SACW | 14-20 Jan. 2006 Pakistan India Sri Lanka Bangladesh - Peace, Nuclear, Human Rights, Islamists, Film Censorship

[Harsh Kapoor]

South Asia Citizens Wire  | 14-20 January, 2006 | Dispatch No. 2203


[1] Pakistan - India: The third round begins (M B Naqvi)
[2] Behind the U.S. Nuclear Deal With India (Zia Mian and M. V. Ramana)
[3] Sri Lanka: Situation Report January, 2006 (INFORM)
[4] Bangladeshi Signature Campaign Against Jamaat-i Islami
[5] India administered Kashmir:
     (i) Unabated custodial killings (Kashmir Times)
     (ii) Fast to support human rights of Kashmiri people (NAPM)
[6] Pakistan-India: May the force be with us (Neera Adarkar)
[7] Resist Film Censorship in India:
     (i) Petition against the banning of a documentary on Kashmir
     (ii) Film Screening of 'Waiting...' (New Delhi, 1 Feb 2006)


____________________________________


[1]

The News International
January 18, 2005

THE THIRD ROUND BEGINS

M B Naqvi

The writer is a veteran journalist and freelance columnist.

After two full rounds, the composite dialogue would soon enter the
third. The results so far have been disappointing. True, some Confidence
Building Measures have been implemented. The LoC now has five openings,
two or three bus services may soon begin and an agreement on two other
openings is said to be near that are especially important for Sindh.

But substantive agreements on eight recognised disputes have eluded us.
Pakistani ministers and commentators say India has not budged an inch.
The basic position remains the same to what it was in 2003. CBMs are a
different kettle of fish. India has not given any concession in any of
its earlier positions. There is ballyhoo in Pakistan about Musharraf's
regime being too flexible; many accuse the Pakistan president of having
resiled from the old principled stand: plebiscite under UN auspices.
This is not true.

Doubtless, Pakistan was disappointed by recent Indian remarks on
Balochistan. The president was 'annoyed' and 'disappointed'. Also true
that the president has been thinking outside the box and has shown
himself to be very flexible in formulating ever new proposals on
Kashmir, almost in a rapid fire fashion. Look at the realities on the
ground.

The prime minister provides background music: Pakistan will not permit
India free trade or goods transit through Pakistan or allow Indian
investors in Pakistan, or free travel by common people. These things are
contingent on India providing satisfaction on Kashmir. This is as solid
an immobility here as in India's case. Pakistan is simply not flexible,
except verbally. Even on Kashmir, Islamabad has not formally given up
the old stance. Musharraf is merely suggesting, more or less off hand,
various ideas about a possible Kashmir settlement. Objectively, both
sides have preferred the situation that resulted from the 2002 crisis to
any agreed change. They are happy to keep calibrated tensions alive.

Given the profound failure of foregoing rounds, it is hard to be
optimistic about the third. What are the reasons of this failure?
Factually, the ruling political classes in the two countries are moving
toward different goals. In India there is clarity: it is a big country
and wants to play a big role; it wants to become a global military power
so that it can influence others and to obtain possible benefits.

In Pakistan there is confusion. Where is the present regime taking
Pakistan? Is it going anywhere in particular? Being a military regime it
merely wants to survive. Even earlier there was no certainty about the
goal being pursued. Ziaul Haq wanted an Islamic dispensation. He
probably wanted Pakistan to become a leader of the OIC, as did Z A
Bhutto, who also conceived of a prominent role for it in the third world
fraternity. The earliest ascertainable goal of Muslim League governments
in the 1940s was to unite the Muslim World and hopefully to become its
leader. At present there is no clear objective or aim for national
endeavour.

One conclusion is inescapable for an impartial observer: political
classes in both India and Pakistan are quite happy as things stand.
Neither is ready for basic change. The bureaucracies of both countries
are in clover vis-a-vis bilateral relations. Every citizen has to humbly
beg for a visa. Traders need specific permissions. Bureaucratic control
and influence is increasing by the day as the world shrinks and need for
contacts multiply.

They both fear more cultural exchanges and actually discourage free
travel by the common people, though they do not admit it. These
bureaucracies act tough toward the common people. They are flexible
enough for opinion leaders and prominent people of the other country. As
for common people, they must wait for so many weeks or months for a
reply, if they are lucky. The bureaucrats are happy enough without
large-scale cultural exchanges or true normality.

It seems that the governments and political classes in both countries
are being led by invisible forces. These prosper on hostile attitudes
and contrary policies; frequent military tensions serve their interests
well. Indeed they actually profit from tensions. Elsewhere they are
known as industrial-military complexes or simply vested interests.
Clearly the ruling classes stand to become ever more prosperous with the
present policies of both states. Their chief aim is to militarise: to
become militarily stronger in either country. Military tensions are good
for all businesses.

There is a conundrum here: Unless free travel, free trade, transit trade
and more cultural exchanges take place, natural trust in each other will
continue to elude. Without substantial mutual trust the disputes cannot
be resolved. This mistrust is bolstered by old and hostile attitudes and
different purposes. The other part of the conundrum is: so long as the
present situation lasts, free trade, free travel, transit trade and
cultural exchanges cannot take place; these are the very things that are
not desired for reinforcing the hostile attitudes and differing
purposes. Besides, increasing defence spending directly benefits the
vested interests in either country.

The two governments are now part of the problem. Resolution of disputes
is desired for encouraging trade and cultural exchanges so that both
people can become materially better off and culturally enriched. But
hostile attitudes and policies prevent those objectives. The question is
why not change this reality? The answer is everything is possible if
requisite effort is made. But effort by whom? The governments have tried
and have moved in circles. They are back at the point they started from.

The real answer is however simple. It is the ordinary citizens of the
two countries who have to conceive new politics that aim at material
welfare, happiness and cultural enrichment of all the peoples. The new
politics has to specifically extend and deepen the democracy everywhere.
Politics must sharply focus on a more active role by the common man.
Each government must be forced to focus on all the rights of citizens.
The aim should be that the citizen should survive in good health and be
educated and employed. Jobs for all are the main means – in short social
security for all in both countries.

One is conscious that South Asian countries are poor and populous. Jobs
for all seem like a dream. But it may not be. Indians have already
introduced a legally enforceable 'employment guarantee' scheme. In the
next three years it will cover much of the country, even if only
partially. It is a first small step on the road to social security for
all. Even this small step is commendable. The purpose of the state
should change from power politics (throwing one's weight around) to
enabling the people to be free, materially better off with more
consumption of food and clothing and some leisure for the population.

Let the country make economic and social progress through better health
and education services. The ultimate end can only be cultural
enrichment. Each state should necessarily follow policies of
reconciliation, de-militarisation by sharply reducing military spending.
Defence budgets must come down in both countries. Where democracy does
not exist -- as in Nepal and Maldives -- and where it is partial or
defective --Bangladesh and Pakistan -- it must be made real that should
constantly be extended and deepened.

One last word. A lot of mischief is played by the word stability. What
stability? The world is today organised in a most inequitable manner. A
few great powers throw their weight around and call the shots even
inside the UN. Should these inequities be stabilised? The world must be
made more equitable and more law abiding. But by whom? Again by common
people in all the states. The need is for a less militarised world and
foreign policies of all the major countries should not be about balances
of power. Instead they should be about more economic growth and better
distribution.

____


[2]

Arms Control Today	
January/February 2006


Wrong Ends, Means, and Needs:
BEHIND THE U.S. NUCLEAR DEAL WITH INDIA

Zia Mian and M. V. Ramana

President George W. Bush and Indian Prime Minister Manmohan Singh issued
a joint statement on July 18, 2005, laying the grounds for the
resumption of full U.S. and international nuclear aid to India. Such
international support was key to India developing its nuclear
infrastructure and capabilities and was essentially stopped after
India's 1974 nuclear weapons test. India's subsequent refusal to give up
its nuclear weapons and sign the nuclear Nonproliferation Treaty (NPT)
has kept it largely outside the system of regulated transfer, trade, and
monitoring of nuclear technology that has been developed over the last
three decades.

The July agreement requires the United States to amend its own laws and
policies on nuclear technology transfer and to work for changes in
international controls on the supply of nuclear fuel and technology so
as to allow "full civil nuclear energy cooperation and trade with
India." In exchange, India's government would identify and separate
civilian nuclear facilities and programs from its nuclear weapons
complex and volunteer these civilian facilities for International Atomic
Energy Agency (IAEA) inspection and safeguarding. Yet, as they consider
the deal and ways to transform its broad framework into legal realities,
political elites in each country have ignored some crucial issues.

Policy analysts in the United States have debated the wisdom of the
deal.[1] This debate has been rather narrow, confined to proliferation
policy experts and a few interested members of Congress, and largely
focused on the lack of specific details with regard to the deal, the
order of the various steps to be taken by the respective governments,
and the potential consequences for U.S. nonproliferation policy.[2] The
larger policy context of a long-standing effort to co-opt India as a
U.S. client and so sustain and strengthen U.S. power, especially with
regard to China, has gone unchallenged. There is also little recognition
of how the agreement could allow India to expand its nuclear arsenal.

The deal has incited a wider and more intense debate in India on
questions of national security, sovereignty, development, and democracy.
Some would like to see as few constraints as possible on increasing the
future capacity of India's nuclear weapons complex, and others question
the extent to which nuclear energy can help meet India's energy needs.
Despite the many claims that the social, economic, and political
well-being of the people of India will be enhanced by this deal, there
has been little attention paid to the issue of whether India needs
nuclear weapons at all, the costly failures of the Indian nuclear energy
enterprise, and the possible harm for the people of India from a
continued expansion of the nuclear complex.
[. . .].

FULL TEXT AT:
http://www.armscontrol.org/act/2006_01-02/JANFEB-IndiaFeature.asp

____


[3]

Sri Lanka: SITUATION REPORT; JANUARY 16, 2006

by INFORM

Introduction


Sri Lanka moves into 2006 with little to be optimistic about.

The first anniversary of the tsunami of 2004 was celebrated in the south
with the state media making the universalizing declaration of 9.30 a.m.
as being the ‘moment when the first tsunami wave’ hit the island. As is
often the case, the southern reality was imposed on the north and the
east, which suffered the greatest losses as a consequence of the
tsunami, and where the first waves had hit much earlier than 9.30 a.m..

The report on post-tsunami reconstruction process issued by the
government and the major the donor agencies could not brush aside the
grim reality of the situation: that the majority of people who were
displaced by the tsunami still live in sub-human conditions, that the
basic health and education infrastructure has not been reconstructed,
that there is still no clarity regarding the permanent resettlement of
many communities whose livelihoods and lifestyles are inextricably
linked to the coast. The Disaster Relief Monitoring Unit (DRMU) of the
National Human Rights Commission which had undertaken a series of public
consultations on the post-tsunami process also submitted its report
during the last week of December. The review of the setback zones has
commenced slowly and with no transparency regarding the criteria and
rationale behind the variation of the distances between permitted
construction and the high-tide waterline, despite the fact that all
reports on the process of post-tsunami reconstruction and resettlement
point to the need to engage in decision-making through involvement of
the affected communities and
through consultative and participatory processes.

In the north and east of the island, a war of attrition is under way.
The LTTE attacks on members of the security forces moved into a new
terrain with the blasting of a soldier-laden vehicle in Jaffna on
December 4 using a remote-controlled claymore mine. In the 3 weeks since
December 23, 2005 to January 11 2006, over 100 persons have been killed
in the north and east in a series of brutal assassinations. Among them
were members of the armed forces, with the Navy bearing the brunt of the
losses, Batticaloa MP Joseph Pararajasingham, students, civilians and
members of the LTTE as well as of paramilitary groups.

The situation has led to a heightened sense of insecurity and tension
among all sectors of the population living and working in those areas.
Reports from November and December about reports of missing persons
trigger off memories of past experiences in which large-scale
disappearances were commonplace. The National Human Rights Commission
reported 25 cases had been submitted to its office in Jaffna alone. In
the south, too, the rising death toll among the armed forces and the
return of the culture of body bags is sending alarm signals through
entire communities. Several international NGOs temporarily withdrew
staff members from offices located within the peninsula and even the
SLMM in Jaffna called on its members to remain within their offices and
not go out on investigations, due to the insecure situation. The attack
on the SLMM office in Batticaloa on the night of the 14th January set
off a new wave of anxiety regarding the stability of the Ceasefire
Agreement.

In Colombo, several cordon and search operations, among them a series
curiously named ‘Strangers Night’ saw over a thousand men and women
taken into custody, questioned, fingerprinted and photographed on the
basis that their presence in the city was not reasonably accounted for.
Many civil society groups who accept that security considerations at the
present moment call for stringent measures have asked for consideration
of provision of basic facilities for those being held in Police Stations
prior to their status being clarified. On December 31, almost 1000
persons were taken in for questioning in 6 Police areas in Colombo:
Bambalapitiya (Colombo 4), Wellawatte (Colombo 6), Maradana (Colombo 10)
Grandpass (Clombo 12), Kotahena (Colombo 14), Mutwal (Colombo 13), . In
each Police Station, over 200 persons had to stand for the greater part
of the day in crowded spaces, with no water or toilet facilities, in
their night clothes. Those who needed regular medication had no access
to their drugs. Of this number only 53 were detained for further
investigation, and at least half of this number too were released within
a day. Although Police officials have maintained that these operations
are aimed at seeking out criminals and ‘anti-social elements’, members
of the Tamil community have affirmed that the majority of those affected
by these cordon and search operations have been Tamils. Among the
concerns have been raised have been for example, the basis on which
identities may be established if National identity Cards are not
available. In particular this situation could have negative consequences
for those coming from areas under LTTE control where the normal
procedures for verification of identity, through the Police, would not
be possible.

The increasing insecurity and constant threats of violence has led to an
exodus of families linked to the LTTE from the Jaffna peninsula to the
Vanni during the last week of December. On January 3, Sinhala and Muslim
students enrolled in the University of Jaffna (Vavuniya Campus) handed
over a petition to their supervisors stating that the security situation
made it difficult for them to remain in Vavuniya and left in the middle
of their examinations. In the last days of December, over 700 Muslim
families from Thoppur in Trincomalee abandoned their villages following
threats from the LTTE as a consequence of the assault and murder of an
LTTE cadre by the villagers in the previous week. Once they had left
their village, the barbed wire fences around their paddy fields had been
removed, enabling cattle to enter the fields and destroy the harvest
which was due to be brought in, in early January.

The peace process remained stalled, ostensibly locked in a stalemate
over the venue for the next round of talks, but in fact laying bare Sri
Lanka’s dependence on the international community to break the impasse.
The President made his first official visit outside the country to
India, affirming his elections pledges that India would play a critical
role in the political and economic scenarios of Sri Lanka. However, the
response from the Indian government has been cautious; facing state
elections in Tamilnadu in March, the central government of India cannot
afford to be seen to be anti-Tamil. In Tamilnadu, pro-LTTE groups were
able to prevail on the situation and Chief Minister Ms. Jeyalalitha had
to refuse a request by Sri Lankan President Rajapakse to travel to
Chennai and meet with her. The Indian government has urged resumption of
peace talks between the government and the LTTE and affirmed the role of
Norwegian facilitation.

It now seems as if we are to await the arrival of the Norwegian
facilitator, Minister Eric Solheim, in Colombo on January 23, to see
some of these problems resolved. It is likely that Mr. Solheim will
present several different options for a venue for the talks and also
officially present the credentials of his successor as the first-level
facilitator on behalf of the Norwegian government. While Mr. Solheim’s
new portfolio as Minister of International Development will not permit
him to devote as much time as he did earlier to the Sri Lankan peace
process, this will also present the JVP with a face-saving device to
accept Norwegian facilitation that will not include Mr. Solheim in the
frontline.

A critical factor that impedes the peace process at the broader level is
the lack of clarity regarding the team that will be fielded by the
government to the negotiations, or the core of their negotiating
position. Comments made by the special Defence Advisor to the President,
former DIG Kotakadeniya, that the government should act forcefully, even
going back to war, in order to take back the lands forcibly occupied by
the LTTE in the North and East, displayed a level of insensitivity and
lack of understanding of the situation on the ground that surprised many
observers. The absence of any government representative at the funeral
of Parliamentarian Pararajasingham was another indication of how poorly
the present situation is being read by those within government circles.

The political scenario in the south remained fraught with many tensions.
Despite regular rhetorical comments regarding the advantages of
bipartisan politics, both the SLFP and the UNP are locked into internal
power struggles which leave the leadership with little room for
manoeuvre at the national level. Both the President and the Leader of
the Opposition, Ranil Wickremasinghe, face challenges from within their
parties and must act strategically to consolidate their hold on power
within the party structures. In the meanwhile, the business of governing
the country and on making key political decisions regarding the economy
and the peace process seem to be largely pushed into the background. The
institutionalization of the RADA, or of the Tourism Authority, the
amending of local government elections laws to enable the process of
holding local government elections in March to commence, the appointment
of a team of negotiators to meet with the Norwegian facilitating team
and with others in the international community who are committed to the
peace process or building bridges with civil society organizations
working for peace in Sri Lanka have all been critical areas that have
been neglected in the past month since the new President assumed office,
to the detriment of the country. The spiraling violence affected the
stock market negatively and tourist arrivals in the high season period
from October to January have been recorded as at least 40% below
pre-tsunami levels.


Information and misinformation fueling the conflict:

Several incidents in the past two weeks point to the ways in which the
war is also being waged in the media, and through the dissemination of
misinformation or inaccurate facts regarding any particular incident.
The differences in which the same incident is reported by the Sinhala
and English press, and by the Tamil press point to the deep divisions
and polarization that have become a common feature of modern Sri Lankan
society. For example, the assassination of MP Joseph Pararajasingham was
attributed to the LTTE by one group of journalists, while the hero’s
tribute awarded to Mr. Pararajasingham by the LTTE has been viewed by
many others as undermining this argument. On December 23rd, newspapers
reported the killing of 5 LTTE cadres including one woman by the army in
the Jaffna Fort area. It later transpired that at least two of the dead
were innocent civilians caught in a crossfire. One of them, for example,
was a night watchman at Central College, Jaffna, and had been on his way
to work when he was killed. On December 24th, reports of some charred
bodies found in the gutted homes of the 100 houses resettlement project
in Nadukuda, Mannar were attributed to an LTTE death squad. Later
reports indicate that the houses were set on fire in an act of
retaliation for the claymore attack that killed 13 Navy men in Pesalai
on the previous day and that 4 members of one family who had been
reported missing had probably been burned to death inside the huts. 11
persons in this IDP settlement had to be treated in hospital for
injuries sustained during the attack by Navy personnel. On January 3,
newspapers first reported that 5 LTTErs in Trincomalee had been killed
when a grenade they were carrying exploded. The postmortems on their
bodies showed that those dead were students who had been killed by
gunshot wounds to the head; this corroborated a report that they had
been shot and killed by a group of armed men who turned up on Dutch Bay
road in Trincomalee after the grenade explosion.


Post tsunami scenario:

The disbanding of TAFREN, the institutional mechanism for post-tsunami
reconstruction, and the creation of a new Reconstruction and Development
Authority (RADA) has done nothing to shore up flagging confidence in the
post-tsunami reconstruction process among tsunami affected communities.
RADA was created by Presidential Decree on November 29, and is to
function under the direct purview of the President and is headed by
Tiran Alles, hand-picked by the President for the post. Thus, whether
this institution too will function, as did earlier mechanisms set up to
deal with post-tsunami relief and rehabilitation, without reference to
elected representatives of the people at the local level and to
government officials remains to be seen.

The revision of the buffer zone has begun, with some specifications
being laid out: for example, in some areas in Tissamaharama and
Hambantota in the South, as well as in Kallady in the East, people will
not be allowed to reconstruct houses within 125 meters of the high tide
waterline. In other areas, such as in Kalutara, the setback area is 35
meters. In Colombo city and in the coastal areas north of Colombo right
up to Negombo, the setback line is 55 meters. The finalizing of the
buffer zones, which will be a time consuming and complex task, will be
done at each Grama Sevaka Division (lowest local government level).
It is estimated that approximately 11,000 more people will be able to
rebuild their own homes on their own land, as a consequence of this
decision. For those who did not own the land they had lived on, if they
were squatters, they are entitled to a permanent house under the
re-housing grant supported by NGOs. If they were tenants, of renting the
premises, they are not entitled to any resettlement support. This
remains one of the most grave injustices of the policy as implemented so
far since many public servants, especially those in the health and
education sectors, live in various provincial towns on rent while they
are working in that particular area.

The tug of war between the National Child Protection Authority and the
Department of Probation and Child Care Services over tsunami orphans was
at least temporarily ceded to the DPCCS due to lack of human resources
at the NCPA. Of the 1071 children who lost both parents, 500 remain in
foster families without a Fit Persons Order having been granted. The
DPCCS is committed to expedite the issue of these Orders in order to
regularize the situation of the orphans.

There have also been some complaints regarding the disappearance of
children from tsunami camps and shelters. Child conscription in the
Eastern province, and trafficking for exploitation of labour or for work
as sex workers are cited as being possible arenas within which these
children may be located. It is unclear how this situation takes place,
but reports of two children, alleged to be tsunami orphans, found
wandering in Ambalangoda and handed over to the Balapitiya Police
suggest that the supervision and control of these sites is not satisfactory.

In a series of consultation that the Save the Children organization did
with over 250 students affected by the tsunami clearly showed children’s
concerns: they spoke of the poor facilities in their schools – no
toilets, no water supply, temporary structures with no door or walls so
stray cattle get in and eat their books. In addition, they said there
was a sever shortage of teachers in their schools. This was true in
Hambantota as much as it was in Kalmunai. This seems specially ironic in
the face of a report from the Ministry of Education that states that the
teacher-student ratio has never been as low as it has been in the past 5
years, with 21 students for every one teacher.


Democratic structures:

Civil Society observers have been disturbed by reports that the
appointment of the Police Commission would be delayed until the law
could be amended to enable the Inspector General of Police to be a
member of the Commission. In earlier discussions regarding the Police
Commission, the argument against such an amendment had been clearly
made, on the basis that the participation of the IGP would inhibit
processes within the Commission and also affect its impartiality.

Local government elections, due in March/April, also call for legal
processes for example to invalidate the lists of candidates submitted by
political parties for the local government bodies of the north and east
which are already very dated due to the regular cancellation of local
government elections in those areas. Election monitoring groups such as
PAFFREL and CMEV have called for a postponement of the elections until
accurate electoral registers can be compiled; this is in the wake of
many complaints, especially from voters in the Colombo District, that
they had been deprived of their right to vote at the Presidential
Elections of 2005 due to improper maintenance of the registers.


Violence against women:

In the south, it is claimed that complaints of intimidation made by the
woman who was raped at the Katunayake Airport by officials were not
addressed seriously by the Police. The case is due to come up on January
30. The rape of a woman in the central bus stand in Pettah on the night
December 26 is the latest in a series of attempted rapes and rape of
women in this location. The situation makes it clear that there need to
be special measures taken to provide adequate protection for women
passengers who are left stranded in the bus-stand late at night or
arrive there very early in the morning from the provinces.

The rape of .. Tharshini, in Punguduthivu, around which there was much
public agitation in Jaffna a few weeks ago has also vanished from the
radar.

There have been also some reports of sexual harassment of women in the
course of cordon and search operations in Jaffna, from the Vadamarchchi
area, and from Mannar. The National Human rights Commission has received
complaints in this regard and is said to be investigating them.


Law and order:

The murder of Lalith Dharmaratna, Factory Superintendent at the
Sevanagala Sugar Factory, who was found shot and killed while in his
quarters, has led to a sense of insecurity among the senior management
of the factory. Labour unrest immediately after the Presidential
election had led to the temporary closure of the factory; the factory
had been re-opened recently. The management is now expressing its
concerns regarding the security of senior officials in the wake of this
killing.

On December 30, newspapers reported that the nude bodies of two young
men had been found in Hanguranketha. This scenario brought back memories
of previous periods of terror in our society when this dumping of dead
bodies in public places became a daily phenomenon.

In Vanathamulla, in Colombo 8, a group of Policemen who carried out a
raid on a group of persons said to be involved in the drug trade were
attacked with stones and had to abandon the suspects and flee. When
looked at in tandem with the report that six Police officers have been
taken into custody in December in connection with their covert support
for persons arrested and detained for drug-related offences, this
incident can be understood as a clear example of the breakdown of public
confidence in the law enforcement agencies and of the inability of law
enforcement officers to actually carry out their duties free of
intimidation and violence.

____


[4]

BANGLADESHI SIGNATURE CAMPAIGN AGAINST JAMAAT-I ISLAMI


To:  All Bangladeshis

We Bangladeshis show our disgust for the Jamaat-i Islami's barbaric role
in 1971. We detest their killing of our brothers and sisters. We also
detest what they are doing to our Bangladesh in the name of Islam. They
have killed and aided in killing thousands of Bangladeshi intellectuals
during 1971. Now they are working to destroy democracy in Bangladesh.
They must apologize for what they did in 1971. We demand a ban on
religion-based politics. We reject the constitutional changes that
allowed religion-based politics.

Please sign this petition to create awareness among people about this
situation, and please pass this on. Let us once again be proud of a
secular Bangladesh.

Please go to this link and sign the petition:
http://www.petitiononline.com/NoJamaat/petition.html

Regards.

Fatemolla.


____


[5] RIGHTS VIOLATIONS IN KASHMIR

(i)

Kashmir Times
19 January 2006

Editorial

UNABATED CUSTODIAL KILLINGS

Such abuses are consequences of 'bullet for bullet' rhetorics
New Delhi's claims that human rights violations are on the decline ever
since September 5, when the Mirwaiz led Hurriyat delegation met the
prime minister, are misleading. For one, there are no statistics to
support this claim. Secondly, the continuum of stress, fear psychosis on
people of Kashmir, caught between militants and counter insurgents, as
well as reports of incidents of human rights abuse at the hands of
security forces offer a totally contrasting picture than the one wished
by the Centre. Thirdly, a mere four month period is too short to jump to
conclusions that violation of human rights are on the decline. New
Delhi's lack of sincerity in dealing with cases of abuse by security
forces is self evidentiary by the double speak of bringing human rights
violations to the zero level on the one hand, and pursuing the
belligerent bullet for bullet policy on the other hand. While bringing
down the level of abuse by security forces would require greater
restraint, the typical pro-active militarism only gives a free silence
to the security forces to kill and torture anybody they feel like. The
latest incident, clouded in controversy, in Chatripora-Shopian is a case
in point. While the security forces have claimed that they killed three
militants in an encounter, villagers have protested against what they
described as a fake encounter, which claimed the lives of three village
youth killed in custody. The identity of the three slain persons, as
disclosed by the security forces, is absolutely different from the
claims of the villagers, which raises doubts about the intentions of the
army and other security forces, who still seem to be working with the
old mindset of passing off innocent killings as encounters.
This is not the only incident of its kind. During the last four months,
there has been a high incidence of reports of custodial killings and
harassment and torture to youth. In the last one week alone, at least
three to four similar cases have been reported from different parts of
the Valley, making the concerns of Kashmiri separatist leaders including
the Mirwaiz led Hurriyat genuine. Strangely, New Delhi's latest piece of
rhetoric does not include asking forces to show restraint. It only talks
about the directions from the Centre to security forces to immediately
order probes in complaints of human rights violations and complete
investigations within 90 days. Going by the sixteen years old history of
insurgency in the state, this may be a step forward. As compared to the
previous years of militancy when any allegations of abuse were dismissed
as false as soon as these were made public, the security forces may have
moved a step forward by at least ordering probes and coming out with
reports in the last one year or so. But that these probes, as claimed by
the Centre are transparent, may be a wishful thinking. There is no
transparency in the proceedings of investigation ordered by the security
forces. With security forces judging the deeds and actions of their own
men, there is all probability of the investigations being lopsided,
which has been the case with several such incidents in the past
including the infamous Badar Payein rape allegations. Obviously, there
is still a lot more that needs to be done on the human rights front. The
human rights track record cannot be improved with the Centre blowing its
own trumpet. It needs action with reduction in number of forces, greater
restraint coupled with more transparency in not just investigation of
allegation against the forces but also the encounters and crackdowns
that take place in the Valley and other militancy infested parts of the
state. As long as the bellicose rhetoric of bullet for bullet policy is
allowed to rend the air by politicians or top helm of security forces,
there can be no expectations of improvement in the scenario.


o o o

(ii)

CAMPAIGN: Fast to support human rights of Kashmiri people
Dr Sandeep Pandey, National Convenor
National Alliance of People's Movements (NAPM)
----------------------------------------------

FAST TO SUPPORT HUMAN RIGHTS OF KASHMIRI PEOPLE

January 30, 2006
10am to 4:30pm
Rajghat, New Delhi

               A one day fast is being organized at Rajghat, New Delhi
on 30th January, 2006 from 10 am to 4:30 pm in support of the human
rights of citizens from Kashmir. Whereas the Government of India and
almost every political party in India very assertively claims Kashmir to
be an integral part of India, when it comes to trusting them as equal
citizens, the Government and political parties of India are less than
generous towards the people of Kashmir. Immediately after every
terrorist attack, even before a full enquiry has been made, a J&K link
is publicized, with mass media becoming a pliable instrument in the
hands of the State, and views of common public are further biased
towards people of Kashmir. In some cases, the most notable example being
the implication of S.A.R. Geelani in the Parliament attack case, we have
seen how cases are fabricated against Kashmiris. Kashmiris face human
rights violations not only inside Kashmir at the hands of the police,
the military an
  d
  militants but also outside Kashmir. Kashmiris are looked at with
suspicion and often subjected to humiliating questioning. The Kashmiris
living in a place like New Delhi are routinely harassed before every
15th August and 26th January and these occasions become a good excuse
for extortions from them. Kashmiris have difficulty in obtaining a house
on rent, getting admission for their children to schools, buying
vehicles, etc.

   There is the more serious issue of disappearance of thousands of
people, especially youth, from Kashmir. Custodial killings are also very
common in Kashmir. Just like in the North-East,the military does not
have to keep a record of firings in Jammu & Kashmir as well.  As a first
step towards bringing normalcy to Jammu & Kashmir, the military must be
held accountable.

   It is to defend the human rights of the people of Jammu & Kashmir
that this fast is being organized. We believe that India and Pakistan
have to find a political solution to the satisfaction of people of Jammu
& Kashmir as soon as possible so that the troubles faced by Kashmiri
people inside and outside of Kashmir must come to an end permanently.


Asha Parivar, National Alliance of People’s Movements, INSAF, PEACE, Lok
Raj Sangathan, Association for India’s Development, Nature Human Centric
People’s Movement

Contact: Faisal Khan, 9313106745, Mayank Singh, 9818361619, Sandeep
Singh, 9868413332, Kaushal Kishore, 9810405050, Rajeshwar 9871602612
Email: aid_rajeshwar at yahoo.com



____


[6]

DNA
15 January 2006

MAY THE FORCE BE WITH US

Neera Adarkar

Last week, seeing the crowd at Mumbai airport's arrival lounge, the
eight-year-old nephew of our Pakistani friend, Anees, clenched hisjaw
and asked, 'You think they'll attack us?' Shocked, Anees replied, 'But
why would they?' 'Because they wage war against us.' Later, after
spending some time with us, he had another doubt, 'All your friends are
so nice, but do they know we are Muslims?'

These exchanges reminded me of the time when had I returned from my
first visit to Pakistan, back in 1996. Among the questions directed my
way was one by a journalist: 'Had I faced any violent attacks?'

Pakistan and India have created so many such stereotypes about each
other that questions such as these have ceased being funny. One of the
Indian journalists who went to cover the last cricket series was
cautioned before his departure. Now, on his second trip, the same
friends are asking him to help them get visas to visit Pakistan. The
destruction of such stereotypes can only happen with people-to-people
contact, a buzz phrase now but far less pervasive when, in 1994, a
handful of individuals from both sides met in Lahore to start the
Pakistan-India Peoples Forum for Peace and Democracy (PIPFPD). That was
a period when Indo-Pak relations were suffering from a particularly
intensive low, when, post-Babri and post-riots, Islamic and Hindu
fundamentalism had been ratcheted up to all-time high levels.

That did not kill the feeling that the time was ripe for
people-to-people initiatives that would enable ordinary folks in both
countries to listen to voices that were different from the belligerent
ones speaking for the respective governments. That there is a large and
increasing constituency of such people in both countries is clear from
the response PIPFPD has received since its birth.

Our activities are not limited to the intelligentsia; we have Indians
from all walks of life showing tremendous interest in interacting with
their counterparts in Pakistan. These people initiatives have a unique
value because they can attack stereotypes without getting entangled in
the prevailing official positions, or for that matter patriotic fervour.
They draw upon professional and political resources from a much wider
spectrum than the government is capable of or willing to.

However, these fledgling people initiatives are fragile, and they can be
undermined by the environment of animosity and distrust that still
dominates Indo-Pak relations. Any incident involving the ?other side?
creates a setback, temporary though it may be.

There is a criticism that peace activism is an elite involvement. That
it is not was brought home to us by December?s week-long peace march to
the Rajasthan-Sindh border, organised simultaneously by PIPFPD in both
countries (from Jodhpur to Munabao and from Karachi to Khokrapar).

Thousands of villagers from both sides marched up to the respective
borders and, standing 500 metres apart, raised the demand for a rail
link that would connect Munabao and Khokrapar.

Keeping them apart were the armed forces of India and Pakistan. The
villagers sang, danced, flew kites and balloons and waved banners. As
darkness fell, candle lights from here and campfires from there
challenged the bright lampposts and electrified fences that separated them.

/The writer, an architect and urban researcher, is a member of the PIPFPD./



____


[8] RESISTING FILM CENSORSHIP IN INDIA

(i)

Dear Friends,

Please do support our democratic right to self expression.
The censor board is used by the Government to hide its misdeeds.
I am forwarding an appeal please do take time to sign the petition.
thanks
atul


An online petiton has been created to protest against the decision by
the revising committee of CBFC to 'ban' Atul Gupta's film titled --
Waiting...
*Kindly sign the petiton and pass on the information to other friends *
in India and internationally who might join the protest.

We are seeking an appointment with the Minister (I&b) over the issue
and plan to hand over the petition with all the signatures to him
during the meeting. Since this could happen in the next few days,
please remember to sign the petition at the earliest.
The online petition is available at:
http://new.PetitionOnline.com/waiting/petition.html

In Solidarity,
Rahul Roy

____


(ii)

FILMS FOR FREEDOM, DELHI, CORDIALLY INVITES YOU TO THE SCREENING OF THE
DOCUMENTARY Waiting...

Waiting...a documentary on disappearances in Kashmir has been refused
a certification by the Revising Committee of the CBFC on the grounds
that "the film does not deal with the complex and poignant situation
in Kashmir in a comprehensive manner (letter dated 13.12.05. from CBFC
to Atul Gupta)." The Revising committee did not give any hearing to
the producer/director who was present and available, which is legally
untenable.

Just a year back another documentary, Final Solution, was meted a
similar treatment but the government had to buckle in under public
pressure and grant the film a certification without a cut when a few
months earlier the film was judged by the CBFC as not fit for public
exhibition. And now it is the turn of this new film that takes a close
look at the phenomena of the disappearance of people in the conflict
ridden state of Kashmir.

Waiting... is directed by Shabnam Ara and Atul Gupta and produced by
Delhi Biscope Company Pvt. Ltd.

Venue: Womens Press Corps. 5 Winsdor Place, (at the Janpath Ashoka
Road round-about), New Delhi

Date: Wednesday, 1 Feb, 2006

Time: 3.30 pm

Synopsis:

This is a story of missing people, boys and men who were picked up by
security forces and then simply disappeared. Sandwiched between
India  and Pakistan , Kashmir  is the battleground for both.
Since the men are missing, not declared dead their wives are not
widows but 'half widows.'
The women and children tell their own stories. As the years have gone
by, many have learnt to survive while others are still caught in
conflicts with their in-laws, the state, religion and daily
livelihood. These women are true survivors of a cruel period in the
history of this 'paradise on earth'.


Amar Kanwar/Atul Gupta/Gargi Sen/Nakul Sood/ Raj Baruah/Rahul Roy/Saba
Dewan//Sanjay Maharishi/Sabeena Gadihoke/Shohini Ghosh/Uma Devi


_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/

Buzz on the perils of fundamentalist politics, on
matters of peace and democratisation in South
Asia. SACW is an independent & non-profit
citizens wire service run since 1998 by South
Asia Citizens Web: www.sacw.net/
SACW archive is available at: bridget.jatol.com/pipermail/sacw_insaf.net/

DISCLAIMER: Opinions expressed in materials carried in the posts do not
necessarily reflect the views of SACW compilers.