnum has yet to produce a great
work of art or fiction, say of the quality of
Tolstoy's War and Peace." But Kumar also
recognised that in today's subcontinent, "a
third-rate politician has more power to influence
people than a first-rate artist".
Each of these comments underlines the
deficiencies of a post-Independence society that
power politics shaped in its own image. Partition
brought freedom in one way, but fettered minds in
innumerable other ways. The question is, can we
remember it in order to forget it?
______
[5]
Greater Kashmir
13 August 2007
CONSENSUS IS POSSIBLE: LOOKING FOR A LODESTAR
by Z.G. Muhammad
Kashmir leadership is a 'divided lot' is not just
a cliché popular with scribes, columnists and
journalists for putting a story. It is a new
found phrase to justify procrastination - that
has taken a toll of Kashmir problem for past
sixty years. It is a baton that is now very
easily used to beat into silence many
enthusiastic Kashmir leaders seeking solution of
the Kashmir problem through internationally
recognized covenants for resolution of such
problems. Echoing of this cliché in some quarters
of New Delhi is no surprise but it was amazing
when it resounded in the Rayburn Hall of the
Capitol Hill, Washington. True, it were some
scholars from New Delhi who made all out
endeavors to add this dimension to the
deliberations in the two day Seventh
International Peace Conference on Kashmir but
what was surprising that some American Scholars
also subscribed to the idea. They too believed
that Kashmir leadership was divided. And it was
this division that was coming in the way of
finding a solution of the problem in accordance
norms of international justice.
It will be too puerile to construe that because
of New Delhi's effective lobbying some American
scholars and academics have believing that it has
been division in the ranks of Kashmir leaders
that has been delaying resolution of the Kashmir
problem as the Gospel truth.
There can be no denying Indian intellectual's
presence in Kashmir American Council as compared
to Pakistan was far higher. There was hardly a
Pakistan academician or intellectual of standing
present in the conference- the reason for their
absence was perhaps rough political weather in
their own country. All shades of Indian
intellectuals; right, left and independent were
present in the conference. Some were highly
pragmatic and objective and some held official
briefs- but silver lining in their discourses was
that all pleaded for finding an amicable solution
of the Kashmir problem. Is Kashmir leadership
really a 'divided lot'? Is there division on the
ideological basis? Or the division is because of
clash of egos?
Or it was more because of the vested interest
than politics? Much before trying to address
these questions- it needs to be remembered that
like any other state in United India two streams
of politics flowed in Kashmir much before the
birth of India and Pakistan as independent
nations- one subscribed to Congress politics and
other to the Muslim League politics. It was only
Jammu and Kashmir that for the wavering mind of
its leader failed to decide about the future of
the state which ultimately brought the issue of
accession of the state to either of the two
dominions to the United Nation's- where India and
Pakistan entered into an international agreement
for resolving the problem through a referendum.
It has been since this day that Kashmir leaders
have been divided- one believing in the finality
of accession with India and another believing
that the International Agreement between India
and Pakistan was yet to be executed. But it is
not this traditional division in Kashmir
politicians that a section in New Delhi has been
talking about coming in the way of finding an
amicable solution of Kashmir problem or that was
echoed by scholars like Prof. Rodeny Jones in the
Kashmir Conference Washington.
It is not this schism but the division amongst
Kashmir leaders espousing right to
self-determination and demanding implementation
of international agreements signed by the two
contesting countries that is being talked about
in various fora. If one analysis objectively,
Kashmir leaders are not divided on fundamentals
or basic principles that have been providing
grist to the movement they have been leading in
the state for past sixty years. The variance lies
in their approaches towards the resolution of
this problem. In 1993, the All Parties Hurriyat
Conference- conglomerate of more than thirty
parties was born. It took a departure from its
predecessor parties who demanded holding of
plebiscite in the state under the auspices of the
United Nations and instead it pleaded for a
negotiated settlement, leaving ample scope for
identifying approach roads to the resolution and
bringing flexibility in the traditional political
stand. The variability in approaches became
distinct after one faction decided to hold direct
with New Delhi without making its agenda for
discussion public and other faction made it
public that the guiding principle for all talks
should be the 'inalienable right to
self-determination' as has accrued to the people
of the state through various resolutions of the
United Nations and agreements. It also demanded
that talks should be trilateral and not
bilateral. Seen in right perspective this
variance in approach was not unbridgeable but for
the parties debating this issues in democratic
environs pursued the policy of estrangement that
widened the gulf between various factions.
My hopes brightened that a consensus amongst
leaders not only of Kashmir but India, Pakistan
and Kashmir could emerge, after a group of varied
ideologies and backgrounds hammered out a
document on the second day of Kashmir Conference
in the Capitol hill. The Conference appointed a
drafting committee for framing a declaration that
could be adopted at the end of the conference. It
consisted of Indians, Pakistanis, Kashmiris from
both the sides of the Ceasefire Line. It
consisted of people of different faiths and
varied backgrounds and outlooks. The drafting
committee comprised, Dr. Angana Chatteerji,
(Indian), Dr. Attiya Inaytullah, (Pakistani),
Raja Muzzafar Ahmed Khan (Pakistan Controlled
Kashmir), Prof. Nazir Ahmed Shawl (Kashmiri), Ved
Bhasin (Jammu), Jatinder Bakshi (Kashmiri Pandit)
and Dr. Ghulam Nabi Fai (Kashmir Diaspora).
To understand that how people with varied
political ideologies can reach a consensus on
very intricate and complex and sensitive subjects
it would be appropriate to reproduce all the nine
point prepared by the draft committee in their
totality:
1. The process of reconciliation and peace
building between India and Pakistan be expedited,
and the people of Jammu and Kashmir be
acknowledged as integral partners of the process
and acknowledged as its primary stake holders.
The parties should determine the parameters of
the process and define a time frame for its
implementation.
2. Free movement across Jammu and Kashmir be
reinstated, all traditional routes across the
ceasefire line may be reopened and made
operational.
3. The fundamental rights and freedoms of
the people of Jammu and Kashmir be ensured and
the various draconian laws be withdrawn. The
expeditious release of all detainees and
prisoners be ensured and cases against them and
those already released be withdrawn. Information
may be made available about the conditions and
fate of approximately ten thousand disappeared
persons.
4. The return, rehabilitation, and
resettlement of all internally and externally
displaced persons, including Kashmiri Pandits and
those from the border areas and ceasefire line,
be facilitated with dignity and honour.
5. For comprehensive and lasting peace in
South Asia, and a politically secure and
democratic future, the inalienable right to
self-determination of the people of Jammu and
Kashmir be recognized
and respected.
6. All cycles of violence in Jammu and
Kashmir should end and a space be created for the
conclusive settlement of the dispute in
accordance with the wishes and aspirations of all
the people.
7. Demilitarization is a necessary step for ensuring peace in the region.
8. India and Pakistan should negotiate a
treaty to create a nuclear weapons-free zone in
all of Jammu and Kashmir.
9. Trade and Tourism across the Ceasefire
Line be prompted and inflow of tourists from
India and Pakistan to both sides of Jammu and
Kashmir be allowed and encouraged.
This resolution which was called as Washington
Declaration drafted by a varied team was
unanimously adopted by participants from India,
Pakistan, and the two sides of Kashmir serves as
lodestar for Kashmir leaders. The declaration
talks about 'inalienable right to
self-determination', it talks about India and
Pakistan dialogue, it talks about reinstating
traffic along the Loc as was before restrictions
was imposed on it in fifties and many other
important. If people professing different
political outlooks could reach a consensus there
should be no difficulty for Kashmir leaders to
arrive at a broader consensus that would propel
the Kashmir politics in the right direction and
snatch the baton 'divided lot' from their
adversaries.
(Feedback at punchline_gk at yahoo.com)
______
[6]
(i)
Outlookindia.com
August 11, 2007
THE OTHER ATTACK ON TASLIMA NASRIN AT HYDERABAD
by C. M. NAIM
On August 9, 2007, the Centre for Enquiry,
Hyderabad, held a meeting at the local press
club, to celebrate the publication of two Telugu
books, both translations, one from the Bengali of
Taslima Nasrin, and the other from the Chinese
(via English) of Jung Chang. Since the two
authors are victims of persecution in their home
countries, the meeting was also a celebration of
the fundamental human right of free expression
and political dissent. The guest of honour was
the Bangladeshi writer herself, who had flown in
from Kolkota where she presently lives in a
perilous and uncertain exile.
As the meeting was coming to a close, it was
disrupted by a small mob. This is how The Hindu,
under the heading -- 'Taslima Roughed Up in
Hyderabad,' reported the main events the
following day:
'Bangladeshi writer Taslima Nasrin was roughed up
by legislators of the Majlis-e-Ittehadul
Muslimeen (MIM) and a mob led by them in the
Press Club of Hyderabad on ThursdayŠ. She had
just completed her engagement when about 20 MIM
activists, led by MLAs Syed Ahmed Pasha Qadri,
Afsar Khan and Moazzam Khan, barged into the
conference hall.
She looked in disbelief as they hurled abuses
against her. Demanding to know "who had mustered
the guts to invite her to Hyderabad, they wanted
Ms. Nasrin to be handed over to them.
Without further warning, they began throwing
books, bouquets, chairs, and whatever they could
lay their hands on at her. Some persons in the
mob almost got hold of her but Narisetti Innaiah,
rationalist and chairman of the Center for
Inquiry, who was her host, shielded her. He was
injured in his face. A couple of journalists who
went to their rescue also sustained injuries in
the scuffle.
Ms. Nasrin escaped unhurt though she was badly
shaken by the sudden attack that came minutes
after she made a categorical statement that she
would continue to fight against evil "till my
death".'
I then looked up the same news on the websites of
Hyderabad's two most widely read Urdu newspapers,
Siasat and Munsif, and also the English language
website of the former. What I found on August 10
did not come as a surprise at all. In fact, it
was as I had expected on the basis of my
experience of Urdu newspapers in Lucknow and
Delhi. But what I read today (August 11) on the
English language website indeed surprised me. It
made me aware that things have changed more
radically than I had thought.
What I read on August 10 were two fiery,
rabble-rousing statements in Urdu, but a more
professional news report in English, no different
from what I quoted above from The Hindu. Below I
give in translation portions of the two Urdu
reports. (But first an explanation of a phrase
used below. Gustakh-e-Rasul, lit. one who insults
the prophet. I abbreviate it as GR.):
1. In Siasat, dated August 10, under two headings:
'GR Authoress Taslima Nasrin Attacked with Bouquets of Flowers'
'An Observance of What the Shari'at Commands or Merely a Political Ruse?'
'. . . GR Taslima Nasrin succeeded in safely
going back from Hyderabad, despite the fact that
three MLAs, with some fifty supporters, threw
flowers at her in the name of a protest. The
shameless GR authoress, who stands next to Salman
Rushdie, was taking part in a function organized
by the Center for Enquiry at the Press Club,
Somaji Goda, when three members of the
Legislative Assembly, Muqtada Khan Afsar, Ahmad
Pasha Qadiri, and Muazzam Khan, together with
more than fifty of their supporters, arrived and,
while using abusive language, did no more than
cause a ruckus and some vandalism. All of them
were unable to harm in the slightest a GR, not
even a woman GR. A person despised in the Muslim
world, against whom fatwas to kill have been
issued, on such a person they threw [merely]
bouquets that had been placed near the stage,
when [in fact] there were not too many people
present there to protect herŠ.
Neither the police nor the Intelligence Service
knew about the presence of Taslima Nasrin. That
is why the MLAs had a fine opportunity to disrupt
her program. However, a most opportune moment to
enforce the law of Shari'a on that GR was wasted,
what they did was only for political opportunism.
The political ambitions of the protesters was
also made evident by the fact that they dared not
throw shoes or chappal at the GR who was only
three or four feet away from them, but instead
kept throwing bouquets. The Muslim Millat can
tolerate every tyranny, injustice, and
humiliation but it can never tolerate any
disrespect to the Last of the Prophets (pbuh).
Whenever anyone has shown such disrespect,
Muslims have in turn shown no fear in bringing
that person to his deserved end. It is a fact of
history that the Faithful have never worried
about consequences when it comes to punishing a
person who defames the Prophet (pbuh).'
2. In Munsif, dated August 10, under three headings:
'An Attempt to Attack the GR and "Notorious in Time" Taslima Nasrin'
'The Bangladeshi Authoress Didn't Get Even a Scratch.'
'People say: 'The confused author should have been taught a severe lesson.'
'Three members of the legislative assembly, with
some fifteen supporters, disrupted the meeting.
They raised slogans and threw a bouquet of
flowers and a ladies' handbag toward Taslima
Nasrin. Taslima Nasrin hid in a panic behind her
hosts and was not at all hurt. She was trembling
in fear even though no protesters came near her
or lay a hand on herŠ.
'Eyewitnesses say that the way this protest was
conducted made it look like a welcoming ceremony
with flowers instead. The MLAs and other
protesters threw only flowers at Nasrin. They
took flowers out of the bouquets set up in the
hall, and threw them at her. Not one of the
protesters had the courage to take off his shoes
or chappals and hit Taslima with them, throw them
at her, or at least point the same at her. It was
perfectly legitimate [ja'iz] to attack Taslima
Nasrin, to humiliate her, or to insult and mock
her in any fashion. However, the MLAs and workers
of a political party threw flowers, which had
people's minds ringing with the old song, 'Baharo
phul barsao, mera mahbub aayaa hai.'
'What should have been done instead? Taslima
Nasrin should have been dishonoured in such a
manner that henceforth she'd never dare to return
to Hyderabad. But that was not done. There was no
police officer present there. Only two persons
were trying to protect Taslima. The protesting
MLAs made a lot of noise but showed no
willingness to charge forward. Those who saw the
whole thing call it a "drama." The leaders of
this political party had thrown a pot of filth
upon the editor of an Urdu newspaper in Mahdi
Patnam, but now they showered only flowers on a
GR. Today all was possible to teach a GR and a
disparager of Islam what her end could be, but a
political party of the city wasted the
opportunity by seeking only cheap publicity. The
leaders of this party drew revolvers in their
tussle over one hundred yards of Waqf land, but
cast only flowers at Taslima todayŠ.'
Long accustomed to reading such blatantly
rabble-rousing statements in the Urdu press of
North India, I was not surprised to find the same
in the Hyderabadi Urdu press. And the more
professional report published on the English
language website of Siasat, reflective of a kind
of hypocrisy also found in North Indian Muslim
circles, came not as a surprise either. One is
always on one's best behaviour in English in
India. Or so was the case, I thought. But today's
web-edition of the English language Siasat
carries an unsigned statement concerning the
incident that tells me that things have indeed
changed radically. The statement is headlined,
'Barking dogs never bite!', and reads as follows:
'It is said that 30 minutes are enough either to
make or break anybody's career, reputation or
life. In the wake of the incident of attack on
Bangladeshi writer Taslima Nasreeen [sic] at
press club on Thursday, it is indeed unbelievable
that MIM MLAs got more than thirty minutes and
instead of using this time to its maximum damage,
they simply wasted it in chanting useless slogans
and hurling flower bouquets knowing fully that
they would get badly needed political mileage.
'They could not lift even a chair lying near by
to attack her with strong impact though only a
few persons were present there. It is nothing but
a political gimmick played on her.
'The suicide bombers in Iraq are the best example
to eliminate not only their targets but also
themselves. And they are doing so with an eye
blinker. Imagine, what could they have done if
they had 30 minutes. Religious sentiments are
totally different from the political ambitions.
'If you are religiously hurt, no might on this
earth be able to prevent you to eliminate a
person or organization that is involved in
blasphemy of prophet Muhammad (PBUH). It clearly
indicates that whatever MIM people have on their
tongue, it is missing from their hearts as the
proverb goes that barking dogs never bite.
'Now, according to Times of India and The Hindu,
they are trying to add one more 'feather' to
their cap by showing an intention to organize a
campaign against Taslima to oust her from the
country.
'When they could not utilize those thirty minutes
to oust her from this world itself, what is the
use to organize a campaign now? It is just like
an embarrassed cat is scratching the pole.
Religion is second to none to Mr. Asad.'
To my knowledge, the Munsif does not have an
English language edition. Its issue today,
however, carries an editorial, which deserves
some notice. Titled, 'The Accursed
Gustakh-e-Rasul Taslima Nasrin,' it begins by
raising a question: 'What would a true Muslim do
if he came face to face with a GR woman and there
is no "security" to protect her?' While it
explicitly recommends 'beating with shoes' and
'blackening the face,' it also uses innuendo and
'historical' references to suggest more severe
actions. For Munsif, any 'protest' must be
'punitive.' It further points out that if the
protesters were hesitant to attack a woman, they
could have brought some of their own women with
them-the MIM has its own 'women force' and women
'corporators'-and the latter could have made
Taslima a target of their wrath.
Munsif, incidentally, is owned and edited by
someone who long lived in Chicago, made his money
here, and might still be an American citizen.
That may explain why Munsif has no English
website-it could get its owner in trouble with
the American security hotheads. Siasat, on the
other hand, seems to have some ambitions to reach
out to both Urdu and non-Urdu readers on the web.
As one reads the reports and editorials in the
two newspapers one understands the true
significance of the incident and its deep links
to local political rivalries. One also sees how
violently radical the so-called Muslim-Urdu
opinion-makers have now become, and how blatantly
they go about radicalizing the public discourse
in the worst way. As Barkha Dutt, in a passionate
and hard-hitting analysis in the Hindustan Times
(August 10), points out, the incident at
Hyderabad must be taken most seriously by every
Indian. The MIM MLAs are indeed as reprehensible
as any Pravin Togadia or Bal Thackeray. They
should indeed be condemned equally forcefully and
widely. In addition to public condemnations of
the incident at Hyderabad and its perpetrators,
it is most urgent for the state and press
authorities themselves to examine the reports and
editorials mentioned above and determine if any
violation of India's secular laws has also
occurred. Similarly, Urdu intellectuals in
Hyderabad and elsewhere should undertake a more
active role in exposing and challenging the
violent and extremist views that are seemingly
becoming more acceptable in Urdu journals and
newspapers with every passing day.
o o o
(ii)
ATTACK ON TASLIMA - LOVE OF ISLAM OR LOVE OF POWER?
by Asghar Ali Engineer
It was shocking that three MLAs of Ittahidul
Muslimin in Hyderabad gatecrashed into the book
release function of her book Lajjai translated
into Telugu on 9th August and tried to beat up
Taslima and shouted slogans using unbecoming
words, even using abusing language. And all this
in the name of Islam as if Islam stands for such
hooliganism.
The party leadership instead of condemning such
wayward behaviour, approved of it and patted them
on back. They were even given hero's welcome. One
MLA even said that if Taslima comes to Hyderabad
again, she will be beheaded. If elected
representatives take law into their own hands,
there cannot be greater tragedy. If they had done
it without invoking Islam, it would have been a
different story, though equally condemnable.
Was this for love of Islam? No way. It was love
of power, pure and simple. The Party leadership
thought it is good opportunity to strengthen and
widen its electoral base. Human behaviour,
especially political behaviour is extremely
complex. Politicians, while acting in
self-interest, invoke high ideals in order to
cover up their utterly selfish motives.
Someone Imam even declared from Calcutta that he
would pay Rs.50,000/- if anyone blackens
Taslima's face. An Imam is supposed to be very
respectable and responsible person who leads
people in namaz (prayer) but also leads them in
social and political matters. An Imam’s behaviour
should be highly restrained and responsible. I
totally disagree with Taslima's views and think
she is completely ignorant about Qur’anic
teachings but that does not give anyone right to
violently attack her or incite people to attack
her.
Apart from the fact that such hooliganism is
morally reprehensible it is unwise from the
viewpoint of those who are opposed to Taslima's
attacks on Islam.
This gives her much more publicity that she
deserves. Now this attack that took place in
Hyderabad will give her worldwide publicity on
one hand, and would make her celebrity in the
eyes of those who are already hostile to Islam.
Now reams and reams of papers will be blackened
in her praise.
She would also be now much more hostile to Islam
than ever before. She would really hate Islam
because of hooliganism of some members of
Ittihadul Muslimin. If we really love Islam than
we should try to win her heart and soul through
love and compassion. And that is what the Prophet
of Islam did. It is well known story that a
Jewish woman who hated the Prophet (PBUH) used to
throw garbage on him whenever he passed from
below her house. Once when she did not throw
garbage on him, he inquired why she did not and
was told she is sick. He immediately went to
inquire about her health. She was so moved that
immediately accepted Islam then and there.
What a contrast! Those who claim to love Prophet
and Islam are attacking a woman and making her
hate Islam more than before. This is madness, not
wise behaviour and must be condemned as strongly
as possible. These MLAs and crowd accompanied
them have brought utter shame to Islam and
Muslims. It is heartening that many religious
leaders of Muslims and intellectuals have
condemned it. Maulana Mustaqim of Jamiat
–ul-Ulama-i-Hind, Shiah leader Maulana Ather
Abbas Rizvi and several others have strongly
condemned attack on Taslima Nasreen.
The book which was being released in Hyderabad
had nothing to do with Islam. It was Telugu
translation of her book on persecution of Hindu
minority in Bangla Desh. After demolition of
Babri Masjid like hooligans of Hindutva attacked
Muslims all over India and engineered communal
violence in number of cities and killed Muslims,
the hooligans of Jamat-e-Islami of Bangla Desh
attacked Hindus and demolished their temples and
set fire to their houses. In Lajja (shame) she
has condemned all this. Do we Muslims not heave
sigh of relief when some fair-minded Hindus stand
by Muslims when Hindu communal forces attack us?
Should we not stand by fair-minded Muslims of
Bangla Desh if they stand by Hindu minority?
It is true Taslima has written provocative
articles on Islam. We must counter it by arguing
on the basis of Qur’an rather than attacking her
physically, and in very dignified language
befitting a true Muslim. No one can cite a single
verse of Qur’an or any hadith to support violence
against others, even enemies, as long as they are
peaceful. On the other hand we can cite several
verses from the Qur’an, to support dignified
behaviour.
The Qur’an says, " Call to the way of thy Lord
with wisdom and goodly exhortation, and argue
with them in the best manner" (16:125). Again
what a contrast –the hooligans of Ittihadul
Muslimin beat up a woman and other journalists
and others present there. Also, Allah says in the
Qur’an "..do not be aggressors, Allah does not
love aggressors." (2:190). And even if a Muslim
renounces Islam and becomes unbeliever, no one
has right to punish him/her except Allah.
"Those who believe", says Qur’an, “then
disbelieve, again believe and again disbelieve,
then increase in disbelief, Allah is not
referring to any punishment for those who
repeatedly believe and disbelieve and increase in
disbelief, let alone human beings punishing them
of their own. Even if Taslima has ceased to
believe and has increased in her disbelief, no
one has any right among human beings to punish
her. It is matter of her conscience. All one can
do is to dialogue with her in dignified way and
then leave it to her conscience
II
Democracies in socially backward countries like
India face an acute dilemma. The entire
functioning of democracy depends on rights of
people and freedom of conscience and right to
believe or disbelieve. Both individual and
collective rights are sacred in democracy.
However, politicians greedy for votes of
illiterate masses, and even educated middle class
people, try to incite religious feelings and get
their votes. Most of the politicians find this
easy way to legislative assemblies or Parliament.
They emerge as champions of this or that religion
and grab their votes.
This is what the Sangh Parivar did by launching
an aggressive movement for Ramjanambhoomi and
demolished Babri Masjid and took pride in that
act of lawlessness and destruction. The Sangh
leaders launched not only aggressive campaign but
Sangh leaders like Uma Bharti and Sadhvi
Rithambara used abusive language against Muslims
and the Government did nothing. They allowed hate
campaign to go on.
If the authorities had taken stiff action against
Uma Bharti and Rithambara, it would have sent a
strong signal to all others that they cannot get
away with such aggressive campaigns against all
norms of democracy. Democracy cannot succeed
without following rule of law. If Uma Bharti and
Rithambara had been punished, MLAs of Ittihadul
Muslimin would not have dared to indulge in this
hooliganism.
However, as the Swedish scholar who wrote Asian
Drama observed India's is the soft government and
refuses to act until all damage is done. Taslima
Nasreen's attackers also got away with symbolic
arrest and were released on bail immediately
thereafter. It speaks volumes about our
indifferent approach and also fear of votes.
So many communal riots take place because no
guilty in the riots is ever punished. All of them
know this and have nothing to care for
consequences. And riots keep on taking place.
Mumbai riots more than 800 persons were killed,
many of them most brutally, and yet state is
extremely reluctant to act lest Shiv Sena may not
approve of it. Can this ever be the reason for
not acting at all for a democratic government?
This is indeed bad omen for Indian democracy. The
people involved in such public crimes must be
severely punished to send strong message that
hooliganism will not be tolerated in any case.
Rule of law must be applied under any
circumstances. Politicians should not be allowed
to incite people publicly to indulge in mayhem
and murder. This is repeatedly happening in our
democracy.
It is heartening sign that many religious
personalities among Muslims and secular
intellectuals among them have come out strongly
condemning this attack on Taslima Nasreen. Still
many columnists, even waiting for a day started
demanding where are those Muslims and secularists
who immediately condemn Hindutvawadis but keep
quiet when some Muslim fanatics indulge in such
extremist action. Many such columnists will come
out with many such articles and further aggravate
feelings in majority community.
We are not a mature democracy and should come out
against any act of hooliganism and violence
whosoever perpetrates it, Hindus, Muslims, Sikhs
or Christians. We must promote zero tolerance
towards any act of violence. It should be our
litmus test. If we want to enjoy fruits of
secular democracy we must shed all forms of
partisan feelings. Politicisation of religion in
our democracy has already done enough damage. How
much more damage we want to inflict?
Is any one listening?
______
[7] [Tributes to Bina Srinivasan + her last contribution to SACW]
(i)
From: Medha Patkar
Date: Mon, 13 Aug 2007 18:26:04 -0700 (PDT)
Obituary to Bina Srinivasan
Narmada Bachao Andolan
14 August 2007
It is with sad hearts that we share the news of
the unexpected demise of Bina Srinivasan. She was
a courageous and active supporter of NBA's
activities, especially in Gujarat. In spite of
the hysteria created in Gujarat against NBA, the
active involvement of Bina in the issues related
to displacement of Sardar Sarovar affected
adivasis in Gujarat spoke in itself of her
commitment to Justice, especially with regard to
gender issues.
Bina was passionate human being and hence found
herself to be closely committed to the both urban
and rural poor. She could not but jump into any
situation of crisis whether it was slum eviction
or communal violence. She stood by the struggle
of the people in the Narmada valley, in
challenging the State without any hesitation on
the issues of development and supported our
vision of alternatives.
She had written many articles and published books
on gender issues in relation to the Displacement
by dams and other projects. She was sound in
ideological issues and had a judicious mix of
activism and academics in her contribution to the
people's struggles such as Narmada, especially in
gender issues, which should inspire more people
to take the path she tred.
She had been battling with Pneumonia for the last
few days and has breathed her last on 13th August
2007, early morning. The NBA hereby express our
deep condolence and share the pain with Bina's
bereaving mother, family members and friends.
(ii)
Obituary by Nandini Oza:
Bina Srinivasan, a strong pillar of NBA in
Vadodra, Gujarat, passed away today early morning
(late night yesterday).
She was one of those very few in Gujarat who
stood through thick and thin with NBA, braving
all risks and threats right from the time of
Chimanbhai Patel when NBA was constantly defamed
and threatened. She always rushed to be with NBA,
particularly when NBA office was attacked more
than once. She spent a lot of her time working
with the oustees of Gujarat, actively helping to
make the programs of NBA in Gujarat successful,
by being part of fact finding teams during the
time of repression, worked as a translator for
many of the non hindi/gujarati speaking visitors
of NBA, was a great help during the time of the
Morse committee submissions, etc.
Her support to the NBA goes beyond all of this.
She personally helped the NBA activists and her
house in Vadodara was always open to all. Her
contribution to NBA cannot be expressed in words.
For those NBA activists in Vadodara, it is a loss
beyond repair.
Bina was not only an NBA supporter but also a
very senior women's rights activist. For many
years she was active with "Swashraya" a women's
organisation working in the bastis with the
poorest of poor rag-picking women in Vadodara.
She contributed to the women's right's movement
at the national level in a very significant way.
A writer by profession, many of her articles on
women, environment, human rights issues have been
published in national newspapers and magazines.
Her first book, "Negotiating Complexities - A
collection of Feminist Essays", was published
this year.
Since the demolition of Babri Masjid, Bina's life
and work took a new turn. Her main concern and
work since then was to fight the fundamentalist
forces in Gujarat, support the minority community
in most adverse of circumstances, during riots
and recent carnage in Gujarat.
She remained a fighter throughout her life in one
of the most oppressive and fundamentalist of
States - Gujarat.
For NBA, it is a loss of a true friend and pillar.
o o o
(iii)
Our friend & colleague Bina Srinivasan passed
away on 13th August 2007 early morning due to
severe Pneumonia, after remaining hospitalised
for two days.
Comrade Bina was a feminist writer and
researcher. She was also a Human Rights activists
and active member of People’s Union for Civil
Liberties (PUCL), Vadodara. She had worked
intensively with women's movements both
nationally and internationally. She worked with
an organisation called 'Swashraya' which focused
on women in Baroda Slums. This gave her insights
into the lives of the urban poor in Indian
cities. It also brought her to look at issues of
displacement and its specific impact on women.
Through research and activism she was involved
with issues like violence against women, impact
of conflict and fundamentalism on women. She
traveled extensively and was also part of the
Co-ordination Group of the Feminist Dialogues – a
meeting of transnational feminists that usually
takes place before the World Social Forum. She
was currently working on women who have been
internally displaced due to conflict.
Her demise is a huge loss for the Women's
Movements and the movements for Human Rights.
PUCL (Baroda) and Shanti Abhiyan, has been
meeting regularly to discuss strategies and
methods to combat the ongoing repression on the
downtrodden masses. The one of the main specific
focus of course is on communalism and the
communalization of the ordinary people,
especially the condition in Gujarat. Members and
friends of PUCL and Shanti Abhiyan, come from
various orgnisations working on various issues,
the meeting is so held to discuss and share
various issues with a larger audience, also to
work out strategies.
We are meeting on 18th August 2007 at 4.00 p.m.
at Bhoomi Putra, Bhutdi Zapa, Huzrat Paga,
Vadodara, Phone: 0265 - 2437957 to pay tribute to
our friend and fellow comrade Bina Srinivasan. We
are also going to share our activity report and
will continue our on going discussion for the
protection of the secular democracy.
Dr. J. S. Bandukawala Rohit
Prajapati Mamta Bakshi
Johanna Lokhande
Jahanvi Andharia Raj Kumar Hans
Deepali Ghelani Tapan Dasgupta and others
Activists of Vadodara, Gujarat.
o o o
(iv)
[Below is an article by Bina Srinivasan that she
sent for circulation on SACW, a week before her
death. Beena had been an the SACW list since
1998.]
8 August 2007
SANJAY DUTT IN PRISON: DANGER AVERTED?
by Bina Srinivasan
So, now that Sanjay Dutt has been convicted and
is safely away in prison, we can all breath a
sigh of relief. We face no more dangers from him.
His career is finished, whether he gets bail or
not. He might turn insane with just the worry of
it. And of course, the thought of six years in
prison. And the thought of having to live it
through in Yervada, where Gandhi had been
imprisoned by the British, having to plough
through all that Gandhi business, just because he
acted in a film centred on Gandhi that became
hugely popular. How schizophrenic can we get as
a people?
What's new, you may as well ask. Nothing, I
suppose. So many lie in India's prisons. Or, if
you like the prisons of the world.
But for a moment, when I heard CNN-IBN's
rendering of the Indian national anthem -
unbidden - there was something wet on my cheeks.
Because like all news channels, they had a whole
set of things to say about Sanjay Dutt, followed
by news about electric shocks given to young
children in a school in East Godavari, Andhra
Pradesh to help them concentrate better(!!) And,
of course, you had the teachers who had
administered the shocks saying on national
television, that they had done nothing wrong,
they were only helping the students.
Little help. Many scars. No justice.
All of it was capped by an advertisement of some baby lotion.
Neo liberal economic equality. Minus justice.
I like Sanjay Dutt's goofy look, that much I
cannot deny. But beyond that, I cannot
understand why he had to go around with arms in
his living room. Yet, I do not think he was
about to let loose a volley of bullets, or
whatever, on people.
He made a mistake, he was caught. He was at the
wrong place at the wrong time. Real criminals are
still at large. And we should know that at least
in Gujarat.
There are larger political calculations here.
Let us not forget that. Sanjay Dutt is a victim
of justice itself. When the spirit of justice is
violated in the name of keeping the word of law
intact, there is something fundamentally wrong.
Forget about SD. Let's talk about justice and
the way it operates or, actually, does not
operate in this country.
High on my list are women who have been raped and
being raped and will be raped. Remember the
Bhanwari Devi case? Remember the low conviction
rates, despite all evidence? Biases, biases all
around. And so many thousands of lives destroyed
with the blink of an eyelid.
No justice.
Our humanity is sinking to such a low. Children
are being beaten to death in the name of business
enterprise, in the name of education, morality
and what have you.
Very few protest. And there is a point of view
doing the rounds that claims that we have at last
proved that even those at the very top can be
nabbed just by putting SD behind bars.
????
Many questions. No answers.
Go on. Accuse me of being biased. Yes, I am.
Everybody is biased, one way or the other. It is
the way we define ourselves. We exclude and
include at the same time. We set moral
standards. And some standards are non-negotiable.
We live through a difficult moment in India.
Let's hope that somebody remembers the spirit of
Tagore's poem.
Jana-gana-mana.
Amen!
______
[8]
Dear friends,
We are writing to draw your attention to the
arrest of 4 activists, including 3 women, of the
NFFPFW on 3 and 5 August 2007 in Robertsganj,
District Sonebhadra, U.P., who were on a campaign
demanding the implementation on the Scheduled
Tribes and Other Traditional Forest Dwellers
(Recognition of Forest Rights) Act, 2006 We have
drafted a petition to the Chief Minister of Uttar
Pradesh demanded their immediate release. Once
endorsed, we will be personally taking this
memorandum to the Chief Minister.
Please send your support to this memorandum along
with your organisational details and contact
numbers at ntui at vsnl.net and send it to us latest
by 12 noon on 17 August 2007 so that we may take
it forward.
Do also forward this to other organisations and
individuals who would want to sign the petition
In solidarity,
Gautam Mody
Secretary
TEXT OF PETITION
13 August 2007
Sub: Arrest of 4 NFFPFW activists including 3 women on
3 and 5 August 2007 in Robertsganj, District
Sonebhadra, U.P., during an awareness campaign on the
Scheduled Tribes and Other Traditional Forest Dwellers
(Recognition of Forest Rights) Act, 2006
We are writing to draw your attention to the
arrest of 4 NFFPFW activists including 3 women of
the National Forum for Forest People and Forest
Workers (NFFPFW) during an awareness campaign on
the Scheduled Tribes and Other Traditional Forest
Dwellers (Recognition of Forest Rights) Act, 2006.
The NFFPFW is a national forum of 90 forest
rights based organisations. It works for the
constitutional and legal rights of the forest
people and forest workers who are mainly
adivasis, Dalits, Minorities and other deprived
sections. The NFFPFW is an associate
organisation of the New Trade Union Initiative
(NTUI).
Background
The NFFPFW constituent organisation, the Kaimur
Chhetra Mahila Mazdoor Kisan Sangharsh Samity
(KCMMKSS) has initiated a campaign in the Kaimur
region in Sonebhadra district of Uttar Pradesh.
The KCMMKSS is a woman led organisation.
This campaign was initiated for the forest people
to be aware of their rights, in the light of the
enactment of the Scheduled Tribes and Other
Traditional Forest Dwellers (Recognition of
Forest Rights) Act, 2006 and demand its
implmentation. The NFFPFW, in co-ordination with
many other organisations, extensively engaged
with the government in formulating and enacting
the Scheduled Tribes and Other Traditional Forest
Dwellers (Recognition of Forest Rights) Act,
2006. This Act has some possibilities for
ensuring land rights for the forest people on the
disputed forestland and thus attempts to end the
"historic injustice" against the forest people.
The land rights campaign is currently ongoing in
the villages of Jhirkam Hardi, Harra, Bilarwa,
Kodbaniya, Jomu, Bom, Bhulai, Oranwa, Oradha,
Mahua Gosain, Chanduli, Chargunj in Sonbhadra
district.
The corrupt practises of the Forest Department
and the land mafia are hindering the
implementation of the Act. In the past also, the
NFFPFW activists have worked on awareness
campaigns in this area.
The incident
On 3 August 2007, in Robertsgunj, Sonebhadra, the
police, arrested two women activists of the
NFFPFW. These women activists, Roma and Shanta,
were picked up at 9.30 am from their house in
Robertsgunj. They were made to sit in the police
station the whole day.
An F.I.R was made by the Forest Department
officials at Vindangunj police station falsely
charging them with inciting land grabbing by the
dalits and adivasis of the area. They have been
charged under sections of IPC 120B, 143, 144, 447
and 5/26 and 63 of the Indian Forest Act.
Roma is a Steering Committee member and Shanta is
a National Committee member of the NFFPFW. They
are well-known activists for settlement of land
rights of the dalits and adivasis.
On 5 August 2007, two dalit activists Lalta Devi
& Shyamlal Paswan were arrested from the market
at Ramgarh Kone, District Sonebhadra by the Kone
police. These are village level activists. They
have been charged with IPC 143, 144, 447, 120(B),
34 and IFA 1927 - 5/26 and 63.
On 4 August 2007, bail was refused for these
activists in the CJM's court in Robertsganj.
Petitions have been made to the District Judge,
the Principal Secretary (Home) and the Chief
Minister. There has been no response from the
government until now. The activists are being
harassed by new FIR's being lodged against them
in various police stations. The apprehension is
that they may be booked under the U.P. Gangster
Act.
Appeal
In view of the foregoing:
· We urge you to take immediate and speedy action
and ensure unconditional release of the activists.
· The false charges that have been framed against
them under IPC such as 120B, should be dropped and
· Dialogue with the peoples organizations resumed
to look into human rights and land rights violations
of the historically exploited and deprived advisai and
dalit communities.
Signatories:
1. Ashim Roy, General Secretary, New Trade Union
Initiative
Telephone: 011-26214538; Email: ntui at vsnl.net
--
New Trade Union Initiative (NTUI)
B-137, First Floor, Dayanand Colony,
Lajpat Nagar IV,
New Delhi 110024
Telephone: +91 11 26214538
Telephone/ Fax: +91 11 26486931
_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/
Buzz for secularism, on the dangers of fundamentalism(s), on
matters of peace and democratisation in South
Asia. SACW is an independent & non-profit
citizens wire service run since 1998 by South
Asia Citizens Web: www.sacw.net/
SACW archive is available at: http://insaf.net/pipermail/sacw_insaf.net/
DISCLAIMER: Opinions expressed in materials carried in the posts do not
necessarily reflect the views of SACW compilers.
More information about the SACW
mailing list