SACW | 16 June 2006 | Kashmir's Frozen Peace; Pakistan TV debate on Hudood; Hindutva going strong in India
Harsh Kapoor
aiindex at mnet.fr
Thu Jun 15 22:33:20 CDT 2006
South Asia Citizens Wire | 16 June, 2006 | Dispatch No. 2259
[1] India, Pakistan and Kashmir: Stabilising a
Cold Peace (International Crisis Group)
[2] Pakistan: TV Debates Take on Anti-Women Islamic Laws (Zofeen Ebrahim)
[3] Sinister Hindutva plan to repeat Gujarat in J&K (Editorial, Kashmir Times)
[4] India: Alchemy of Intolerance (Achyut Yagnik)
[5] India: How genuine was the terrorist attack
on the RSS Head Quarters in Nagpur? (Kuldip Nayar)
[6] India: Convention "Myths, Lies and The
Narmada Betrayal" (New Delhi, 18 June 2006)
[7] Public Forum: War and Peace in South Asia (Vancouver, 24 June 2006)
___
[1]
International Crisis Group
Asia Briefing No.51
15 June 2006
INDIA, PAKISTAN AND KASHMIR: STABILISING A COLD PEACE
the full report as a PDF file is available at:
http://www.crisisgroup.org/home/getfile.cfm?id=2408&tid=4173&l=1
_____
[2]
Inter Press Service
June 15, 2006
PAKISTAN:
TV DEBATES TAKE ON ANTI-WOMEN ISLAMIC LAWS
Zofeen Ebrahim - Asia Media Forum*
KARACHI, Jun 15 (IPS) - Filmmaker Hasan Zaidi is
an optimist. He is sure that debates currently
being conducted over a private TV channel could
help see the repeal of Pakistan's Hudood
Ordinances -- a set of laws based on Islamic
decrees, criticised as being anti-women.
''It will change things," the young filmmaker
predicts confidently, referring to the ordinances
that cover a range of crimes, the most
controversial being one that requires a woman to
provide four witnesses to prove rape, or face
charges of adultery -- punishable by being stoned
to death.
But the debates, conducted as part of the Zara
Sochiye (Just Think) programme of Geo TV network,
is the first serious challenge to the much
reviled Hudood Ordinances, introduced 27 years
ago by military dictator Gen. Zia-ul-Haq. ''We've
taken a good, big risk but it is worth taking,''
said a Geo spokesperson. ''The responsibility is
entirely our own, and we are very aware of that.''
The network has taken pains to convince people
that the purpose behind the TV campaign is to
provide "food for thought" and "highlight some
problems with the ordinances". It is stressed
that there is "no American hand, no government
hand, no NGO hand or any other hand".
It is natural for many in this Islamic nation to
look at the campaign with wariness. General
elections have been set for 2007 and there are
simmering internal conflicts, compounded by
anti-U.S. sentiments that are at an all-time
high. Across the border in Afghanistan, the
Taliban is slowly regaining a stronghold in some
key areas.
People have received the programme well, if for
no other reason than that Geo TV has had the
courage to bell the cat.
''I know some sceptics believe this campaign to
have the backing of the government -- so that an
atmosphere can be created for rethinking these
laws. But even if that is so, it is an important
precedent," is how Zaidi sees it.
Zulfiqar Shah, a labour activist, is one cynic
who looks at the campaign as an exercise in
futility. "Most such campaigns are coming from
outside (donor driven) and till something happens
inside, till we have a sound political basis and
people have a say in government policies, laws
such as these will remain."
"This is the first time that there is such an
open and public debate on the laws -- previously,
people and institutions, other than a handful of
rights-based organisations and women rights
activists, have shied away from even talking
about such a blatantly discriminatory and
shameful law, fearing the religious extremists,''
says Bushra Gohar, a rights activist.
Gohar hopes that, if nothing else, the debate
would "at least educate the people about how the
ordinances have reduced women's status in the
country and have legalised open and blatant
discrimination against them in the name of
religion."
For 27 years, the draconian laws have been
opposed by political parties, rights
organisations, women's groups and even the legal
fraternity. Yet, they stubbornly remain on the
statute books as they are based on Islamic
decrees.
Enforced by Gen. Haq in 1979, as part of an
Islamisation process, without public or
parliamentary debate, the ordinances were
supposed to work in tandem with the country's
secular legal system. Subsequent governments
tried to do away with them but could not get past
the religious right. Even President Gen. Pervez
Musharraf has shied away from attempting repeal.
Disturbingly, in this televised debates, the
raucous voices of religious scholars are heard
over arguments made by women's groups and
recommendations from legal eagles that are
against the ordinances.
The network's approach is to ride with the
current. Says a Geo representative: "Our tag line
asks -- Hudood Allah par behas nahin! Kya Hudood
Ordinances Islami hain?" (There is no debate on
the decrees of God but are the Hudood Ordinances
Islamic?")
The decision not to give voice to women and
rights organisations may be "strategic" as they
claim. But the campaign, while quite vivacious,
is conspicuous by the absence of female religious
scholars. "It seems as if we don't have any women
religious scholars who may also have a point of
view," commented Samita Ahmed, an architect, at
one of the debates.
One of the programme producers claims that half
the battle has already been won. "Geo has brought
various religious scholars to, at least, accept
that the ordinances, as they are -- are not
comprehensive or reflective of the Hudood set by
the Quran and Sunnah."
Zaidi views it differently. "Geo has done a good
job of exposing the shallowness of the arguments
of the ordinances' proponents such as Mufti
Muneebur Rehman. Hopefully, people can see their
merit, or lack of it, for themselves."
"I can completely understand the sensitivities
involved in questioning widely misunderstood
religious dogma but I hope it does not mean a
fait accompli amendment as opposed to a repeal,
which is what really should happen to the Hudood
Ordinances," adds Zaidi, saying the content of
some of the interviews covers this particular
weakness well.
"We leave it to the people to carry the debate
further in whatever way they choose to. Good or
bad, it's a conscious decision we have taken, to
keep it a debate,'' said the Geo representative.
"Obviously, an electronic media campaign of this
sort is positive as people get to view and listen
to both sides of the debate. However, in the
present political set-up, with the support of the
mullahs crucial to the government, it is
difficult to say whether it will have an
immediate impact on our legislators who are in a
position to have the law repealed," says Ayesha
Azfar, a journalist.
"I support the campaign of Geo in as much as the
campaign has started a dialogue and debate which
was necessary," explains Justice Nasir Aslam
Zahid, who, in 1997, had recommended a repeal of
the ordinances in his famous 'Report of the
Commission of Inquiry for Women'. "A large number
of issues are taboo in our society for no valid
reason. But with the great advances in the field
of electronic media, it is not possible to keep
the people ignorant about various so-called
sacred issues and keep a ban on their discussion."
His words are endorsed by Farah Moazzam, an
Islamic scholar who, while not in favour of a
repeal, agrees that an amendment is called for.
''The power of the media can never be
underestimated. Politically, however, it may not
serve much purpose unless there are hands behind
this campaign or Pakistan miraculously becomes a
true democracy and starts valuing the views of
people.''
(*The Asia Media Forum is a space for journalists
to share insights on issues related to the media
and their profession, as well as stories,
information and opinions on democracy,
development and human rights in Asia.) (END/2006)
_____
[3]
Kashmir Times
June 16, 2006
Editorial
A MURDEROUS PROPOSITION
SINISTER HINDUTVA PLAN TO REPEAT GUJARAT IN J&K
A day after the state BJP president repeated the
offer of a prize-money of Rs. 1 lakh for a
militant killed "in self-defence" the BJP leaders
now in Jammu, in connection with the so-called
Doda Satyagrah, have come up with a novel
suggestion reminiscent of Hitler's "final
solution" to the Jewish problem. They have held
the Congress government responsible for the
present Kashmir imbroglio, for having taken the
Kashmir issue to the UN as well as for having
failed to crush the present insurgency with a
firm hand. Since repeated governments of this
state -- of the governor, the NC and the
PDP-Congress coalition -- have failed to tackle
the situation in the last 17 years, they have
suggested that J&K be handed over to the present
Gujarat government of Narendra Modi for some sort
of a 'final solution' to the on-going problem. Of
course, one need not elaborate on what they meant
by adopting the Gujarat model of which the world
had some taste in the months following the sad
incident at Godhra railway station. In Gujarat,
however, the overwhelming Hindu mojority, aided
by the state machinery in their control, had
carried out some sort of a genocide -- "organised
genocide" of the Muslims, in the words of none
but the veteran RSS leader, Nanaji Deshmukh. In
J&K, however, their task is quite different and
far more difficult. Here the non-Muslims
constitute a minuscule minority in militancy-hit
regions of the state, while the militants are
well-armed, organised and entrenched. In order to
repeat a Gujarat in those districts the state
government, obviously in cahuts with the centre,
will have to seek the help of the state
administrative machinery and deploy the police,
the para-military forces and when necessary, the
army for carrying out the dreaded genocide --
ethnic cleansing of the overwhelming majority,
which has never been tried so far any where in
the world.
Proponents of this vicious suggestion should
remember that 'genocide' is now considered an
international crime and quite a few leaders of
former Yugoslavia, including its former
president, Milosevic, were tried for having
indulged in it. Besides, just think of the
enormity of the crime involved, the number of
people who have to be murdered or maimed to
virtually reverse the population ratio and to
permanently silence the present majority with
exemplary acts of repression. Have the advocates
of this suggestion thought of the likely
repercussion of such cruelties in the rest of
India, on the much-vaunted secular fabric of our
society? How are the persecuted community going
to re-act to the planned genocide? Look at the
experience of the Russians in Chechnya and of the
Western occupation forces in Iraq. State
terrorism always sparks off wide-spread
individual terrorism to which few states have so
far succeeded in evolving a defence. Are we
prepared for such wide-spread and continued
militancy all over the country, bringing our
present pace of progress to a virtual halt? Can
we expect the international community to remain a
mute spectator, while we indulge in mass murder?
It did not stay quiet over Bosnia, Kossovo or
Somalia? Besides, what about the long-term
consequences of waging a war on a section of our
own citizens? Till date not a single Muslim from
India has been found active in any international
terror organisation. That is because, despite a
few occasional aberrations, we have maintained an
inclusive social ethos. The more we talk of the
Gujarat pattern of solving the communal problem
the more we weaken our social foundation and
antagonise the largest minority. Like the Blacks
of the USA the 20 crore Muslims of India cannot
be got rid of. In our own interest of peace and
progress India has to integrate them within its
plural society. Let Gujarat be forgotten like a
bad dream that must not haunt us in future.
Unfortunately, not many so-called secular parties
have seriously come forward to face frontally the
murderous proposals made by the champions of
Hindutva.
_____
[4]
The Times of India
June 16, 2006
ALCHEMY OF INTOLERANCE
Achyut Yagnik
The image of Gujarat in the rest of India and the
self-image of Gujaratis are diametrically
opposite. After the events of 2002, the rest of
India perceives Gujaratis as a highly intole-rant
and violent lot; but at home Gujaratis think that
they are becoming more assertive and are ready to
fight for their rights and for the development of
their state.
The recent controversy around Fanaa and the
impassioned boycott of Aamir Khan has once again
reinforced these opposite images. There was a
time when the outside image and self-image were
identical.
The face of Gujarat for the rest of India was its
merchants. At home the hegemony of the merchant
community transformed local ethos into a
mercantile ethos resulting in a self-image of a
peace-loving and accommodative people, normally
avoiding conflict and finding the middle path.
Mahatma Gandhi built on this foundation,
developing satyagraha as a medium of protest
where non-violence and negotiation were the
cornerstones.
But changing political economy, social dynamics
and politics of culture have contributed to the
metamorphosis of Gujarati ethos into its present
cocktail of Hindutva, parochialism and violence
where the space for debate and dialogue has
disappeared.
The first assertion of Gujarati identity after
Independence was the Mahagujarat movement for a
separate state. This movement led to the
bifurcation of the bilingual state of Bombay and
establishment of Gujarat in 1960.
Communal riots followed a few years later in
1969. Though these were the first large-scale
riots after Independence the episode hardly
created ripples outside the state and the
following decade remained peaceful.
In 1980s, violence erupted again when medical
students of Ahmedabad started an anti-reservation
agitation. The first agitation in 1981 targeted
Dalits and in its second phase in 1985, though
the issue was quota for OBCs, the victims were
again Dalits and later Muslims.
From mid-1980s, Hindutva forces gradually
perfected the politics of yatras and were able to
mobilise various sections of Hindu society,
including OBCs and Dalits (who were earlier
alienated by the two anti-reservation riots),
under the banner of the Ramjanambhoomi movement.
Parallel to the yatras of sangh parivar another
agitation was taking shape under Narmada Bachao
Andolan, first for just and proper rehabilitation
of Narmada dam oustees and later for scrapping
the dam.
To counter this agitation, which was
internationalised, successive ruling parties of
Gujarat popularised the slogan of deve-lopment of
Gujarat and the Sardar Sarovar project as
lifeline of Gujarat.
As the state had experienced three years of
severe drought, it was not just the urban middle
classes but also the rural population who
increasingly viewed the Narmada project as the
only solution to overcome water scarcity and to
ensure development of Gujarat.
In such a climate, Chimanbhai Patel and BJP
emerged as an alternative to Congress and formed
a coalition government. It was essentially the
combination of two seemingly contradictory
agendas - Hindutva and Gujarati parochialism.
While sangh parivar consolidated Hindutva for its
own political gains, Chimanbhai sharpened
Gujarati parochialism where pro-Narmada dam
mobilisation provided political capital.
Through the twists and turns of state politics
and shifts at the Centre, selling the dream of
bountiful water from Narmada to people of Gujarat
continued in early 1990s, as did violent Hindutva
mobilisa-tion.
Significantly, the generation that was coming of
age then internalised this potent mix of
violence, Gujarati chauvinism and Hindutva
rhetoric.
In the 1995 assembly elections, BJP emerged as
the majority party and formed government,
inheriting Gujarati pride in the Sardar Sarovar
project as a legacy of previous regimes.
With the flag of Hindutva in one hand and banner
of Sardar Sarovar in the other they continued to
march on. After the rout in the 2000 panchayat
elections, the BJP high command decided to change
guard to prepare for the 2002 assembly polls.
Narendra Modi, who had been general secretary of
Gujarat BJP in 1980s, was brought in.
For Modi, the Narmada issue was not relevant as
Supreme Court had given the green signal for
completing construction after a delay of many
years.
But he developed the idea of Gujarati pride that
the project embodied and soon after becoming
chief minister he coined the slogan 'Our Gujarat,
Unique Gujarat'.
Later, when he was criticised for his inaction,
and even complicity, during the violence of 2002
he deflected accusations as attempts to tarnish
the pride of 'five crore Gujaratis'.
Gujarati media made its contribution by echoing
this sentiment, projecting Gujarati 'asmita' or
identity and giving no space for dissent of any
kind.
Modi's demagogy paid off and ensured political
success for him, but in the process Gujarati
parochialism became the order of the day.
This is why Aamir Khan's championing of rights of
those displaced by the Narmada dam has touched a
raw nerve and intensified the persecution mania
whipped up by the political elite, local media
and academics.
Neither Hindutva nor Gujarati chauvinism shows
any signs of abating in the foreseeable future -
any comment on this will only be interpreted as
an attempt to denigrate the fair name of Gujarat.
The writer is a journalist and human rights activist.
_____
[5]
Deccan Herald
June 16, 2006
POLICE FARCE
DRAMA IN REAL LIFE
By Kuldip Nayar
How genuine was the terrorist attack on the RSS Head Quarters in Nagpur?
A FACT-FINDING team from Maharashtra has
questioned the authenticity of terrorists' attack
on the RSS headquarters at Nagpur earlier in the
month. The team believes that the killing of
three assailants was a put up show by the police
to get a pat on the back for fighting against
terrorists. The police never cooperated with the
team. Even when it wanted to read the First
Information Report (FIR), it was refused.
The police behaviour does create doubts. But it
is becoming a familiar pattern. We know from our
experience how the police have staged false
encounters to eliminate people, especially those
against whom they have no evidence to pursue in a
court of law. The attack on the RSS headquarters
may well be a thought out plan to kill the three.
There is no reason to disbelieve the fact-finding
team's version because the members comprising it
are known social workers and human rights
activists. The fact that the police did not
extend them any help for the probe is all the
more reason to believe that they had something to
hide. The letter which the police have written to
the team before entertaining its request for
assistance is a questionnaire which is primarily
directed against the team and its composition.
I am not surprised to find that the attack story
is doubted. A few years ago, two persons were
killed at the Ansal Plaza complex basement in New
Delhi. The police version was that they had been
killed in an encounter. A doctor, who was an
eye-witness, said that the police brought "the
terrorists" in their van and bumped them off. I
filed a petition with the National Human Rights
Commission questioning the police version. The
NHRC merely forwarded the complaint to Delhi
Police which naturally confirmed its men's
version. What is the purpose of such probes? The
commission should have appointed some independent
authority.
Understandably, the RSS has not said anything. It
fits into their propaganda that terrorists are
roaming all over India since the exit of the Atal
Behari Vajpayee's government. Therefore, the
announcement by Gujarat chief minister Narendra
Modi to give Rs 10 lakh to the policemen who
killed the three assailants is not a surprise.
Modi's announcement is followed by another BJP
chief minister from Madhya Pradesh. Shivraj Singh
Chauhan's reward is also for a similar amount.
How are they justified in announcing rewards for
protecting the RSS headquarters which is in
another state, Maharashtra?
They may have wanted to placate the RSS
leadership or to make it public that the building
at Nagpur is the BJP's Vatican. But what the two
have done amounts to interference in the affairs
of Maharashtra. Law and order is a state subject
and, according to the constitution, even the
Centre has no say in it. Trying to interfere in
the affairs of another state is a serious matter
and Parliament should take notice of it. Today it
is the reward; tomorrow it can take another
shape. The BJP chief ministers may take upon
themselves the responsibility of protecting the
RSS headquarters and sending policemen from their
states as guards.
Look at this matter from another angle. If Modi
and Chauhan are justified in announcing the
reward, Maharashtra chief minister can say that
his state will honour the odd policemen who
protected the Muslims during the pogrom in
Gujarat. Things can go still farther. One state
may begin to commend or condemn the law and order
situation in another state. The two BJP chief
ministers are treading on thin ice. Modi's
reaction to the killing of some Gujarati tourists
in Kashmir was equally outlandish. Modi said that
Kashmiri goods should be boycotted. It is a
verdict worse than that of a Kangaroo court. Some
terrorists aim to disturb the tourist season in
Kashmir. Modi is playing into their hands.
They do not want any Kashmiri to do anything with
the rest of India. How is an average Kashmiri
responsible for the misdeeds of terrorists who
are probably not even Kashmiri? Modi's remedy to
punish the innocent Kashmiri for the murder by
the terrorists in Jammu and Kashmir is
pernicious. This kind of reprisal was heard only
during Hitler's Nazi regime in Germany.
What the BJP general secretary Vinay Katiyar said
and rationalised afterwards beats all. He
announced a prize of Rs 1 lakh for any civilian
who kills a militant. The pressure by the BJP
leaders forced him to make his observation
equivocal. But there is no doubt that he said so.
This is what is on record: "We all want to fight
terrorism. It is because of this that we made an
announcement today that anyone who kills a
terrorist- civilians, we are not talking of
security forces -- will get Rs 1 lakh" Left to
Katiyar, he would convert Jammu and Kashmir into
a theatre of civil war. His observation only
underlines the fascist tendencies that some
leaders in the BJP have. All this is a sad
reflection on New Delhi. When Modi says and does
anything illegal and gets away with it, where is
the centre's responsibility to uphold the
constitution? It means that the Manmohan Singh
government has come to adopt convenience as its
policy, not compliance with what the rule of law
demands.
_____
[6]
"MYTHS, LIES AND THE NARMADA BETRAYAL"
on
Sunday 18th June 2006
10:30 am- 4:00 pm
Indian Social Institute
3rd floor auditorium
10 Lodhi Institutional Area (behind Sai Baba Mandir), New Delhi
The day will be structured around 3 main sessions:
10:30-11:00 am: Inauguration
11:00-12:00 pm FAILURE OF GOVERNANCE IN THE NARMADA
This session will include exposing the myths and lies, with testimonies
from the Valley, and interventions by academicians and policy specialists.
The session will cover:
- the silence and 'games' of the government, including failed responsibility
- the denial of the Group of Minister's report: why?
- the modus operandi of the Oversight Group and its shortcomings
12:00 - 1 pm: FAILURE OF LAW AND VIOLATION OF JUSTICE
This session will reveal how the Supreme Court orders have been flouted
and how the SC has also succumbed to political pressure in complete
violation of the law. It will also discuss the continued denial of justice
not just by the Courts, but by all government agencies, including the case
of recent evictions in Delhi.
1-2 pm: Lunch
2 - 3:00 pm: THE POLITICS OF DISPLACEMENT
The politics behind the Sardar Sarovar dam are indeed complex and ugly. A
panel of select representatives of political parties and NBA activists
will share their views and discuss how human rights and the Constitution
are violated for meeting petty political interests, not just in the
Narmada, but in all projects involving displacement and evictions.
3:00 - 4:00 pm: Questions and Open Discussion
We request you to participate in this convention and express your views on
the issue, also keeping in mind the broader implications of, and
connections with, large-scale displacement and forced evictions that are
taking place all over the country. It is important for us, more than ever
before, to come together, join forces, and develop effective strategies to
counter the anti-people and undemocratic powers that be.
We look forward to your active participation and support.
in solidarity,
Vijayan MJ, Shivani Chaudhry, Rajendra Ravi, Shree Prakash
(on behalf of Delhi Solidarity Group for NBA)
For more details, please contact: 9868 114470, 9818 030423, 98682 00316,
9868 165471
Context:
Dear Friends,
As you know, the struggle of the Narmada Bachao Andolan (NBA) reached a
high point in March-April with the month long dharna and hunger strike
in Delhi. Despite three activists putting their lives on the line for
justice, despite the Group of Ministers' report on failed rehabilitation,
and despite scathing evidence against the lies of the MP government, both
the Supreme Court and the central and state governments have chosen to
ignore the truth and side with the powerful pro-dam lobby thereby silently
sanctioning the devastation of the Narmada Valley and over 35,000
families.
The way Manmohan Singh and the UPA government subverted the law and
succumbed to political pressures, shocked many. The report of the three
Ministers' team the first of its kind to the Narmada valley vindicated
what the NBA has been saying about the failure of rehabilitation, but was
conveniently swept under the rug, while Manmohan Singh refused to take
action or stand by his Cabinet colleagues; findings.
Worse still, the Supreme Court after postponing its decision for two
months, violated its own former orders and gave a clean chit to the
illegality and injustice being perpetuated by the ongoing construction of
the dam. The one alarming message that emerged from the Supreme Court's
order was an assurance to governments that they could fearlessly continue
violating the law, even when such a violation was entirely
unconstitutional and jeopardized the lives and livelihoods of thousands.
The last eyewash in this undemocratic process was Manmohan Singh's
appointment of the Oversight Group headed by V.K. Shunglu which is
merely a means to delay and deny justice to the people. While the
construction of the dam continues in violation of the Narmada Water
Disputes Tribunal Award and Supreme Court orders of 2000 and 2005, and
while the Group of Ministers has already clearly reported non-compliance
with rehabilitation laws, the survey being conducted by the Oversight
Group under the auspices of the NSSO has little purpose, apart from
allowing the construction of the dam to be a fate accompli.
The Shunglu Committee is almost done with its survey in MP and is expected
to submit its report by 30 June 2006. However, the Committee's mode of
operation and its survey methodology have been highly problematic. Surveys
have not been exhaustive or comprehensive. Instead they have been carried
out very hurriedly, in few areas, and without adequate consultation with
the people. Ignoring the suggestions of the NBA, the Committee did not
visit Gujarat and Maharashtra, which are also affected by the dam; neither
did it agree to submit an interim report of its findings.
By the time the Committee completes its final report and by the time the
Supreme Court reconvenes on 10 July to take stock of the situation, the
dam would have reached 121.92 metres and, by then, the monsoon would have
intensified in the Valley. Neither the Court, nor the Oversight Group can
control the rains. A normal monsoon would spell doom to thousands of
adivasi and farmer families, would submerge their houses, fields, and
villages, and would destroy rich archeological treasures and forests.
The situation is indeed grim.
With every democratic process failing to provide them with a just
recourse, representatives of the affected communities from the Narmada
Valley will be coming to Delhi on June 18 and 19 to stage a dharna at
Jantar Mantar, and to once again, raise their voices against this ongoing
injustice, perverse political posturing, and complete failure of law and
governance.
We, the Delhi Solidarity Group for the NBA feel that the gravity of the
current situation calls for a larger discussion on the issue with civil
society, social movements, representatives of political parties,
academicians, and other supporters.
It in this context that we would like to invite you to join us for a
Convention as mentioned above.
_____
[7]
In conjuction with the World Peace Forum being held in Vancouver
SANSAD invites the members of the community to a
PUBLIC FORUM: WAR AND PEACE IN SOUTH ASIA
Saturday, June 24
Langara College, 100 West 49th Ave, Vancouver (Canada)
Room: A 122 A
2 pm to 6 pm
Admission Free
The US, in "stretegic partnership" with India,
offers it a nuclear treaty; intensifies arms race
in the region.
In Nepal the 200-year old monarchy is facing its
end as a result of people's struggles.
The conflict in Kashmir simmers but shows hope of resolution.
Pakistan is deeply troubled with the US dictated bombings in Waziristan.
Ruthless suppression of the struggle for autonomy in Balochistan.
Peace process in Srilanka threatened.
Presentations on simmering conflicts in South
Asia, and the Quest for Peace with Justice
by:
Aziz Baloch, Hassan Gardezi, Imran Munir,
Haider Nizamani, L. Pahmayohan, Promod Puri, Sam
Samarakoon, Abi Sharma, Hari Sharma, Yoga
Yogendran
Open, Interactive discussion by the members of the community
Organized by South Asian Network for Secularism and Democracy
sponsored by Langara College Continuing Studies Department.
_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/
Buzz on the perils of fundamentalist politics, on
matters of peace and democratisation in South
Asia. SACW is an independent & non-profit
citizens wire service run since 1998 by South
Asia Citizens Web: www.sacw.net/
SACW archive is available at: bridget.jatol.com/pipermail/sacw_insaf.net/
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