SACW | 18 Nov. 2005

Harsh Kapoor aiindex at mnet.fr
Thu Nov 17 20:32:21 CST 2005


South Asia Citizens Wire | 18 Nov, 2005 | Dispatch No. 2176

[1] Sri Lanka: Citizen's monitoring on Nov. 17 2005 presidential election
[2] Pakistan: Donors Need Accountability on Human Rights (HRW press release)
[3] Bangladesh: Awami league getting set to delete Secularism
[4] Pulling out the thorns - report from a conflict transformation
workshop (A.G. Noorani)
[5] India: On culture policing, freedom of expression in Tamil Nadu (and
the retrograde ways of certain Dalit rights campaigners)
[6] India: Defy The Herd Instinct (Sumanta Sen)
[7] The Chowrangi 2005 Fundraiser for the Quake victims in Pakistan

___


[1]

For information from independent agencies monitoring election violence &
malpractices
in the November 17 2005 presidential election in Sri Lanka, see:

http://www.slelections.info/

___

[2]

Human Rights Watch
Press Release

PAKISTAN: DONORS NEED ACCOUNTABILITY ON HUMAN RIGHTS

(New York, November 16, 2005) -- A recent attack by Pakistani police on
a camp of earthquake survivors highlights why international donors must
insist on human rights protection in Pakistan-administered Kashmir,
Human Rights Watch said today. International donors are gathering in
Islamabad on Friday to discuss aid for victims of the October 8 earthquake.

Pakistani police used canes and rifle butts to break up a march on
November 11 by approximately 200 earthquake survivors protesting
eviction from their makeshift camp in the Kashmiri city of Muzaffarabad.
Though the police denied attempting to forcibly evict the earthquake
survivors, witnesses told Human Rights Watch that police arrived early
last Friday at the Jalalabad Garden camp and told the quake victims to
leave by sunset. Several protestors, including children, were injured as
a result of police efforts to break up the demonstration. The
authorities subsequently backtracked and only a few refugees have moved
from the camp, which is still functional.

“The challenges of responding to the earthquake do not give the
Pakistani police license to attack quake victims,” said Brad Adams, Asia
director at Human Rights Watch. “Homeless people understandably are
worried if they are asked to move without assurances that they will have
the scarce necessities of life at a new location.”

In the Pakistani-administered part of Kashmir, an internationally
disputed territory, the military essentially runs the region as its own
fiefdom. The Pakistani government does not tolerate dissent in Kashmir,
and the authorities ban or harass opposition political parties.

In recent weeks, the Pakistani military authorities have also
discouraged negative media coverage of Pakistan’s response to the
earthquake. Pakistani President Pervez Musharraf expressed his
displeasure at excessive criticism at a press conference in October.

On Monday, Pakistan’s government-run electronic media regulatory
authority, PEMRA, stopped three local partners of the BBC from
broadcasting two daily 30-minute “earthquake specials” produced by the
BBC’s Urdu service. PEMRA officials, accompanied by dozens of armed
policemen, seized equipment from one of the local partner’s Karachi
offices and ordered two satellite television partners to stop running
news content from the BBC. Pakistan’s information minister declined to
comment on the incident when approached by the BBC.

“Now is the time for more information about the relief effort, not
less,” said Adams. “Donors should make it clear to the Pakistani
government that attempts to muzzle reporting on relief efforts are
unacceptable.”

Human Rights Watch called on the international community to ensure that
there is greater civilian oversight of relief, rehabilitation and
reconstruction efforts. So far, there has been little sign of any
civilian oversight of aid inflows. Aid should be handled through a
process that involves the Pakistan-administered Kashmir government,
political parties in Pakistan-administered Kashmir as well as local,
national and international non-governmental organizations, and civil
society groups, particularly those working in the field.

In addition, Human Rights Watch called for independent auditing of
relief funds and materials to ensure transparency and accountability.
Contracts for reconstruction should be handled through proper
procurement procedures that allow bidding by private agencies, and not
just military entities.

Aid should be distributed without regard to political affiliation. In
particular, there should be no discrimination against Kashmiri
nationalists who do not support Kashmir’s accession to Pakistan or
refugees who have entered Pakistan-administered Kashmir from
Indian-administered Kashmir since 1991. These groups have faced
systematic discrimination and violations of their human rights at the
hands of the Pakistan Army, its security agencies, and the
Pakistan-administered Kashmir government acting at the behest of Islamabad.

“Given its record of abuse and corruption, the Pakistani military should
not be given carte blanche in the relief efforts,” said Adams. “To keep
the process honest, civil society must be given a significant role both
in delivery and oversight.”

Human Rights Watch urged donors to be as generous as possible in order
to avert a humanitarian catastrophe as winter approaches in the
mountainous regions of Northern Pakistan and Pakistan-administered Kashmir.


___


[3]

The New Nation
22 Oct 2005

SECULARISM ISSUE: HANIF STICKS TO HIS STAND
By Staff Reporter

Awami League leader Mohammad Hanif yesterday demanded removal of
secularism from the party constitution to guard its interest from the
attack of political rivals.

He said the word “secularism” should be replaced by “freedom of religion
and profession” so that political rivals of the Awami League (AL) could
not mislead the religion-loving ordinary Muslims of Bangladesh.

He said he raised the demand in party interest not for personal end and
did not hamper its interest by making the demand for the removal of
secularism.

He said none could be a ‘neutral’ person if he or she was a follower of
a religion be it Islam, Hinduism, Buddhism or Christianity. “As a Muslim
I am a party, not neutral,” he said.

Mohammad Hanif brushed aside the connotation that religion was a
personal matter and the state should be a secular one instead of
following any particular religion. “Personal belief, life and practices
of individual leaders have always been reflected in the affairs of the
state,” he added.

“Look, all the elected Presidents and Prime Ministers of Bangladesh,
except Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, immediately after their
election first visited Saudi Arabia to say Shukrana prayers in Mecca to
express his or her gratitude to the Almighty Allah,” he said.

“Even my leader Sheikh Hasina, immediately after her election as the
Prime Minister, paid her first visit to Saudi Arabia to say Shikrana
prayers,” he said, adding that none of the elected Bangladeshi leaders
would make Saudi Arabia their first foreign destination if they were not
Muslim themselves.

The former Mayor of Dhaka City Corporation, who is the President of
Dhaka City Committee and number one member of the Awami League Central
Working Committee (ALCWC) said this while speaking at a seminar titled
“Secularism: Perspective Bangladesh” in the capital yesterday.

Bangladesh Policy Forum (BPF) organised the seminar at the National
Press Club with its chairman Prof M Farid Uddin in the Chair. Noted
economist Prof Dr Muzaffar Ahmed, Vice-Chancellor of Darul-Ehsan
University Prof Dr Syed Anwar Hossain and Assistant Editor of Daily
Janokantha Dr Mahbub Hasan took part in the discussion. Central
Organising Secretary of the Islamic Constitution Movement Prof ATM
Hemayet Uddin recited from the Holy Quran at the seminar.

Justifying his demand, Mohammad Hanif said he did not raise the issue
recently. He said he raised the issue in the form of an amendment to the
party constitution at the pre-Council Session meeting of the ALCWC four
years back. “But anyhow my amendment was not carried out at the meeting
during that time,” he added.

He said he would raise the issue again in the party forum.

Explaining his proposal, the AL leader said, “The word secularism should
be removed from our party constitution and replaced by freedom of
religion and profession.”

“This is my demand. I voiced it because the political rivals of the
Awami League, whoever they may be, in particular time will launch
campaign against the party by misinterpreting the word secularism, as
was the case in the past,” he said.

He went on to say, “Our political rivals have always been trying to
erase the historic contributions made by the party, including the
Liberation War, democratic struggles and the past of the party, using
the word secularism as a weapon against the Awami League.”

Mohammad Hanif said he did not do anything against the party
constitution by voicing the issue.

Specifying his proposal for amendment to the party constitution, he
said, “At present the Awami League Constitution reads: secularism that
is full freedom of all religions. But I want this sentence should be
replaced by freedom of religion and profession.”

He said constitutions—be it of a state or a political party—have often
undergone changes as per call of time and experiences of those authors,
as those were not words of God.

Prof Dr Muzaffar Ahmed said secularism did never mean religious-less
situation. States formulate secular policy from the essence and values
of different religions, he added.

He defended the inclusion of word—secularism in the Constitution of
Bangladesh and in the AL. “The inclusion of secularism both in the
national and party constitutions was historically necessary since we
were coming out of the clutches of the Islamic Republic of Pakistan,” he
said

Prof Dr Syed Anwar Hossain said, “Both secularism and the state religion
Islam were included in the Constitution out of ignorance and confusion.”

© Copyright 2003 by The New Nation

___


[4]

The Hindustan Times
November 14, 2005

PULLING OUT THE THORNS

by A.G. Noorani

The Fourth Annual Conflict Transformation Workshop, convened last month
in New Delhi by Women in Security Conflict Management and Peace
(Wiscomp), was as unique as it was rewarding. Young Indian and Pakistani
academics and activists discussed for nine days many aspects of conflict
resolution. It was their show, though senior resource persons also spoke
to them. The session on Kashmir was billed as “participant-led”, at
which “the next generation of State and civil society leadership in
Pakistan and India” would “collectively discuss options” for resolving
the dispute.

The participants, mostly under 30, formed groups to study various models
and options — the Aaland Islands, South Tyrol, Northern Ireland, the
Ibarretxe Proposal for the Basque conflict in Spain, the Chanab formula
and proposals formulated by four independent study groups. Each group,
cutting across the national divide, presented its report to the plenary.
The consensus that emerged, despite differences, was remarkable.

Credit for the concept and the organisation goes to Wiscomp’s Honorary
Director, Meenakshi Gopinath, a distinguished academic. F.S. Aijazuddin
of Lahore, an art scholar and researcher in archives diplomacy, chaired
a difficult session with aplomb. Over a decade ago, a joint US-Russian
study noted that “one remarkable feature of the Kashmir problem is the
political
and mental inertia of the leadership in both countries”; and of their
academia and media as well. Hence, the seminal importance of Wiscomp’s
initiative.

Models are not to be copied but adapted intelligently. They can provide
answers to ten precise questions that the peace process faces: what are
the factors that prompt a reluctant Centre to conciliate a secessionist
movement? What are the concessions such a movement can find acceptable?
Is a ceasefire to be linked to initiation of or to progress in a
dialogue? And surrender of arms by militants linked to substantial
withdrawal of troops by the State? At what stage can or should either
side reveal its hand and settle the basics of a deal? If a neighbouring
State is involved — as in Aalands, South Tyrol, Ireland and Kashmir —
should those basics be settled with it first? The three models suggest
that. What concessions can they offer to the neighbour while ruling out
secession? In the next stage, how and in what format should both States
involve the separatists? Whom do you talk to — the armed militants or
politicians who enjoy their confidence or ones who do not? Lastly, when
must elections be held — to elect interlocutors if their status is
unclear or to ratify the accord, or on both occasions?

The groups which slogged on the models rendered a service. The Aceh
accord between the Government of Indonesia and Gam, the Free Aceh
Movement (Gerakan Aceh Merdeka), signed in Helsinki on August 15, 2005,
came too late to be included in the workshop’s agenda. No outside power
was involved bar Libya’s supply of weapons for some time. But both the
five-year long peace process and the product it yielded are instructive.

Aceh, which lies at the northern tip of Sumatra, has been rocked by an
armed secessionist movement since 1976, exacting a toll of 15,000 lives.
There are at the moment 3,500 rebels, besides the 1,400 who were set
free. Indonesia’s negotiators, Ambassador S. Wiryono and Foreign
Minister Nur Hassan Wirajuda, showed considerable patience and earnestness.

Aceh has a history of militancy. In 1992, just when it seemed that the
situation was under control, militancy broke up with great fury. Wiryono
records a familiar tale: “Military oppression, characterised by
widespread violation of human rights, fed public resentment against the
government… the Indonesian Armed Forces Commander-in-Chief General
Wiranto apologised for the excesses of the military from 1989 to 1998.”
He promised substantial troop withdrawal but Gam did not respond.

In 2000, President Abdurrahman Wahid initiated a dialogue, but faced two
obstacles. One was widespread corruption, which gave everyone involved
“an economic motive for leaving the problem unsolved”. Besides
smuggling, there was “extortion and protection racketeering by both the
military and the Gam guerrillas”. Jakarta could bring the officials to
account. Mark Wiryono’s caution, “but such a crackdown may have its own
destabilising effect”. The other obstacle was the perception that the
“armed forces had the upper hand”. Why negotiate with “a losing and
weakening secessionist movement that has no international support”?

On May 12, 2000, Jakarta and Gam signed a novel document, ‘Joint
Understand for Humanitarian Pause for Aceh’, for three months. Its
objectives were humanitarian assistance to the people and promotion of
CBMs. A joint forum was set up, with the Henry Dumant Centre for
Humanitarian Dialogue as ‘facilitator’. It fell a victim to domestic uproar.

The Indonesian government’s offer of special autonomy facilitated
dialogue. In January 2002, Wirajuda asked Wiryono to resume talks. He
drew up a roadmap, ‘Proposed Guidance’, which envisaged three stages —
ceasefire, dialogue and accord based on the Special Autonomy Law passed
during President Wahid’s tenure. But independence remained a sticking point.

In a joint statement on May 10, 2002, the Indonesian government and Gam
formulated ‘Cessation of Hostilities Framework Agreement’ based on a
joint statement which accepted the law “as a starting point for
discussions”. Gam argued that it was just that; not the end result. The
accord was signed on December 9, 2002, but collapsed, eventually.

President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono publicly set an Aceh accord as a
priority task when he was elected in October 2004. The tsunami on
December 26 gave a fillip to the parleys. Aceh lost 130,000 lives. The
president sought the assistance of the Helsinki-based Crisis Management
Initiative headed by Martti Ahtisaari, former president of Finland.

The MoU signed at Helsinki by representatives of the Indonesian
government and Gam, on August 15, 2005, resolved the knotty issues of
arms surrender and independence. A new law will be enacted by March 31,
2002, to make Aceh autonomous in all spheres, except defence, foreign
affairs, national security, fiscal matters, ‘justice and freedom of
religion’. Jakarta will seek Aceh right to use regional symbols,
including a flag, a crest and a hymn. It can seek foreign loans, enjoy
“unhindered access to foreign countries, by sea and air” and retain 70
per cent of revenues from all the resources in the territory.

Amnesty for militants will be coupled with their economic
rehabilitation. Gam will demobilise its 3,000 troops and hand over 840
arms. The government will reduce its 30,000 troops to 14,700 and the
police strength from 6,000 to 9,100; the entire process is to end by
December 31. An Aceh Monitoring Mission, comprising 250 personnel from
Asean and the EU, will monitor this process.

The accord does great credit to all — to President Yudhayono for his
courage and statesmanship; President Ahtisaari for his diplomatic skills
and to the Gam for a sense of responsibility and realism.


___


[5] [On culture policing, freedom of expression (and retrograde ways of
certain Dalit rights campaigners) ]

The Hindu
Nov 18, 2005

Women's World condemns campaign against Kushboo and Suhasini

In a press release, Vasantha Kannabiran, Ritu Menon, Volga, and Ammu
Joseph, representing Women's WORLD, (India), have expressed grave
concern over the vicious public campaign being mounted against Kushboo
and Suhasini, and called attention to the way "culture policing and mob
censorship'' threaten freedom of expression and place women who speak
their mind "at risk.''

Their statement, issued on November 17, reads:

"We are gravely concerned about the public campaign that is being
mounted against Kushboo and Suhasini. Personal opinions on the existence
or non-existence of premarital sex cannot be taken as insults to
communities or cultures. This kind of culture policing and mob
censorship has serious implications for freedom of expression.

"We are particularly concerned that such attacks are often directed at
women. If women, including Tamil women, are to enjoy their fundamental
right to free and equal citizenship, this trend towards targeting women
for speaking their minds is a retrogressive step. The whole campaign
against Kushboo's remarks is an insult to the thoughts and teaching of
E. V. Ramaswamy, a brilliant thinker and guru forgotten today in Tamil
Nadu politics.

"The right to freedom of expression must be guarded at all costs. It is
a sign of the bankruptcy of our political action that a remark like this
is blown out of proportion to generate hate and rouse public anger when
far more important issues of injustice, corruption, livelihoods, and
survival are not touched upon. E. V. Ramaswamy [Periyar] and Subramania
Bharati should be made compulsory reading for political activists of all
colours.

"We are also concerned about the role of the media in sensationalising
and generating controversies around such issues and thereby placing
women at risk. We commend the courage and principled stand taken by
Sania Mirza and Narain Karthikeyan in this regard. We call upon all
leading writers, artistes, intellectuals, and political parties to take
a stand on freedom of expression and censorship by mob, in order to
bring an end to this kind of attack. Forced apologies from Kushboo and
Suhasini should be seen as a blow to a democratic culture of freedom of
thought and expression.

"Women's WORLD (India) is a network of women writers connected to
Women's WORLD (Women's World Organisation for Rights, Literature and
Development), an international free speech network that seeks to
catalyse global feminist work on the right to free expression.

"Women writers from across the world associated with Women's WORLD
believe that gender-based censorship is a major threat to women's
freedom of expression. Gender based censorship refers to the historic,
worldwide silencing of women's voices through various means which
subtly, but effectively, obstruct the achievement of equality,
sustainable livelihoods and peace by women.''

* * *

AIDWA extends support to Kushboo

Special Correspondent

NEW DELHI: The All-India Democratic Women's Association (AIDWA) on
Thursday urged the courts not to entertain complaints "that are a direct
blow to the freedom of expression."

Describing the critics of actress Kushboo, who is facing flak for her
remarks on pre-marital sex, as "self-styled upholders of Tamil culture,"
the central executive committee at a meeting here expressed concern over
the "increased attempts at moral policing." It said the courts should
not entertain complaints that were a direct attack on an individual's
right to express his/her views.

The meeting, chaired by Suhasini Ali, also passed a resolution demanding
that the Government frame rules under the recently-passed Domestic
Violence Bill, so that women get speedy redress.

[. . . ].

o o o

The Telegraph
November 18, 2005

Editorial

HOLY VIRGINITY

The Indian film world thrives on sex and violence — in any collocation.
So when a heroine of Tamil films, Kushboo, talked about sex, she was
greeted with violence. Months have passed since her comment in a news
magazine that no educated man should expect his wife to be a virgin. But
the fervour of the hostility towards her has not abated. When in court
recently in response to a non-bailable arrest warrant issued against her
by a lawyer for failing to appear for the hearing of a defamation case -
Kushboo is alleged to have defamed all women - the actor was pelted with
slippers, rotten tomatoes and eggs. She is said to have “denigrated”
Tamil women, assaulted Tamil culture and promoted licentiousness. The
culture police in Tamil Nadu have become particularly vocal and
offensive, especially since the Dalit Panthers of India and the Pattali
Makkal Katchi launched their Tamil Protection Movement. But the police
come in all colours and under all banners. It is remarkable how a
repressive conservatism, wholly directed against women, has been drummed
up in recent times by most politicians and the media. While the media
thrives on sensationalizing all issues related to women and sex, the
Tamil film enjoys alternately vulgarizing and deifying the female image.
But Tamil women, say the culture experts, must uphold the ‘honour’ of
Tamilness, by not wearing jeans and T-shirts, not dancing or singing in
discos, not drinking, not smoking and - woe be to Kushboo - not having
sex before marriage.

Tamil Nadu’s rates of female infanticide, its sex ratio, its rate of
dowry-related violence are some of the worst in the country. So it is
not enough to see the new idea of protecting Tamil culture as an exact
reverse of the liberalizing ideals of earlier cultural movements. The
repression and violence signal the strength of male domination in the
culture and its built-in hypocrisy. Kushboo was not only caught up in a
rivalry between two TV channels where she was the anchor of a show in
one, but has also been identified as an ‘outsider’ -- not Tamil and of
the minority community to boot. The viciousness of the attacks on her,
the complicity of the establishment in disgracing her by dragging her
through the courts, all show the dangers posed by a society whose
politics turn on a new conservatism founded on the victimization of women.

___


[6]


The Telegraph
November 16, 2005

DEFY THE HERD INSTINCT
The fact that the political choice of Muslims is largely guided by a
sense of fear is bad for the social health of India, writes Sumanta Sen

Spare a thought

Any discussion on electoral politics in this country invariably brings
up the question of how Muslims will vote. One heard this in connection
with the elections in Bihar, and will surely hear more on the subject
when West Bengal and several other states go to the polls next year. The
general feeling seems to be that Muslims vote almost en bloc as a
religious community, not allowing their experience of daily life to
influence them; that their only concern is to elect people who will
allow them to live in peace with their religious identity.

A minority community in a country which has not always been known for a
uniform level of religious tolerance, can always feel insecure. The
sense of insecurity is not just at the physical level — Muslims in India
do not always feel that they are in actual danger of being attacked. But
there can be other reasons for feeling insecure. They can, and often do,
feel that they are neglected, that the future holds out pretty little in
the land they live in. While that is understandable, the question that
needs to be asked is, do Muslims, as a rule, allow such a sense of
insecurity to influence their political choice? Also, does this happen
everywhere in the country?

That does not seem to be the case always. Take West Bengal, for
instance. Here, there are two types of Muslims — the ones who are
Bengalis and the others who speak Urdu or Hindi. Very often the
linguistic difference is seen to be reflected in their pattern of voting
as well. In the past, it has often been noted that while Muslims living
in the waterfront areas of Calcutta or Park Circus (who do not speak
Bengali) have opted for the Congress, or later the Trinamool Congress,
their co-religionists elsewhere in the city have voted left. But that
too not uniformly.

Bengali Muslims in Howrah, Hooghly or the two 24-Parganas may vote for
the left in a much bigger manner than those in Malda or Murshidabad. The
reason for this does seem to boil down to political organization or, as
leftists generally argue, to the varying levels of consciousness at
different places. Muslims living in Malda and Murshidabad, industrially
backward both, are seen to be more conservative than, say, those living
along the two banks of the Ganga near Calcutta. There can be many other
reasons too, but the fact remains that in West Bengal, Muslims very
rarely vote as a single entity. Also, Bengali Muslims are never known to
act according to any pre-election fatwa, which, of course, does not make
them any less devoted to Islam than the others.

In Assam, too, one has noted this difference. The ethnic Assamese
Muslims seem to have little interest in those who speak Bengali, perhaps
because the forefathers of the latter had come from districts which are
now in Bangladesh. And so, in the long prevailing atmosphere of the
state, they are all considered ‘foreigners’. The minorities’ front in
the state is solely concerned about the plight of the Bengali-speaking
Muslims. Contrary to popular belief, Islam is not a binding force here.
In Assam, the sense of physical insecurity can be seen in only a section
of the religious minorities, and this guides their political choice. If
an Assamese Muslim votes the same way as a Bengali Muslim, it will be
for entirely different reasons. There is no single vote bank here also.

Such a vote bank did seem to exist in Uttar Pradesh, with Mulayam Singh
Yadav being described as Maulana Mulayam. That bank got consolidated
after the firm measures — including firing — that he took against kar
sevaks at Ayodhaya during his first stint as chief minister in the
Eighties. The later demolition of the Babri mosque, when the Bharatiya
Janata Party was in office, caused Muslims to flock to his banner in
larger numbers. But the emergence of the Bahujan Samaj Party caused a
breach in this loyalty as sections of the backward Muslims thought it
more profitable to opt for Mayavati. Here also, there is a sense of
insecurity, but those suffering from this do not appear to be going for
a single saviour, and thereby do not behave in a uniform manner. In the
days to come, no psephologist will be at ease with the ‘Muslim vote’ in
UP. With the Congress trying to re-emerge in the state, the next
election may well see the Muslim vote getting split in three ways,
provided, of course, the three parties fight on their own.

In Bihar, on the other hand, for the last fifteen years, the community
has voted almost en bloc for Laloo Yadav for the way in which he has
been able to keep communal politics at bay. There is a definite ‘vote
bank’ here, and it is doubtful to what extent Ram Vilas Paswan has been
able to cut into it, though with his Dalit brand of politics, he is
hoping to rope in backward Muslims in the manner of the BSP in
neighbouring UP.

Actually, the Bihar results will be interesting in the context of the
subject under discussion. Communalism has never been that big an issue
in Bihar, even if one were to take into account the Bhagalpur riots. But
Laloo Prasad Yadav has cleverly kept the memory of that riot fresh and,
at the same time, repeated his promises for a fair deal for the
impoverished. It has to be seen if Muslims have at last seen through the
game and allowed the issue of religious identity to take the backseat
while making their choice.

Of the states to hold assembly elections next year is Kerala, perhaps
the only Indian state where the Muslim vote is always predictable. One
reason could be the fact that Kerala is the only state where Muslims
have a political party of their own, carrying the words Muslim League.
Here also, it is a question of identity preservation — identity not so
much religious as political, or religion-based politics. Many years ago,
E.M.S. Namboodiripad had sought to give a different interpretation but
his party had shot it down as it did sound a bit opportunistic. The fact
remains that in Kerala, Muslims and Christians vote almost en bloc and
in the same direction.

Religious communities voting in one single manner may be useful for
pollsters but perhaps not so good for the nation’s social health. It
makes them stand separately, which secularists should not like.
Unfortunately, secularists like the ones in Bihar and UP seem to favour
this as they are not too sure what shape their assimilation with the
majority community would take. So it is a kind of ‘minority communalism’
that they indulge in. The existence of a definite Muslim vote helps them.

Thus, generally speaking, except in West Bengal, the Muslim choice is
largely guided by a sense of fear, though in making that choice at
places they go for more than one box. But the existence of that feeling
is in itself a danger for society as a whole. It is not what one expects
in a secular republic.

____


[7]

Upcoming Event:


The Chowrangi 2005 Fundraiser
Thursday, December 8, 2005, 6:30 - 9:30pm at the
Sundaram Tagore Gallery
137 Greene Street
New York, New York 10012

Join us for an intimate evening that includes readings by celebrated
authors, mingling with celebrity guests, raffle, light food, drinks, and
music.
The event will also mark the launch of Chowrangi's latest issue, which
highlights the tragedy of the Pakistan earthquake and the triumph of the
human spirit.
Guests include New York Times Fellow Humera Afridi, readings by
celebrated authors Maniza Naqvi, Shaila Abdullah, artist Fawad Khan,
filmmaker Mehreen Jabbar, and many others.

Limited tickets available (100 only):
$65.00 advance /$75.00 at door


If you cannot attend, please donate!
Make all checks payable to Develop in Peace and send to:
Samira Qureshi
70 Central Park Road
Plainview, NY 11753
(917) 692-8871
For inquiries, please email samira at chowrangi.org
A portion of the proceeds will go towards long-term reconstruction and
rehabilitation of schools in the affected areas through Ibtida.

* Develop in Peace is a 501 (c)3 organization. Its objective is to bring
peace and prosperity through supporting developmental work in the field
of health, education, water, and women and children's issues. Their
primary focus is South Asia. All donations will be tax deductible to the
full extent permitted by law.



_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/

Buzz on the perils of fundamentalist politics, on
matters of peace and democratisation in South
Asia. SACW is an independent & non-profit
citizens wire service run since 1998 by South
Asia Citizens Web: www.sacw.net/
SACW archive is available at: bridget.jatol.com/pipermail/sacw_insaf.net/

DISCLAIMER: Opinions expressed in materials carried in the posts do not
necessarily reflect the views of SACW compilers.







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