SACW | 10 Feb 2005
sacw
aiindex at mnet.fr
Wed Feb 9 19:17:54 CST 2005
South Asia Citizens Wire | 10 Feb., 2005
via: www.sacw.net
[1] Pakistan: Dr Shazia's gang rape at PPL: JAC
meeting condemns concealment of rapists
+ Doctor Shazia's rape: JAC demands rights for victim
[2] An Open Letter to the Home Minister of India (149 signatories)
+ Photos of citizens protest against attack on
Professor Geelani in Delhi on 9 February 2005
[3] India: Doing It Their Way - the formation of
the All India Muslim Women's Law Board (Janaki
Nair)
[4] India: Home Truths: Providing Shelter to
Millions on the Street (Bharat Dogra)
[5] India: Film on - Hedgewar [founding figure
of the Hindu Far Right] (Anuradha Raman)
--------------
[1]
Daily Times
February 09, 2005
DR SHAZIA'S GANG RAPE AT PPL: JAC MEETING CONDEMNS CONCEALMENT OF RAPISTS
Staff Report
KARACHI: An emergency meeting of the Joint Action
Committee (JAC) held on Monday, condemned the
rape of a lady doctor at the Pakistan Petroleum
Limited Hospital (PPL), Sui, Balochistan,
according to a JAC press release issued here on
Tuesday.
"We are appalled by the behaviour of PPL doctors
and officials who when informed about what
happened on the night of Jan 2, did not register
a case of rape and instead tried to conceal the
incident from the police. They kept her sedated,
denied the police access to her and prevented any
medical examination from taking place. They
refused to even contact her family until Jan 5,"
the JAC said.
Frustrated by the slow pace of proceedings, he
added "We are dismayed that it took a week for
the police to record her statement and that only
after a public protest was a tribunal established
on Jan 11 and a medical examination conducted on
Jan 15.
"We are disturbed that the names of the accused
have not been made public, and that the Defence
Service Guards (DSG) at Sui who had been
implicated in the case, had still not been
questioned.
"We are deeply concerned that the lady doctor is
being held incommunicado and we extend our full
support to the lady doctor who is a very valuable
member of the healing profession who is committed
to the well being of humanity. The fact that she
was serving in a remote area is testimony to her
commitment to the profession.
"We appreciate all the efforts of the human
rights groups and women's groups that have been
actively supporting her and continue to support
her." The JAC demanded that the lady doctor be
allowed to exercise her fundamental rights and
that full protection be given to her and her
family as they seek justice. They called for all
proceedings to be made transparent and for human
rights and women's rights activists to observe
these sessions.
The meeting also decided to hold a protest
demonstration on Feb 12 at 2pm from Regal Chowk
to the Karachi Press Club.
The JAC comprises War Against Rape, Aurat
Foundation, Shirkat Gah, Women's Action Forum,
Amnesty International, Human Rights Commission of
Pakistan, Pakistan Medical Association, Mubariza,
Aahang and Pakistan Reproductive Health Network.
o o o
Daily Times
February 10, 2005
DOCTOR SHAZIA'S RAPE: JAC DEMANDS RIGHTS FOR VICTIM
* 'Justice is being thwarted once again'
Staff Report
LAHORE: The Joint Action Committee (JAC) for
People's Rights, an alliance of over 30
non-government organisations and civil society
groups, expressed fear that vested interests
would deny justice to Dr Shazia, a Pakistani
woman who survived rape.
Addressing a press conference at the Lahore Press
Club on Wednesday, JAC leaders, IA Rehman, the
director of the Human Rights Commission of
Pakistan (HRCP), Shah Taj Qizilbash, Neelam
Hussain, Farooq Tariq, Shirkat Gah executives and
others expressed concern about the way the Dr
Shazia case was being prolonged.
The JAC demanded that the government ensure the
safety of Dr Shazia and her family. They also
demanded that she be allowed a lawyer of her
choice, be provided medical care and allowed to
meet women's rights and human rights
organisations.
The JAC demanded that an inquiry should be held
to monitor the police investigation. They said
that the proceedings should be made transparent,
the FIR be made public, the accused be revealed,
people obstructing justice be prosecuted and the
Dr Shazia's case not be used as an excuse to
intensify military operations in Balochistan.
They urged the Pakistan Medical Association to
take steps to ensure that those doctors
responsible for obstructing justice be banned
from the medical profession.
"Once again, a Pakistani woman has been subjected
to rape and torture and again the culprits are
being spared," lamented the JAC, adding, "We are
deeply disturbed at what appears to be efforts to
cover up the matter and delay the course of
justice." They were concerned that the matter
being pursued at multiple forums, including a
tribunal, would further delay the actual legal
case of rape.
The JAC said that the rapist, people who had or
were concealing facts and those 'protecting' the
accused were all culpable for the crime. They
announced a protest demonstration on February 12
from Ewan-e-Iqbal to Assembly Hall.
According to the JAC, Dr Shazia Khalid was an
employee of the Pakistan Petroleum Limited and
had been posted at the company's Sui hospital for
the past 18 months. She was being provided
accommodation by the PPL and the Defence Services
Group (DSG) was providing security for the entire
facility.
On the night of January 2, Dr Shazia was attacked
and raped by a masked intruder. She was severely
injured and left tied with telephone wires. When
she freed herself she informed Sister Sakina of
the PPL medical staff, who informed the
administration, and several other doctors
including Dr Usman Waddah, the PPL chief medical
officer, and Dr Mohammad Ali, the deputy medical
officer (both subsequently accused and arrested
for concealing evidence).
Dr Shazia was stopped from returning to her room
to get her clothes and the staff did not comply
with her plea to have her brother and his wife
flown in from Karachi to be with her. No medical
examination was carried out nor did the PPL staff
call the police. PPL doctors sedated her in an
attempt to conceal the rape.
______
[2]
sacw.net | February 9, 2005
URL: www.sacw.net/hrights/OletterHomeMin9feb05.html
AN OPEN LETTER TO THE HOME MINISTER OF INDIA
Shri Shivraj Patil
Hon'ble Minister of Home Affairs
Government of India
New Delhi
9 February, 2005
Sir,
We consider the murderous attack on Prof. Syed
Abdul Geelani, a teacher of Arabic in Zakir
Hussain College, Delhi University, on 8 February,
2005, an assault on Indian democracy itself.
Prof. Geelani's life has always been in danger
ever since he was falsely implicated in the
Parliament attack case and was subsequently
acquitted of all charges by the High Court in
Delhi. It is a matter of shame that the
law-enforcing system of the country failed to
protect an outstanding voice of democracy in
India.
Although we do not wish to pre-judge any specific
complicity in the attack on Prof. Geelani at this
stage, we strongly feel that the involvement of
the Delhi Police itself, especially its Special
Branch, in the crime can not be ruled out. It is
clear by now that this Branch was in the grip of
communal-fascist forces during the entire
proceedings in the Parliament attack case. As
with the other accused in the case, Prof. Geelani
was falsely implicated on the basis of forged
documents and concocted evidence. He was
illegally arrested, brutally tortured and made to
sign on blank sheets of paper by the officers of
the branch. Attempts were made on his life inside
the prison. Per the records submitted by his
defence before the Supreme Court of India, he was
constantly shadowed by the police throughout the
country even after he was honourably acquitted by
the High Court.
Despite the torture and danger to his family,
Prof. Geelani never submitted to the dictats of
the police and, unlike the other accused, refused
to sign the forced "confessions" written by the
police. After his acquittal, Prof. Geelani has
been a prominent voice in defence of democracy
and human rights. Following his own bitter
experience, he has drawn attention of the country
to the abject violation of the rights of
prisoners, especially Kashmiri muslims, in the
Tihar jail. No wonder his presence has been a
thorn in the flesh of cynical power enjoyed by
the Special Branch with the undisguised blessings
of the erstwhile NDA government in the name of
anti-terrorist operations.
With this background, the handling of the present
case by the Crime Branch of the same Delhi Police
will be a textbook case of conflict of interest.
It will only add to the continuing travesty of
justice and human rights in the Parliament attack
case. Therefore, we appeal to you to
1. Appoint an independent judicial
commission to inquire into the attack on Prof.
Geelani to bring the perpetrators of this crime
to justice
2. Take additional measures to ensure the
security of the two other accused in the case,
Mohammad Afzal and Shaukat Hussain Guru,
currently lodged in the Tihar jail
Also, in continuation with our earlier appeal to
the Hon'ble Prime Minister of India (enclosed),
we appeal to you to
A. Bring out a white paper on the Parliament attack
B. Institute a high level judicial inquiry
into the illegal practices of the Special Branch
of the Delhi Police, induding allegations of
corruption, violations of fair trial standards
and allegations of false encounters
We hope that, with the ouster of the NDA
government, the atmosphere of fear and prejudice
that engulfed the country during the previous
regime will give way to genuine concerns about
democratic norms, justice and human rights. We
are aware of the promise of the UPA government to
"preserve, protect and promote social harmony and
to enforce the law without fear or favour to deal
with all obscurantist and fundamentalist elements
who seek to disturb social amity and peace." We
are encouraged by your own statement in the
Parliament that "the main tools of the UPA
Government in dealing with terrorism would be
dialogue, good governance, social justice,
economic growth and the cooperation of the
people."
Sincerely
1. Nirmalangshu Mukherji Delhi University
2. Ali Javed Delhi University
3. Vijay Singh Delhi University
4. Gautam Navlakha Journalist
5. Rita Sinha Delhi University
6. Anshuman Singh Delhi University
7. Sachin N. Delhi University
8. Tara Prakash Delhi University
9. Kanika Kwatra Delhi University
10. Radhika Menon Forum for Democratic Initiative
11. Jitendra Kumar Journalist
12. Poonam Srivastava Jawaharlal Nehru University
13. Uma Gupta Delhi University
14. Rashid Ali Journalist
15. Shohini Ghosh Jamia Milia Islamia
16. Madhu Prasad Delhi University
17. M. F. Kumar Delhi University
18. Javed Naqvi Journalist
19. Partho Dutta Delhi University
20. Chetna Jadav Delhi University
21. Svati Joshi Delhi University
22. Kamal Chinoy Jawaharlal Nehru University
23. Manilah Imam Jawaharlal Nehru University
24. Muqbil Ahmar Jawaharlal Nehru University
25. Prabir Purkayastha Delhi Science Forum
26. Rakesh Ranjan Delhi University
27. Anjani Kumar AIPRF
28. Jeevan Vikalp
29. Harish Dhawan PUDR
30. Bhupinder DSU
31. Sanjay Kak Film Maker
32. Upendra Swami Jan Sanskriti Manch
33. Bhasha Singh Jan Sanskriti Manch
34. Berhard D'Mello PUDR
35. Bharati Jagannathan Delhi University
36. Satya Jawaharlal Nehru University
37. Jehnen Delhi University
38. Karika Delhi University
39. Santanu PUDR
40. Reena Teacher
41. Ratneswarnath Ekta Parishad
42. M. I. Mansingh Ahmedabad
43. Nabarun Majumdar Delhi
44. Anil Pershand Jawaharlal Nehru University
45. C.G. Manoj Journalist, PTI
46. Aziz Mehdi Jamia Milia Islamia
47. Shamin Ahmed Jamia Milia Islamia
48. Hasan Mohd. Jamia Milia Islamia
49. Joya John PSU
50. Maya John PSU
51. Shshank Jamia Milia Islamia
52. Iqbal Jamia Milia Islamia
53. Nandita Narain Delhi University
54. Swapnil Gupta Punjab University
55. Ehtasham Ali Jamia Milia Islamia
56. Pushpa Jamia Milia Islamia
57. Abdul Hafiz Jamia Milia Islamia
58. Mohammad Jamia Milia Islamia
59. Iman Jamia Milia Islamia
60. Kaleem Jamia Milia Islamia
61. Abdul Rahim Jamia Milia Islamia
62. Sushil Vikalp
63. Anil AIPRF
64. Rajesh AIPRF
65. Dharmendra AIPRF
66. Shahid Alam Jamia Milia Islamia
67. T.R. Sagar Delhi University
68. Mrityunjay Yadavendra Jamia Milia Islamia
69. Rashmi Paul Delhi University
70. Imran Khan Delhi University
71. Kr. Sanjay Singh Delhi University
72. Sandeep Jawaharlal Nehru University
73. Jitendra Kumar Jawaharlal Nehru University
74. Srikant Jamia Milia Islamia
75. Arundhati Gomes ASK
76. Md. Akbar Ali Delhi University
77. Chandan Kr. Jawaharlal Nehru University
78. Md. Javed Jamia Milia Islamia
79. Deepika Tandon Delhi University
80. Saikat Ghosh Delhi University
81. Rupleena Bose Delhi University
82. Najma Rehmani Delhi University
83. Ish Mishra Delhi University
84. Manizah Delhi University
85. Rahim Delhi University
86. Shanil Delhi University
87. Albeena Shakil Jawaharlal Nehru University
88. Subhanil Choudhury Jawaharlal Nehru University
89. H. M. Imran Jawaharlal Nehru University
90. Sima Kanungo Delhi University
91. S. B. Pandit AISA
92. Imteyaz Ahmed Delhi University
93. Ranjana Saxena Delhi University
94. Satyadeep PUDR
95. Rona Wilson SPDPR
96. Kundan Kr. Eastwinds
97. Anjana Kumari DSU
98. Javed Malik Delhi University
99.Neeraj Malik Delhi University
100. Anumendra Singh Lawyer
(and 49 others)
o o o o o
[ See Photos of citizens protest against attack
on Professor Geelani in Delhi on 9 February 2005 |
Photos by Mukul Dube > 1 / 2 / 3 / 4
www.sacw.net/hrights/images/gila1_05.jpg
www.sacw.net/hrights/images/gila1_14.jpg
www.sacw.net/hrights/images/gila1_14c.jpg
www.sacw.net/hrights/images/gila1_15c.jpg ]
______
[3]
The Telegraph (Calcutta, India)
February 09, 2005
DOING IT THEIR WAY
In a sense, the formation of the All India Muslim
Women's Law Board would signal a victory for
Indian feminism, argues Janaki Nair The author is
professor of history, Centre for Studies in
Social Sciences, Calcutta
The recent move to set up a separate All India
Muslim Women's Personal Law Board at Lucknow may
be welcomed with cautious optimism by the Indian
feminist movement. For some years now, and
particularly since the Bharatiya Janata Party and
its allies successfully annexed the demand for
the introduction of a uniform civil code in the
name of rescuing the Muslim woman from the
tyrannies of Muslim patriarchy, the Indian
feminist movement has had to revise and
distinguish its position from that of
fundamentalists of both communities.
It did this by steadfastly focusing on the
problems of women in India, who continue to live
under personal law, and the reformed Hindu code
of the Fifties did not escape its scrutiny. There
has been a growing recognition among all sections
of feminists that the communalized public sphere,
and ambiguous victories and decisive setbacks in
the courtroom, called for a revision of earlier
positions. In particular, some organizations
called for a strategy of supporting moves for
gender justice that came from women within these
communities themselves.
This is at last what the new board represents in
its avowed intention of focusing on the rights of
women under Muslim personal law. The move is
richly ironic, for what else do personal law
boards adjudicate if not the position of women,
on whose dominated status the identity of the
community is built? The new personal law board
does not purport to move out of the realm of the
community but claims a space within it, and on
its own terms.
But coming, as the move of the Muslim feminists
does, after similar challenges to the law board's
authority from such segments as the Shias and the
Barelvis, it may have the unfortunate consequence
of providing a rallying point for a new
patriarchal unity. Already, as the reports have
it, the Shias have dismissed the move as an act
of an international conspiracy.
The All India Muslim Personal Law Board has
dismissed it as a "joke", which, we may note, is
quite a different response from the more
accommodating tone adopted vis à vis the Shias
and the Barelvis. These are surely the easiest
ways of discrediting any movement for political
change in India. There will be inevitable
questions about the representativeness of this
new board, though clearly the original board,
which includes two dozen women among its 200
members, has never thought fit to introspect on
this question so far. They may even find some
evidence of participation in such efforts of,
what older feminist activists have regarded with
some dismay, "9 to 5 feminists" who profess
well-paid beliefs as employees of an NGO.
Yet the new women's board has already declared
what the Shariat says are the rights of women,
and therefore has rejected triple talaq as a
legitimate form of divorce. Its intention is to
interpret the religious law in the spirit of
gender justice, and draw away the women who are
flocking to the family courts for relief.
Still, it may be too early for feminists to take
heart from the long-overdue changes that are
under way. There is nothing as yet to guarantee
that this assertion of independence will not be
crushed or at least contained, for we may soberly
recall the closure of ranks that occurred, in the
wake of the Mary Roy judgment, among the various
factions of the Kerala church, which proclaimed
that the community, and more properly Syrian
Christian families, were in danger from the
retrospective application of the Indian
Succession Act among Christians of Kerala.
Moreover, there will be legions of other women
who will willingly lend their faces to this
effort of building a "new community solidarity".
In this, the stand taken by the state will be
crucial. Yet, as Rajeswari Sundar Rajan's recent
work has pointed out, there is a paradox in the
ways in which the state responds to women's
demands. It displays none of the alacrity with
which it may concede political power to questions
that involve women's economic rights,
particularly within the family. The pragmatics of
women's participation in politics is crucially
dependent on a party system still controlled by
men. Political representation, in all likeness,
is still subordinated to a party system that is
largely controlled by men, whereas economic
rights within the family may challenge the very
patriarchies on which the state depends.
But there is no doubt at all that these
developments are an effect of long years of
rallying around the question of women's rights
within communities and the long and contradictory
relationship that women have with the state.
Shuttling between the community and the state,
women under personal laws are wary of placing all
their confidence in either of these forces,
preferring to build pressure from within rather
than seek the intervention of a state
ever-willing to concede to the demands of
assorted patriarchies.
Organizations such as Awaz-e-Niswan in Mumbai, or
COVA in Hyderabad have advocated piecemeal and
steady reforms without antagonizing the religious
beliefs of the women in these communities. The
demand that women be given the freedom to worship
in mosques is thus as important in such a charter
as the demand for equal rights to property and
the ban on triple talaq in marriage.
But there are many signs that the news of the
board has to be treated with caution, for we
simultaneously hear of a judge of the Allahabad
high court who has upheld a lower court judgment
for the payment of maintenance to a Muslim woman
estranged from her husband. He has done it in the
name of the justice guaranteed to all Indians
under the Constitution, from which Muslims are
not exempt.
This assertion of the notion of citizenship is at
variance with the constitution of the new board
which will embrace, rather than repudiate, the
community. Feminists have learned to treat with
caution the words of Indian judges pronouncing on
women's rights, especially in a charged public
sphere where no opportunity is missed to deal out
lessons to Muslims in modes of correct
citizenship, using the dubious norms of Hindu
reformed law. The pursuit of gender justice has
been used as the ruse to rebuke the Muslim
community generally or Muslim men in particular,
and as Flavia Agnes has shown for the period
following the Bombay Riots of 1993, even
castigate the community for acts of violence
against women.
Feminists have thus learned to be wary of reading
such ready condemnation of Muslim men by assorted
(and usually Hindu) men of the bar. But these new
developments are definite signs that neither the
campaigns for the uniform civil code, nor the
setbacks in court and legislature have been in
vain for they have surely informed the moves made
by the Muslim activists. In this important sense,
this is a victory for Indian feminism.
______
[4]
The Times of India,
February 2, 2005
HOME TRUTHS: PROVIDING SHELTER TO MILLIONS ON THE STREET
by Bharat Dogra
No one remembers them during grand occasions like
Republic Day. They are the homeless - people
stretched on footpaths under torn blankets or
less, on remorselessly cold and foggy nights.
Discussions on improving urban infrastructure
altogether negate their existence. Perhaps, their
only consolation under this framework is to eke
out a space below the flyovers littering the city
landscape. They are taken note of only as
undesirable elements that need to be weeded out
of the city in order to improve its 'social
infrastructure'. The Emergency happened only 30
years back, but today a Turkman Gate happens
virtually each day all over the country without a
murmur of disapproval. Have we really evolved as
a strong, proud Republic?
Ironically, the callous neglect is visible in the
very city that hosts the Republic Day parade.
Despite the recent emphasis on poverty
alleviation schemes, the existing night shelters
in Delhi accommodate less than 5% of the city's
1,00,000 homeless, or 3,000 people. If the
homeless go through hell in winter in Delhi, they
face high water in the monsoon in Mumbai. The
situation in smaller towns, away from public and
policy focus, can well be imagined. It is an
indication of the extent to which the urban
homeless have been ignored that reliable
estimates of their number are just not available.
Census estimates have left out a big chunk of the
homeless as they can only be contacted at night
and not very easily.
Sporadic estimates suggest that the number of
homeless is not less than three million, or about
1% of the urban population. The figures will rise
if we include those who are precariously housed,
or on the margin of homelessness. Some people are
'resettled' so far away from their place of work
that they prefer to sleep in the open near the
worksite despite the existence of a house or hut
miles away. Shouldn't we consider them homeless?
Several studies have shown that it makes sense
for the government to provide housing sites and
basic services close to the place of livelihood.
If only a few dwellings pose a problem - for
example, to make way for a road or a drain -
organisations of slum dwellers can help to find
an alternative site nearby for these few. This
was demons-trated by the Asha Abhiyan project in
Bilaspur (Chhattisgarh).
Notwithstanding these facts, nearly three lakh
people have been rendered homeless by a slum
demolition drive in Mumbai in recent weeks. Chief
minister Vilasrao Deshmukh stands committed to
changing the face of Mumbai, no matter what the
human cost.
A two-pronged approach is needed to provide
shelter on a large scale. The programme of
creating night shelters should be stepped up
significantly. Appeals should be made to make
available buildings that are unused at night, so
that these can provide shelter to the homeless,
particularly in extremely cold weather. Such
buildings can include religious and philanthropic
places, schools and colleges. A means would have
to be devised to link the organisations and
people willing to donate space to those who
actually need it. Voluntary organisations and
citizens' groups can play an important role in
establishing this link and ensuring that the
homeless enter and leave buildings in an orderly
way so that their day-use is not disturbed.
Ordinary citizens can play a more positive role.
Their concerns at present only find limited
expression - such as donation of an occasional
blanket - due to lack of avenues to reach out to
the homeless. However, if organisations dedicated
to meeting many-faceted needs of the homeless
emerge, these can facilitate a much more
broad-based participation of citizens.
The Ashray Adhikar Abhiyan in Delhi has made an
effort in this direction. It engages people in
the needs of the homeless and provides spaces for
them to link up with welfare activities. Many
students have offered their voluntary services;
some educational institutions have allowed their
premises to be used as shelters at night; and
commercial establishments as well as individuals
have come up with job and training offers.
A move is afoot in Delhi and Chennai to provide
the homeless with a voters' identity card. This
would empower the unfortunate lakhs in their
interactions with hafta -hungry policemen and
hospital staff, while also bringing them into the
reckoning when the government announces welfare
measures.
The Tenth Plan document refers to according
voluntary organisations a greater role in
managing night shelters. The document emphasises
building night shelters for women and children,
who have suffered glaring neglect in the past.
Night shelter programmes should learn from
earlier mistakes. The low occupancy at night
shelters is explained not only by the unhygienic
conditions, but also by the fact that the needs
of special occupational groups are often
overlooked. Rickshaw and cart-pullers need a
place to keep their cycles and carts - their
means of livelihood - securely before they can
sleep peacefully in a shelter. Hence, a close
interaction with the target group is needed so
that the funds are well spent. Along with an
increase in the budget for night shelters,
greater transparency in funds use will go a long
way in ensuring the best results. In sum, it
makes more sense to provide for the homeless than
to pursue policies which increase their number in
the name of beautification and infrastructure
creation. Only then can we say Saare jahan se
achcha .
_______
[5]
Indian Express
February 10, 2005
SHARMILA'S FIRST TEST: FILM ON HEDGEWAR
Anuradha Raman
NEW DELHI, FEBRUARY 9: One of the first films
that the new members of the Censor Board, under
the chairmanship of Sharmila Tagore, will preview
is Swayamsevak - a 30-minute film on Keshav
Baliram Hedgewar, celebrating the life and times
of the RSS ideologue. Directed by filmmaker Yakub
Sayeed, a former DD official, the film has been
commissioned by the Films Division at a little
over Rs 9 lakh, and was sent for certification
two days ago.
Sayeed had written a letter in March last year to
then PM A.B. Vajpayee, seeking his permission to
make a film on Hedgewar. Sayeed said the PMO must
have forwarded his letter to then I&B minister
Ravi Shankar Prasad. ''The Films Division sent me
a letter commissioning the money for the film,''
he said. The film stars Tom Alter and a local
actor from Nagpur playing the role of Hedgewar.
Sayeed is now awaiting a certification from the
Board. The decision will reflect the objective
stand the new Board members will take on the
film. Since the UPA was sworn into power, many of
the decisions taken by the BJP have been reversed
by the I&B Ministry under Left pressure.
_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/
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