SACW | 01 Dec. 2005
Harsh Kapoor
aiindex at mnet.fr
Thu Dec 1 08:18:35 CST 2005
South Asia Citizens Wire | 01 Dec, 2005 | Dispatch No. 2182
[1] Wave of Fascist violence in Bangladesh
(i) Confronting the so-called religious extremism (Muhammad Nurul Huda)
(ii)Suicide-bombings in Bangladesh (Daily Times)
[2] Kashmir Quake: Crisis as an Opportunity (Gautam Navlakha)
[3] Pakistan-India: Pakistani Theatre Group humiliated in Lucknow by WIPSA
[4] India: 20 Years on, Narmada People Resolve to Intensify Struggle
[5] India: Sex and Sensibility in Tamil Politics (S Anandhi)
[6] India: India not ready for gays . . . says supreme court(G
Ananthakrishnan)
Upcoming Events:
(i) World AIDS Day (Banaglore, 2 December 2005)
(ii) Discussion with Aditya Nigam on his book 'The Insurrection of
Little Selves: The Crisis of Secular nationalism in India'.(Delhi, 11
Jan 2006)
___
[1] [WAVE OF FASCIST VIOLENCE IN BANGLADESH]
(i)
The Daily Star
November 30, 2005
CONFRONTING THE SO-CALLED RELIGIOUS EXTREMISM
by Muhammad Nurul Huda
Unprecedented violent actions resorted to by the so-called religious
extremists belonging to at least two outfits have now engaged the
attention of every section of our society. Of all concerned that was and
is affected by the mindless violence of the zealots, the government of
the day does not appear as alert and proactive as desired in a
democratic polity. A sudden spurt of activities by the Ministry of Home
Affairs and the alleged gearing up of the agencies under its control has
been made possible only after the mainstream judiciary has been the
pathetic target of the perverse bigots.
It is unfortunate that doubts are still being nursed by many
knowledgeable quarters that the government is not serious about fighting
the so-called religious extremists because that might adversely affect
its electoral prospects in the not too-distant election.
Resolve and appreciation
Whether in fighting or controlling or even containing the so-called
religious extremism, the first step is to understand and appreciate the
very prevalence of such elements in a given society and its pernicious
effects on the way of life of the citizens. Unfortunately, in
Bangladesh, we have been perilously late in awakening to the realities
on ground. This is not to discredit anybody or apportion blame to any
particular political party because the growth and muscle flexing of the
obscurantist elements has not been limited to the tenure of one regime.
Cumulative inaction of the regulatory authority resulting from a lack of
appreciation by policy-makers about the mindset and modus-operandi of
the extremists has brought us to the present state of affairs.
We need to be clear and definite about the threat perception. This is
crucial because one cannot possibly treat a disease by denying its very
existence. So from vague generalities if one has to venture into
meaningful specifics, one can not but make a pointed reference to our
constitution. This is obvious because our constitution is still the way
of life the citizens of Bangladesh have chosen for themselves and the
constitution remains the solemn expression of the will of the people and
the supreme law of the Republic. Article 11 of the said constitution
says "The Republic shall be a democracy in which fundamental rights and
freedoms and respect for the dignity and worth of the human person shall
be guaranteed."
However, as against the above position, one of the extremist outfit's
bulletin of August 22, 2005 says that "In a Muslim land there can be no
other law except the law of Allah ... The constitution is composed by
some wilful sinner ... The ruler of our country is an opponent of Allah
because the procedure of selection of all organs of the government is
made by a completely non-Islamic system ... The activists of Jamatul
Mujahideen Bangladesh are soldiers of Almighty Allah. They have taken up
arms to establish the rule of Islam." The bulletin was spread throughout
Bangladesh during the countrywide bombing of 17th August last.
The strategy
The constitutional position vis-a-vis the programme of the extremists
leave no room for any ambiguity. While at the macro-level it may be a
matter of political direction to sort out disagreements through dialogue
and persuasion, the field-level operatives, both in uniform and
plainclothes must have clear directives and plan of action for
preventing violent subversive actions. This is all the more significant
now because the new enemy has an emotional and religiously sensitive
alignment with the common folks of the country. One must not be
oblivious of the fact that the enemy combatants are entrenched in places
and institutions that are traditionally respected and revered in our
society.
As part of strategy, the enforcement apparatus should succeed in
separating an act of violence from its so-called politico-social context
and thus criminalise a certain mode of political expression. In
Bangladesh's context this line of action would be very appropriate
because there is a greater need to reject the religious extremists'
right to legitimise violence as part of a larger social movement.
The so-called Jihadists must not be bracketed with political dissenters,
although such differentiation becomes difficult from an enforcement
point of view. Laws to be made for dealing with religious extremists
should be such as to distinguish them from constitutionally oriented
political elements.
The above has been emphasised upon because the mission and strategy of
our crime-fighting and intelligence organisations had not been stable at
least insofar as the domestic threat scenario is concerned. Those have
invariably substantially changed with the change of a political
government. It has been our unfortunate experience to witness the
differing political agendas often clouding the pragmatic understanding
of our real national interests.
The patrons and harbourers and proscription
In order to apprehend and to effectively punish the extremists, the
definition of extremism or terrorism should be expanded to an act of
association with an extremist group. The objective should be to include
patrons and harbourers of the extremists and fringe supporters within
the ambit of the law. The regulatory authorities should be quickly able
to draw up a list of 'proscribed organisations' to which membership,
funding or open support within the territory of Bangladesh shall be
banned. This list should be periodically reviewed with an intention of
making the fight against extremism in line with threats to internal
security.
The concept of the above noted proscription should be such as to make it
applicable across the broadest spectrum. It should be precise and
unambiguous. In addition, there must be clear measurement and list of
acts that would constitute support to a 'banned organisation'. The
effort should be to broaden the applicability but narrow down the
definition of extremism or terrorism itself.
The process of identifying an extremist should be discreet and
transparent and enforcement efforts should be geared towards that.
However, the extremists who use violence and the threat of violence as
an instrument to propagate its view and ideology cannot be treated as
political dissidents even though the roots are socio-political and
governed by distinct and conflicting ideologies.
The government should attach greater importance to proscription and
should be empowered to designate the extremist organisation. The
objective should be to sap the extremist organisation of its material
base, stopping routes of material replenishment and seizing its existing
assets. In other words, the proscription could be a central feature in
our attempt at fighting religious militancy.
The imperatives
Now that we know who is the self-declared adversary, there must not be
any hesitation in the battle against the frontal attack on our
constitution. There must not be any ambivalence in relentlessly pursuing
the bigoted mischief-makers. Religious institutions or places of prayer
should not be allowed to be used as sanctuaries. In order to do that
quite a number of such entities should be subjected to well-planned
surveillance.
Voluntary or charitable work or even religious teachings which are
suspected to be used as cover by some organisations should be shadowed
so that bonafide welfare work can be separated from malafide subversive
ventures.
Foreign donations whether by individuals or organisations must pass
through government scrutiny. This must be made mandatory. Along with
this there must be a complete account of all educational institutions
and the areas covered in the instruction should be known to competent
authority.
Democracy has to allow the interaction of different shades of opinion or
divergent views to ensure the vibrance of a pluralist society. However,
that does not mean that there will be freedom to convert the entire
country into a theocratic dispensation by application of force and
intimidation and the litigant public has to approach the clerics and
Muhaddes for resolution of disputes and judgement, as demanded. There is
a challenge to our way of life. This must be realised by the mainstream
political parties who are pledge-bound to uphold, protect and preserve
our constitution. Therefore, the visible enemy must be caught by the
forelock and be dealt with under the law. A sovereign Republic born out
of a historic struggle entailing epic human sacrifices demand that. We
must not fail.
o o o
(ii)
The Daily Times
December 1, 2005
EDITORIAL #2: SUICIDE-BOMBINGS IN BANGLADESH
Two suicide bombers near Dhaka and Chittagong in Bangladesh have killed
10 and wounded many. The pattern is familiar and Pakistan can clearly
see in it the hand of those who link themselves with jihad and have a
line of communication open to Al Qaeda’s cells in South and Southeast
Asia. What has happened was predictable, but two elements in Bangladesh
were angrily in denial about it: the leftwing intellectuals and
Islamists with sympathisers in the Bangladesh National Party (BNP).
Bangladesh has to take tough action although the past dilly-dallying
will make it difficult. And it should not hesitate to seek Pakistan’s
help. The Islamists committing acts of terror there may have been to
Pakistan and in some cases trained in Afghanistan. And the government
has to watch closely the activity of Dhaka’s most powerful cleric Mufti
Fazl ul Haq Amini whose provocative sermons at Dhaka’s Jamia
Qurania-Arabiyya gather 600,000 bicycle rickshaws blocking traffic for
hours. He writes in Bangla and Arabic but also knows Urdu which he
learnt at a seminary in Karachi during his days of jihad. His incendiary
fatwas run into several volumes. It was his seminary in Chittagong that
sent the attackers to poet Shamsur Rehman some time ago. *
___
[2]
Economic and Political Weekly
November 19, 2005
CRISIS AS AN OPPORTUNITY
The massive earthquake in Kashmir, on both sides of the border, is an
opportunity for the government to take a bold initiative to make the
political process much more broad-based than it has been for years.
by Gautam Navlakha
The government [of India] has responded in a measured tone to the mass
murderous attack in Delhi on October 29, which killed 59 persons, mostly
children and women. This is in contrast with the past when every such
incident was used to whip up passions and accuse Pakistan even before
investigators had completed their inquiry. The government then went
ahead with negotiations in Islamabad to conclude an agreement which
opens up five points on the Line of Control (LoC) in Jammu and Kashmir
enabling the divided people an opportunity to reach out to each other in
their hour of need. This is the first time since travel across the
ceasefire line was stopped in 1950s that the people of Jammu and Kashmir
will experience the joy of being able to cross the LoC. It is also
significant that no time frame has been set for how long these posts on
the LoC would remain open. It is thus theoretically possible for these
five points of movement to become permanent as well as precursors for
several more. Once people begin to meet and travelling becomes
relatively easy, it can generate its own momentum of heightened
expectations making it difficult for the two governments to shut the door.
When the earth shakes it is not only death that spreads its wings but
families are scattered, communications snap, insecurity prevails and
people become destitute. Pain, fear and trauma take over. The
government’s management of disasters operates in fits and starts. But in
J and K it is worse because the requirements of counter-insurgency and
fighting terrorism have pulverised the civil administration,
particularly close to the LoC which is where the earthquake’s impact was
most-severe. Tragically, the earthquake was preceded by what Kashmiris
call the “snow tsunami” last winter and more than 15 years of military
suppression and terror whose wounds have not healed. Therefore,
restoring security and dignity for people must override other concerns.
This is not to ignore the perfidious activities of groups such as
Lashkar-e-Tayyaba or Jaish-e-Mohammed or the patronage extended to them
by a section of the Pakistani military establishment which shares their
ideological vision. It is also true that the cutting of links with
groups such as the Taliban or Lashkar once seen as “strategic assets” by
Pakistan’s rulers has been rather slow. But it would be wrong to forget
that these groups and their patrons draw their sustenance from the
simmering dispute over Kashmir, one which has kept the people of Jammu
and Kashmir divided and nourished the hardliners in both India and Pakistan.
But to all this has been added another pressing reason to push ahead
with the political process in J and K. The Jammat-ud-Daawa’s relief work
in Pakistan Kashmir is creating another reality on the ground. Of course
there is an element of hypocrisy in this exhibition of concern. It is
worth recalling that the response of Indians to the plight of Kashmiris
has been tepid. A few crores were collected for the victims but much
more than Rs 700 crore worth of crackers were burnt on Diwali. After
such display of concern for an “integral part of India”, to decry work
being done by Pakistani organisations, even those who are communal
fascist in Pakistan Kashmir, is dishonest.
It took Pakistan’s military 48 hours to get its act together and fan out
to rescue and provide relief in territories held by them following the
October 8 earthquake, whereas volunteers of the Jammat-ud-Dawa moved in
within the first few hours to provide relief.
Even before the disaster struck, Pakistan’s privatised economy and
social sector have been dominated by and have funded these so-called
charity organisations. Considering that Lashkar and other militant
groups had their training camps in the higher reaches of Pakistan
Kashmir, it was easier for them to reach those in need of help. But look
at it another way.
Decrepit Services
The disaster that struck Indian Kashmir was far less in scale and
confined to three tehsils of Kupwara and Baramulla districts and
affected a little over 1,00,000 people as against three million across
the LoC. Even then and despite the heavy deployment of security forces,
the military and civilian apparatus were slow to reach out and scores of
funded organisations were encouraged to come in. J and K’s social sector
has become decrepit during past 15 years and was incapable of providing
succour even in normal conditions to the victims of violence. Thus, the
government sees nothing wrong in giving foreign charities a free run. It
is true that the army did extend help. However they maintain a heavy
presence in the area and the local villagers provide the labour force
for them as porters, guides, etc.
The vulnerability during disasters persuaded Pakistan’s military rulers
to turn to US-led NATO to come to their rescue. NATO troops have a
virtual free run and can come and go at will. The presence of NATO
troops, engineers battalion and other combat troops for rescue and
relief operations poses a far bigger challenge than anything posed by
Lashkar or Jaish. Given the virtual patron-client relationship that
exists between Pakistan and US, the NATO troops may develop a long-term
presence. Liberal imperialism intervenes in a variety of ways and even
disaster relief has politics written all over it. Lest we forget, this
area offers immense scope for mischief perhaps directed against China.
But, to recall what Krishna Menon famously said, a gun that fires in one
direction is yet to be made. NATO’s ever expanding geo-strategic
objective is well known. In other words, all this has to be factored in
by policy-makers in India when considering J and K. Perhaps more than
ever before there is need for a bold move by the government whose room
for manoeuvre will be narrowed by US-led NATO’s desire to spread its
sphere of influence all over J and K.
An alienated population, whose self-image of being “Muslims”, has grown
thanks to the government’s military suppression and demonisation of
their democratic aspirations as Muslim fundamentalism. One way of
meeting this potential threat is to begin talks with those who matter
and not with this or that group whose represantative character lacks
credibility. Talks with the Mirwaiz-led Hurriyet appears as New Delhi
talking to those it currently favours. Will this not enable the wielders
of the gun to call the shots and for their representatives to embarrass
India diplomatically? The capacity of the militants to call the shots in
elections has been much exaggerated and the people’s boycott of
elections out of their own volition is underplayed. From the perspective
of enlightened self-interest, for the talks to gain legitimacy requires
an election to settle the matter of representation be it the Mirwaiz-led
All Party Hurriyet Conference, the S A S Geelani-led Tehreek-i-Hurriyet,
JKLF, National Conference, PDP or Congress. The point is that those who
are alienated must be assured that their voices are being heeded. This
will enable the overwhelming majority of people, who continue to boycott
elections, to participate and lend legitimacy to the process. It will
not only make negotiations credible and acceptable but also to restrict
the room for mischief by outside powers and the communal fascists in J
and K who masquerade as “freedom fighters”. A crisis can be turned into
an opportunity.
___
[3]
[PAKISTANI THEATRE GROUP HUMILIATED IN LUCKNOW BY WIPSA]
o o o
[Media Release by] Tehrik-e-Niswan, Pakistan
Dated: 29th November, 2005
Tehrik-e-Niswan (Women's Movement), a Karachi based
Cultural Action Group was invited to perform in 'Staging Peace - A
Dialogue in Theatre: A Women's endeavour to create the culture of
peace', a South Asia Theatre Festival organized by Women's Initiative
for Peace in South Asia (WIPSA).
The first performance of the play 'Zikr-e-Nashunida' was
held at the I.T. College on the 27th November, 2005 as part of this
festival.
Immediately after the performance, our group was summoned
by the office bearers of WIPSA present in Lucknow and were verbally
Œcharge sheeted‚ in the following manner:
(1) Why had we presented the play a day earlier at the Coalition for
Nuclear Disarmament and Peace Convention.
(2) The play contained anti-U.S. sentiments which went against the
policies of the donors (Ford Foundation) of WIPSA.
(3) We were creating discipline problems by breaking the 10 p.m.
curfew of the hostel.
We consider their objections and the manner in which they
were conveyed highly insulting and unacceptable. It was an insult to our
work and beliefs and were therefore forced to convey to them our
inability to continue our tour and association with them.
Tehrik-e-Niswan‚s agenda for the last 25 years has been
to work for peace and human rights through theatre and art. In 2004 we
invited Ms. Prasanna Ramaswamy, a theatre director from Chennai who is
known for her work in theatre on gender and war issues.
Zikr-e-Niswan (Discussing the unheeded), is a
collaboration between an Indian writer/director and a Pakistani group.
Scripted by Prasanna, it is derived from works of Euripeds, Kabir, Julia
Stasky and Les Smith, with the objective of performing it all over South
Asia as out statement about war and peace.
Sheema Kermani Prasanna Ramaswamy Anwer Jafri
Tehrik-e-Niswan, Pakistan
____
[4]
NARMADA BACHAO ANDOLAN
58, Mahatma Gandhi Road, Badwani, M.P.- 4515551, India
(Ph. .07290-222464/ badwani at narmada.org)
B-13, Shivam Flats, Ellora Park, Baroda,Gujarat-390007
( 0265-2282232, baroda at narmada.org,)
Press Note/30/11/2005
After 20 Years, Narmada People Resolve to Intensify Struggle: Sardar
Sarovar 110 meters - ab bas (Enough)
Over 15,000 men-women from the Narmada valley villages raised the slogan
of the "Sardar Sarovar Dam at 110 m.- and that is enough" (ek sou das-
ab bas), as they resolved to intensify their struggle against the
destruction and displacement and for the equitable and sustainable
development, at the 20th anniversary congregation of Narmada Bachao
Andolan at Badwani, on November 27.
It was a strong message to the four state governments (Gujarat, M.P.,
Maharashtra and Rajasthan) and the Central government, preparing to
raise the height of the height of the SSP dam and other dams like the
Narmada Sagar and Maheshwar in the valley. The representatives of
organizations and prominent people from all parts of India and abroad
expressed solidarity and full support for their cause. Number of youths,
students and activists from Kerala-Karnataka, Maharashtra-Gujarat to
Bengal-Delhi participated in the march through the valley from November
23-26 and later in a day long people‚s seminar, before the large public
meeting.
"Despite 20-years‚ long and arduous struggle, in which people borne the
threats, humiliation, defamation, repression, corruption and submergence
at the hands of the officials, police and political leaders - all
through the democratic and non-violent struggle, we are against ready to
intensify our struggle against the SSP. It is also a struggle for our
right over the natural resources and our democratic and human rights",
said the septuagenarian Jagannath kaka, Pinjaribai, Bawabhai and Medha
Patkar. " The struggle also has creative side, as the NBA has been
running 14 jeevan shalas (schools), and the people have built two micro
hydro-electrical plants. The NBA is a struggle for an equitable and
sustainable development", said Medha Patkar while giving background.
The Left Front Member of Parliament, Abani Roy hoped that the Narmada
Bachao (Save Narmada) would be extended to desh bachao (save the
country). The renowned octogenarian Malayalam author Dr. Sukumar
Azhikode saluted the people‚s tenacity and strength for all these years,
"even as the political system is growing insensitive and rulers becoming
greedy and cruel by each day. He even commented that the name of the
famous Sardar Patel, the first Home Minister of India, and champion of
peasants‚ rights, should be delinked from the ŒSarovar‚ (dam), which is
destroying the peasants‚ farms and lives. The Magsasay Award winner
water- activist, Rajendra Singh made a passionate plea to stop the
commercialisation of basic natural resources like water and felt that
the message of the NBA-like movements is to establish people‚s right ove
r the water.
Dr. B.D. Sharma (President of Bharat Jan Andolan) asserted that the
struggle in the Narmada valley has been the struggle of the peasants
against the national-international capitalist powers out to exploit the
common people and their resources. The leader of Kisan Sangharsh Samiti,
and MLA from Madhya Pradesh Dr. Sunilam came heavily down upon the state
government for misleading the farmers. The former state Chief Secretary
Dr. S.C.Behar admitted that the capitalist forces influence the
decision-making at political and bureaucratic levels.
Medha Patkar dwelt on the strength of the people‚s power in the valley,
particularly the tenacity shown by women. According to her, opposition
to Sardar Sarovar and other Narmada dams is a part of the larger war
against destructive development, against the usurpation of people‚s
resources and rights by the national-multinational neo-imperialistic and
capitalistic powers like the World Bank, World Trade organization.
The organizations and prominent persons issued a declaration at the
meeting.(enclosed)
The Convention
The 20the year anniversary programme started on 26th November, as noted
legal luminary and secular activist Girish Patel started the
discussions, "Sardar Sarovar, Large dams, Alternatives and People's
Movements', about the issues, outcome and future strategies against the
SSP and large dams. Dr. Bhar lighted the lamps in the memory of the
departed martyr activists of the NBA.
Noted environmentalist, Ashish Kothari highlighted the illegality and
violation of norms and regulation in the SSP and environmental perils
due to the project. Archeologist Anjali Paranjape pointed out that
Narmada valley has the uninterrupted chain of evidences from pre-history
to historic periods and all that needs to be listed and explored before
any decision to submerge them. Himanshu Upadhyay came heavily down upon
the bankrupt economics of the project. Activists Noorjibhai, Ashish
Mandloi, Deepti Bhatnagar along with Medha brought out the impossibility
of resettlement of the oustees in Gujarat, M.P. and Maharashtra. There
were group discussions on the SSP- specific and larger strategy to
safeguard people's rights, their resources and environmental
sustainability. Gautam Bandyopadhyay, Sanjay M.G., Maj.Gen Vobatkere,
Shr ipad Dharmadhikari, Jai Sen, Roy Laifungbam and others took part
the deliberations.
About 50 delegates from the organizations from various countries
attended the meet and extended their solidarity. The convention and
public meeting was adorned by the photo-exhibitions on the 20 year- long
struggles. Representatives from the struggle against Maheshear, Bargi,
Narmada Sagar, Goi dams in the Narmada valley, along with the struggle
against Tehri dam and the large dams in the North Eastern India
participated.
Sanjay Sangvai
NARMADA BACHAO ANDOLAN
58, Mahatma Gandhi Road, Badwani, M.P.- 4515551
B-13, Shivam Flats, Ellora Park, Baroda,Gujarat-390007
(Ph. .07290-222464/ 0265-2282232, badwani at narmada.org, baroda at narmada.org
20 - YEARS OF THE NARMADA STRUGGLE
PEOPLE'S DECLARATION,
Badwani, Nov 27, 2005
We, the thousands of tribals, peasants, fisherpeople , workers, traders
and craftspeople from the Narmada valley, along with supporters from all
over India and abroad, gathered in Badwani (Madhya Pradesh), on the
occasion of the 20th anniversary of the Narmada Bachao Andolan, do
hereby declare that:
The Sardar Sarovar Project (SSP), that is being built in the Narmada
valley, has endangered well settled and prosperous villages, fertile
agriculture lands, dense fores ts along with ancient pre-historic and
historic cultural heritage dotting this beautiful and bountiful valley.
With such dams, hundreds and thousands of people are being evicted from
their lands, even when it is clear that thousands of them could not be
provided land-based resettlement. The government has been trying to
displace them either through the lure of the cash compensation of
through the pressure, intimidation and repression.
The benefits of such development projects, which violate all the legal
norms and human rights, are uncertain and at best insignificant, as the
drought-prone areas of Kutch and Saurashtra will get next to nothing
from the SSP. The India Country Study of the World Commission on Dams
made it clear that the large dams have contributed barely 10% increase
in the production of food grains. While the problem of water scarcity
remains as it is despite 4500 large dams our country has built, they
have aggravated the intensity of floods. Yet, despite the adverse
cost-benefit ratio of the large dams, the government continues with the
spree for such large-scale projects. All this leads to the
centralization of the people's resources in a few hands of national
and multinational capitalists.
We condemn the attempts to privatise and corporatize the natural
resources like water, land and forests disregarding the rights of the
communities over them, and we reject all such decisions and policies.
The people's struggle against the multinational company like Coca-cola
for its unmindful extraction of the groundwater, at the same time the
government seems to be keen on undertaking the impractical megalomaniac
project of The interlinking the rivers, which would result in large
scale destruction of environment, untold suffering to the people and
astronomical costs - along with the privatisation of water. We warn that
if such a burden is imposed on the nati on, without any basic studies or
getting people's consent, we will be with the people in the different
river-valleys and from various sectors to fight against such a scheme.
We insist that the optimum use of land and water should be made from the
smallest unit to the river valley, with equitable distribution
fulfilling the basic needs of all. Instead of the chemical fertilizer,
water-intensive and centralized agriculture, we must have large scale
land-reforms and sustainable agriculture, based on indigenous seeds and
organic manure. All the development planning in rural and urban areas
must be done by decisive participation and right of the gram sabhas or
basti-sabha( community council).
The struggle in Narmada valley is not confined to one river valley, but
it has become a symbol of such struggles and movements all over India,
which challenge the prevalent development policy and paradigm and strive
for an alternative or true development, based on equality, justice,
environmental sustainability and decentralization incorporating the
people's rights and their meaningful participation in the decision making.
On the 20th anniversary of the Narmada Bachao Andolan, the organization
and movements along with all those who are committed to justice and
democracy, resolve to strengthen the Narmada movement and realize,
strengthen the values of alternative development, to all parts and
sectors of India and the world.
Dr. Sukumar Azhikode Kerala
Rajendra Singh
Tarun Bharat Sangh, Rajasthan
Dr. B.D. Sharma
Bharat Jan Andolan
Dr. S.C. Behar Ex-Chief
Secretary, Madhya Pradesh
Jashbhai Patel
Baroda/Navsari
Ashish Kothari
Kalpvriksha
Dr. Sunilam
Kisan Sangharsha Samiti, M.P.
Roy Laifungbam CORE,
Manipur
Rakesh Dewan Sarvodaya
Press Service, Indore
Jai Sen
New Delhi
Nilesh Doshi
Beej Swaraj Abhiyan
Medha Patkar
Alongwith Pinjari Bai, Kamla Yadav, Jagannath Kaka, Ashish Mandloi, and
others from Narmada valley
____
[5]
Economic and Political Weekly
November 19, 2005
SEX AND SENSIBILITY IN TAMIL POLITICS
Popular film actress Kushboo's ideas on female sexuality are not new to
Tamil Nadu. Periyar, the Self-Respect Movement and the Dravidar Kazhagam
had propagated the idea that marriage was a patriarchal institution and
even advocated its abolition for women's freedom. But, like the DMK
earlier, the Dalit Panthers of India and the Pattali Makkal Katchi,
assuming the role of protectors of the honour of Tamils, are invoking
the chastity of Tamil women as a symbol of that honour.
by S Anandhi
During the past few weeks Tamil Nadu has witnessed protests by members
of the Dalit Panthers of India (DPI) and the Pattali Makkal Katchi (PMK)
against actress Kushboo’s recent statement on women’s sexuality. In an
interview to a Tamil magazine, Kushboo, one of the popular film
actresses of the Tami screen, made a plea for safe sex and against
placing a cultural premium on women’s virginity at the time of marriage.
She also demanded that men must change their perceptions of women who
openly articulate their sexual desires. She made these statements in the
context of a survey on women’s sexuality. In keeping with her outspoken
and radical stance on women’s sexuality, she was also recently in the
forefront of a campaign against film director Thanger Bachan who likened
film actresses to prostitutes. A member of the Tamil Protection Movement
founded by the DPI and the PMK, Bachan was forced to offer a public apology.
Both the DPI and the PMK as well as a section of the Tamil press has
sustained the campaign against Kushboo by claiming that her statement is
against Tamil women and their sexual morality. Carrying brooms and
chappals, women protestors held demonstrations in front of her house and
the office of the Tamil Film Artistes’ Association. In different parts
of Tamil Nadu, the actress’s effigies were burnt by the slogan shouting
“subalterns” who demanded her arrest and banishment from Tamil Nadu. The
women’s wing of the PMK filed a series of defamation cases against
Kushboo in various local courts claiming that her statement offended the
sentiments of Tamil women. Even after she tendered a public apology, the
DPI and the PMK were unrelenting. Characterising her an immoral woman,
Thol Thirumavalavan, the supremo of the DPI, has assailed her for
“hurting the sentiments and lowering the dignity of Tamil women”.
Surprisingly, Kushboo never mentioned Tamil women in her interview and
can speak Tamil as any native speaker.
Significantly, Kushboo’s ideas on female sexuality are not new to Tamil
Nadu. For decades, Periyar E V Ramasamy and his Self-Respect Movement
and the Dravidar Kazhagam propagated that marriage is a patriarchal
institution and its abolition is necessary for women’s freedom. He even
pleaded that no odium should be placed on a married woman who desires
men other than her husband. Even more pronounced in his propaganda was
the denunciation of chastity as an ideal for women. It was his radical
social movement that enabled Tamil Nadu to legally authorise ritual-free
Self-Respect marriages conducted without priests and ensured property
rights to love children.
Along with such radicalism, Tamil Nadu had also witnessed in the past
social conservatism that often went hand in hand with Tamil national
aspirations. As in the case of Indian nationalism, control over women
and their sexuality has been central to the construction of Tamil
identity and Tamil nationalism. The DMK, in its early Tamil nationalist
phase, projected itself as the defender of Tamil culture and propagated
that the honour of Tamils depended on Tamil woman’s so-called purity. It
was the DMK, which produced a cult around Kannagi, the woman protagonist
of the classical Tamil literary text Silapathikaram. In the propaganda
of the DMK, ever-suffering Kannagi emerged as the quintessential Tamil
woman who is chaste and virtuous. The DMK propaganda also likened Tamil
Nadu to a mother figure to be protected by its valorous sons. Tamil
nationalism of the DMK was thus a masculine dream. Women, as markers of
Tamil national identity, had to reaffirm the boundaries of culturally
acceptable feminine conduct; and their gender interests could only be
articulated within these parameters, set by the cultural nationalists.
The high noon of such nationalism passed in the 1970s with the DMK
coming to power in 1967. Kannagi continued to be invoked but with less
passion.
Motives of Campaign
The past of the DMK has become the present of the DPI and the PMK. The
wide-eyed dream of the DPI and the PMK to expand their support base
beyond their respective caste constituencies has given a new life to the
pan-Tamil identity. The Tamil Protection Movement of the PMK and the
DPI, which among other things protests Tamil film titles with English
words, has begun once again to invoke female chastity as symbol of Tamil
honour. Within this nationalist agenda, not only the opinion of Kushboo
on pre-marital sex has to be protested, but she herself has to be
presented to the Tamil public as a north Indian woman whose actions and
ideas are alien to the so-called Tamil notions of sexual morality. Her
demonised image is thus being counter posed to the image of the
“dignified” Tamil woman.
The DPI, one of the large dalit political movements in Tamil Nadu since
the 1990s has been remarkably active in taking up the issue of caste
atrocities on dalits in the northern parts of the state. Its powerful
protests against caste oppression and adherence to Periyar’s radical
social values were once well known. Referring to the Tamil icon of
Kannagi, Thol Thirumavalavan could, in the past, write, “Chastity is
only a violence fabricated by men – for the benefit of men – and imposed
on women. Only the materialist desire of men has created the ritual
called marriage and the fiction called chastity.” Caste oppression,
caste patriarchy and subjection of women received his severest
condemnations.
Defender of Tamil Identity
However, the transformation of the DPI from a political movement to a
party seems to have led to a dramatic dilution of its radicalism. In its
negotiations with various electoral coalitions, the DPI has to pursue
the interest of the dominant others as in the case of its current
alliance with the PMK. Initially, the DPI’s alliance with the PMK gave
rise to the hope that it would bring down the conflicts between the
backward caste vanniyars and the dalits in north Tamil Nadu. However,
while the PMK has succeeded in pushing its language agenda on the
dalits, the issue of caste oppressions of the dalits by the vanniyars
has not formed part of this alliance politics. The pursuit of Tamil
identity and its alliance with the DPI may have helped PMK in partly
shedding its image of being an anti-dalit caste-based party. But, this
alliance has not enabled the DPI to place centre stage the agenda of
caste oppression that continues to mediate the everyday lives of the
dalits. Instead, taking up the cause of Tamil identity by the DPI has
led to a compromise on contesting caste oppression. Thirumavalavan’s
defence of chastity of Tamil women has to be seen as part of the
transformation of the DPI from being an anti-caste movement to a
defender of Tamil identity.
Importantly, dalit women, despite their very active participation in
politics, continue to lack recognition and respect even within the dalit
movement. The DPI’s rhetoric about women’s liberation apart, the party
has failed to consolidate some of the significant gains made by the
dalit women’s organisations in Tamil Nadu. For instance, the Tamil Nadu
Dalit Women’s Federation and other dalit women’s networks have been
conducting a series of struggles against multiple patriarchies that
subjugate dalit women. Their efforts to articulate in the public a
distinct dalit women’s identity as different from that of the upper
caste women as well as from that of dalit men, have slowly gained
recognition among women’s groups. At this juncture, the new avatar that
the DPI has taken as the protector of Tamils offers only the possibility
of subsuming the dalit women under the homogenised, hegemonic collective
identity of the “Tamil women” and denying possible political gains that
the politics of difference can yield both to dalit men and women.
_____
[6]
Indian Express
December 01, 2005
INDIA NOT READY FOR GAYS, PUBLIC MORALITY SUPREME: CENTRE TO SC
by G Ananthakrishnan
Not this, we are Indians NEW DELHI, NOVEMBER 30: In 2005, India, the
emerging superpower, is not ready for homosexuality.
That's the upshot of the Centre's response to a petition in the Supreme
Court where the Naz Foundation has challenged the validity of Section
377 of the Indian Penal Code (IPC)-it deals with unnatural offences and
makes gay sex a punishable act.
The Union Home Ministry's affidavit states that "public opinion and the
current societal context in India does not favour the deletion of the
said offence from the statute book."
Yet the affidavit also mentions that the Government was "examining"
recommendations of the Law Commission of India which favoured deletion
of the clause from the IPC.
The affidavit, filed by Deputy Secretary (Judicial) Y K Baweja states
ŒŒeven if it is assumed that the rights of sexual minorities emanates
from a perceived right to privacy, the right of privacy cannot be
extended to defeat public morality which must prevail over the exercise
of any private right.''
"The question of homosexuality is not a mere question of personal
perferences but may involve behavioural sanction of legislative
authority of the state as it tends to affect the social environment...In
fact, homosexuality/sodomy is still an offence in large number of
countries all over the world," states the affidavit which furnishes an
exhaustive list of countries where it is illegal and where it is legal.
As per the list, some of the countries that still retain the offence in
their statute book are Algeria, Angola, Egypt, Libya, Barbados, St
Lucia, Trinidad and Tobago, Afghanistan, Bhutan, Myanmar, Nepal,
Maldives, Singapore, Solomon Islands and almost all Middle East
countries except Iraq.
The NGO had approached the Supreme Court against an order of the Delhi
HC which last November dismissed their petition. In the appeal, the
Foundation contended that the presence of the law was hampering its work
in the field of HIV/AIDS intervention and prevention. Countering this,
the Centre said it was only a "general apprehension"' and that no
specific instance or reasons have been given to support the claim.
The Centre also pointed out that it was for the legislature to decide
whether homosexuality should be an offence of not and that "there are
no judicially manageable standards by which to assess as to whether a
particular act should be made an offence or not."
_____
UPCOMING EVENTS
(i)
Sangama invites you for its World AIDS Day program
on 2nd December 2005, Friday
from 4 pm to 7 pm
at Nayana Auditorium, Kannada Bhavana, next to Ravindra Kalakshetra, JC
Road, Bangalore.
Program Schedule:
1.Premiere of our film `HIV – A HUMAN QUESTION' (Directed by T.
Jayasree, Produced by Sangama and Bukopharma-Germany). This film exposes
the plight of the poor PLHA in the global south and critiques the
effects of TRIPS agreement and lends support to the global struggle by
PLHA for access to treatment
2.Listening to the voices of PLHA (People Living with HIV/AIDS).
Speakers include: Shekar (SWAM, Chennai), Asha (KNP+, Bangalore),
Chandrika and Anasuya (Milana, Bangalore)
3.Public Demonstration in solidarity with PLHA
Each year December 1 is observed as World AIDS Day across the globe. HIV
virus has killed nearly 3 crore people all over the world and about 90%
of the fatalities are from the global south (developing countries). The
fate of about 5 crore PLHA from the global south is extremely grim. AIDS
has devastated many countries in Africa by killing/debilitating most of
its productive populations. About 35%, 25%, 20% of the people in
Botswana, Zimbabwe and South Africa are infected by the HIV virus.
Unofficial estimates reveal that India has the highest number of PLHA
(more than 50 lakh) in the world. The Indian government's response to
this public health crisis is far from satisfactory. Lack of political
will and moralistic HIV/AIDS interventions (by the government and
others) are fuelling the spread of this pandemic. As sexual route is the
main mode of HIV transmission, it is necessary to provide clear,
complete and non-judgmental information to all people about HIV/AIDS.
HIV/AIDS campaigns must talk openly about gender, sex, sexuality,
sex-work, sexual practices and preferences. Continuing silence on
homosexuality, bisexuality, anal sex, pre marital sex and extra marital
sex will mean killing people by not providing life saving information.
Stigma, discrimination, violence and human rights violations against
PLHA are widespread. Although the Constitution of India guarantees the
Right to Life and Health to all its citizens, PLHA are systematically
deprived of care and support. The Indian government's free ART
(anti-retroviral therapy, which can extend the life of a person with
AIDS by 10 years) rollout needs to be scaled up drastically. At present
it only provides first level of ART drugs to a limited number of people.
Many PLHA are resistant to first level ART drugs whereas the need is for
provision of all levels of ART drugs to all people who require it.
Most PLHA cannot afford to access ART as they are expensive. The Indian
government and our parliamentarians have let our people down by pursuing
pro-globalization policies in enacting the new patent law. They failed
to make use of certain beneficial clauses (in favour of poor people in
situations of public health emergencies) in TRIPS agreement of the World
Trade Organisation. The new patents regime, which came into force in
January 2005, prevents Indian drug makers from manufacturing cheap and
affordable generic versions of ART drugs. People in the global south are
perishing as the MNCs (multi national corporations) in North America and
Western Europe ruthlessly maximise their profits. These MNCs hold
patents for life saving drugs and are selling them at any price they wish.
We cannot leave the HIV/AIDS issues in the hands of a few NGOs and the
government. This crisis needs to be addressed by all social movements,
trade unions, mass organizations and social justice groups. All of us
including you need to join hands to respond to this human crisis.
Join us in this struggle against AIDS. Bring your friends along.
-----------------
www.sangama.org
_____
(ii)
==================
*Discussion @ Sarai
==================
The Insurrection of Little Selves: The Crisis of Secular-Nationalism in
India
Aditya Nigam
3:30 pm, Wednesday, 11 January 2006
Seminar Room, Sarai-CSDS
Sarai invites Aditya Nigam to read from and discuss his book, 'The
Insurrection of Little Selves: The Crisis of Secular nationalism in India'.
Secular Nationalism as the hitherto ruling idealogy of the postcolonial
Indian state represents a specific, historically constituted idealogical
configuration. The 1980s witnessed the explosion of what could be
loosely called 'identity politics'. This book is the first to explicitly
examine this.
Nigam argues that the moments of crisis in the secular consensus have
revealed that its latent assumptions are fundamentally Hindu and its
quest for a homogeneous national culture has lead, like other
universalisms, to privilege the dominant and marginalise minority cultures.
Sarai-CSDS
29 Rajpur Road, Delhi 110 054
_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/
Buzz on the perils of fundamentalist politics, on
matters of peace and democratisation in South
Asia. SACW is an independent & non-profit
citizens wire service run since 1998 by South
Asia Citizens Web: www.sacw.net/
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