SACW | 24 Dec2004

[sacw]

South Asia Citizens Wire  | 24 Dec.,  2004
via:  www.sacw.net

[1] Pakistan: Passport to politics  (Asha'ar Rehman)
[2] Pakistan: Release the fishermen (editorial, The News)
[3] India: Employment as a social responsibility  (Jean Drèze)
[4] India - Gujarat: 2 Editorials on latest 
developments in the Best Bakery Case
[5] India: The Brethren in Goa (Githa Hariharan)
[6] India - Church Flays Film On Goa Liberation (Raju Nayak)
[7] India: Sangh Parivar moves at Shrine in Karnataka stalled: 3 recent reports
[8] India: Film review: Trauma of a riot (Shonali Bose)
[9] UK: South Asian Alliance Condemns Cancellation of 'Behzti'
[10] Upcoming events:
(i) Talk by Professor Mahmood Mamdani (New Delhi, 28 December, 2004)
(ii) Screening of the Film 'Kitte Mil Ve Mahi' 
directed by Ajay Bhardwaj (New Delhi, 30 December 
2004)



--------------

[1]


The News International
December 23, 2004

PASSPORT TO POLITICS

Machine-readable passports are controversial 
because politicians cannot be seen to ignore 
'religious' causes

Asha'ar Rehman

Believe it or not, the new machine-readable 
Pakistani passport has an entry mentioning the 
nationality of the bearer! Whatever may be the 
case with the passports issued by other countries 
to their citizens, a nationality column on a 
passport looks a bit of a waste. If it were meant 
for the consumption of the machine, maybe a code 
or a sign somewhere would have sufficed. But wait 
a minute. No one wants to pick at the authorities 
for this extravagance. Few are worried about how 
they will prove their identity in the absence of 
old entries like a person's height, colour of 
eyes and hair, or profession. Even the earlier 
'visible distinguishing marks' column has been 
dropped. Yet, we continue insisting that the 
passport must mention our religious denomination, 
so that the world can know which god we swear by.

The religious groups were appalled by the mere 
sight of the machine-readable passport, and 
immediately began fighting to restore the 
religion column. While the government at first 
gave the impression that it was determined to 
stick to the new passport in its original shape, 
the official resistance to the protesters' demand 
has been weakening of late. So much so, that the 
official Pakistan Muslim League has now itself 
supported a restoration of the religion column. 
Incidentally, the new passport already bears a 
stamp that says 'hamil haza Muslman hai' (the 
bearer is a Muslim), which amounts to yet another 
timid surrender by the once-determined 
government. It is reminiscent of the collapses of 
the past, such as the retreat on monitoring and 
streamlining curriculum in religious schools or 
madrassas.

Now, who is the passport meant for, the 
privileged bearer or the world he is ready to 
explore? It is essentially a recommendation 
letter to a citizen from the head of the state. 
From a simple paper called parwana-e-rahdari to 
the more complicated recent models to its 
simplified machine-readable form now, it has been 
a document where a head of the state, king or 
elected or unelected, recognises a citizen. The 
language may have undergone changes but the 
message and the purpose remains the same.

The previous Pakistani passport said: 'This is to 
request and require in the Name of the President 
of Pakistan all those whom it may concern to 
allow the bearer to pass freely without let or 
hindrance and to afford him/her every assistance 
and protection of which he/she may stand in need.'

In the reign of a more humble president, and also 
for the sake of better drafting, the wording has 
been changed and it now reads: 'Ministry of 
Interior Government of Pakistan requires and 
requests in the name of the President of the 
Islamic Republic of Pakistan all those to whom it 
may concern to allow the bearer to pass freely 
without let or hindrance and to afford the bearer 
such assistance and protection as may be 
necessary'.

It no longer says 'By order of the President of 
Pakistan', but identifies the immediate issuer as 
director general immigration and passports - and 
this time it is assumed that the official is 
representing Pakistan.

The director general is required to check the 
records of applicants before a passport is 
issued, and has to keep the international 
standard in mind in doing so. He doesn't have to 
provide information no one is asking for. The 
people the passport is essentially addressed to 
are not asking for a religion-based introduction, 
at least not in this case, nor do they want a 
personal article of faith. All they want is proof 
that we are bona fide Pakistani citizens. It is 
not their concern in this particular instance how 
we want to divide our country, on the basis of 
faith, caste and creed. That is a task that we 
must undertake on our own.

There is no stopping us once we start. At the 
birth of a baby girl, the hospital staff insisted 
that the parents provide details about which 
proud caste the new entrant was privileged to be 
a member of. They wouldn't stop until they got 
the dossier on an innocent soul who had no idea 
which country and which family she belonged to 
and which faith she would be subscribing to while 
she said her prayers later on in life. It was 
realised that she was ready for her place in 
society when, six years later, she declared that 
she had a Syed girl in her class.

Likewise, the election candidate who canvassed in 
our area, was more keen on garnering votes on the 
base of his biradari, as he knew that relying too 
much on the party manifesto could give an 
undesirable impersonal colour to his politics. 
The respected maulvi sahib threatens to lecture 
the faithful on the demerits of going to a 
'rival' sect's mosque. And so on and so forth.

But these are all internal matters, the splits 
within, which are well known the world over. Not 
something we need to mention in our passports. 
The government appeared to be thinking along the 
same lines when it concluded that the column 
mentioning the religion of the passport holder 
was redundant. Chaudhry Shahid Akram Bhinder, 
minister of state for law and justice, told the 
participants of a seminar on December 21, that 
the international format left no room for such an 
entry. He was reiterating what many have observed 
an independent analyst when he described the 
campaign for the restoration of the column as be 
maqsad or lacking in purpose. Yet, in the face of 
a political campaign launched by the pro-Islam 
groups, the government has generally failed to do 
its duty. It has been unable to effectively and 
frankly explain to the people why the column was 
earlier there and why it was removed. All that it 
has managed to offer is ministerial statements, 
of the 'government knows the best' variety.

On the contrary, the softening of its stance 
suggested that it was helpless in stopping the 
emotional blackmail which has long been going on 
in the name of religion, and which has precluded 
a reasonable discussion of all issues. It has 
made mandatory for politicians of various shades 
to show their support or opposition accordingly 
on all matters that are perceived to be 
religious. And as the interested parties indulge 
in this crude form of politics, the bearer is 
denied an opportunity to go beyond the socially 
imposed and officially sealed boundaries. These 
biases tend to stay wherever you go, whatever is 
written in your passport.

The writer is a staff member on TNS Lahore

______


[2]


Editorial, The News International
December 24, 2004

RELEASE THE FISHERMEN

The arrival of a seven-member delegation of 
Indian fishermen in Karachi on Wednesday for 
talks on the release of their brethren and boats 
held by Pakistan is yet another reminder of the 
plight of sea-going fishermen on both sides of 
the border. According to a news agency report, 
Pakistan is currently holding some 869 Indian 
fishermen along with 117 boats, while India has 
in detention 141 Pakistani fishermen along with 
20 boats.

One of the reasons advanced for the greater 
number of Indian fishermen detained in Pakistan, 
is that more of them land up on the Pakistani 
side, impelled as much by wind and sea currents 
as the promise of more plentiful catch. However, 
fishermen on both sides argue that in the absence 
of clearly demarcated boundaries, they often find 
themselves on the wrong side, often after days at 
sea; their boats are old and not equipped with 
technological devices that would alert them that 
they are straying. Some privately admit that they 
know when they have crossed the line, but in the 
heat of the chase as they go after a shoal of 
fish, they prefer to take their chances rather 
than lose the catch - going out to sea and 
maintaining the boats is expensive business. If 
they don't catch the requisite number of fish, 
they and their families don't eat.

In any case, they are hard-working citizens who 
do not deserve to be treated as criminals. They 
are among the poorest of the poor, struggling to 
eke out a hand-to-mouth existence from this 
precarious livelihood that depends for its 
success on the vagaries of the weather and the 
moods of the sea. When arrested by the 'other 
side', their families back home are often left 
without any support or other means of livelihood. 
Sometimes families lose several male members at 
one go to the law-enforcing agencies, rendering 
their situation even more desperate. Their 
incarceration can range from months to a couple 
of years - surely a rather harsh punishment 
compared to the nature of their transgression.

There has been talk of the government providing 
fishermen with the expensive computerized 
nautical equipment that would enable them to keep 
track of their course. If this becomes a reality, 
at no cost or at subsidised cost to them, it 
would be a welcome step indeed. Meanwhile, as the 
governments of India and Pakistan engage in the 
peace process and discuss this and other issues, 
a practical step they could take before the 
time-consuming agreements are arrived at, is to 
least direct their maritime agencies to not 
arrest and detain each other's fishermen. If 
caught violating international boundaries, their 
catch could be confiscated, and they could be 
allowed to return home empty-handed. This would 
not only save the burden on our respective prison 
systems, but send out a goodwill signal and 
simultaneously benefit the powerless and the 
poor, which should surely be the aim of good 
governance, and good neighbours.

______


[3]

The Hindu
22 November 2004

EMPLOYMENT AS A SOCIAL RESPONSIBILITY

By Jean Drèze

An Employment Guarantee Act places an enforceable 
obligation on the state and gives bargaining 
power to the labourers. It creates accountability.

THE DRAFT National Rural Employment Guarantee Act 
has recently entered national policy debates like 
a wet dog at a glamorous party. The demand for an 
Employment Guarantee Act is not new, but a series 
of unlikely events has catapulted it from 
obscurity to the top of the political agenda.

The proposed Act gives a legal guarantee of 
employment in rural areas to anyone who is 
willing to do casual manual labour at the 
statutory minimum wage. Any adult who applies for 
work under the Act is entitled to being employed 
on public works within 15 days. Failing that, an 
unemployment allowance has to be paid. In the 
draft Act prepared by the National Advisory 
Council, guaranteed employment is subject to an 
initial limit of 100 days per household a year, 
which may be raised or removed over time.

The need for an Act has been questioned. Why is 
it not enough to initiate massive employment 
schemes? The main answer is that an Act places an 
enforceable obligation on the state, and gives 
bargaining power to the labourers. It creates 
accountability. By contrast, a scheme leaves 
labourers at the mercy of government officials.

There is another major difference between a 
scheme and an Act. Schemes come and go, but laws 
are more durable. A scheme can be trimmed or even 
cancelled by a bureaucrat, whereas changing a law 
requires an amendment in Parliament. If an 
Employment Guarantee Act (EGA) is passed, 
labourers will have durable legal entitlements. 
Over time, they are likely to become aware of 
their rights and learn how to defend them.

Opposition to an EGA often arises from a failure 
to appreciate its far-reaching economic, social 
and political significance. To start with, an EGA 
would go a long way towards protecting rural 
households from poverty and hunger. In fact, a 
full-fledged EGA would enable most poor 
households in rural India to cross the poverty 
line. Secondly, it would lead to a dramatic 
reduction of rural-urban migration: if work is 
available in the village, many rural families 
will stop heading for the cities during the slack 
season.

Thirdly, guaranteed employment would be a major 
source of empowerment for women. A large 
proportion of labourers employed under an EGA are 
likely to be women, and guaranteed employment 
will give them some economic independence. 
Fourthly, an EGA is an opportunity to create 
useful assets in rural areas. In particular, 
there is a massive potential for labour-intensive 
public works in the field of environmental 
protection: watershed development, land 
regeneration, prevention of soil erosion, 
restoration of tanks, protection of forests, and 
related activities.

Fifthly, guaranteed employment is likely to 
change power equations in the rural society, and 
to foster a more equitable social order. Finally, 
an EGA is a unique opportunity to activate and 
empower the panchayati raj institutions, 
including gram panchayats and gram sabhas. It 
will give them a new purpose, backed with 
substantial financial resources.

Having said this, an EGA would not come cheap. 
Even those who are otherwise sympathetic to the 
idea often wonder whether it is affordable. It is 
interesting that similar concerns have seldom 
been raised with respect to the "interlinking of 
rivers" project. The cost of this project is far 
greater, and its benefits (if any) far more 
speculative, than those of an EGA.

Yet the project easily mustered support from some 
of the country's most prestigious institutions 
and personalities, based on the flimsiest 
possible arguments. It would be surprising if 
this had nothing to do with the fact that the 
interlinking project is a potential bonanza for 
the corporate sector.

Be that as it may, the economic viability of 
employment guarantee needs to be examined in its 
own terms, and not by comparison with extravagant 
projects. In the note on this issue prepared by 
the National Advisory Council, the cost of 
employment guarantee is anticipated to rise from 
0.5 per cent of GDP in 2005-06 to 1 per cent of 
GDP in 2008-09. This is based on the assumption 
that the scheme is gradually extended to the 
whole of India within four years, starting with 
the 150 poorest districts.

The anticipated cost of 1 per cent of GDP is a 
financial cost. It is arguable that the "real" 
cost would be much lower. For instance, the 
financial cost of employing a labourer on public 
works is the statutory minimum wage, but the 
economic cost (the real resources foregone) may 
not be so high, if the labourer is otherwise 
unemployed. However, even if the real cost of 
employment guarantee is as high as 1 per cent of 
GDP, there is no cause for panic.

The challenge of financing employment guarantee 
has to be seen in the light of the fact that 
India's tax-GDP is very low in international 
perspective: about 15 per cent (for the Centre 
and the States combined) compared with, say, 37 
per cent in OECD countries. Further, India's 
tax-GDP ratio has declined in recent years. For 
instance, the ratio of Central taxes to GDP was 
only 9.3 per cent in 2003-04, compared with 10.6 
per cent in 1987-8. These are some indications, 
among others, that there is much scope for 
raising India's tax-GDP ratio to finance 
employment guarantee and related social 
programmes.

On the nuts and bolts of enhancing tax revenue, 
there are useful hints in the recent "Kelkar 2" 
report submitted to the Ministry of Finance. Some 
aspects of this report are questionable, 
including its fixation with uniform taxes and its 
touching faith in the scope for raising revenue 
by lowering tax rates.

Nevertheless, the report also suggests many 
sensible ways of raising the tax-GDP ratio, such 
as introducing value-added taxes, extending 
taxation to most services, using information 
technology to broaden the tax net, eliminating 
arbitrary exemptions, and (last but not least) 
fighting tax evasion. If these opportunities are 
well utilised, Plan expenditure can be raised by 
much more than one per cent of India's GDP.

Further, there is no need to stop at "Kelkar 2". 
Many other financing options can be considered. 
For instance, a recent World Bank study estimates 
that lifting the anachronistic cap on the 
Professions Tax would enable State Governments to 
collect additional tax revenue to the tune of 0.9 
per cent of GDP.

Similarly, much revenue could be generated from 
"green taxes" on environmentally harmful 
consumption, or more generally, on anti-social 
activities. There is also much scope for pruning 
unnecessary public expenditure, starting with 
military expenditure and subsidies for the rich - 
there are many. In short, the fundamental ability 
of the Indian economy to sustain employment 
guarantee is not in doubt. What is required is 
imagination and commitment in tapping that 
potential.

Some of these proposals are likely to be opposed 
by those who stand to gain from the status quo, 
as happened with the introduction of VAT as well 
as with the "capital transactions" tax. One way 
around it is to link tax reforms more clearly 
with positive initiatives such as the EGA. 
Instead of piecemeal reforms, often derailed by 
vested interests, the need of the hour is for a 
comprehensive "new deal", involving a higher 
tax-GDP ratio but also better use of tax revenue. 
A package of this kind has a greater chance of 
success than piecemeal reform.

"Tax the rich" would be a useful guiding 
principle for this package. During the last 20 
years or so, the so-called "middle class" (read 
the top five per cent of the income scale) has 
become rich beyond its wildest dreams. It has 
literally transplanted itself to the first world 
without even applying for a visa. The time to 
share is long overdue.

The onset of cold weather in the capital is a 
good time to ponder over these matters. This year 
again thousands of people are going to die in 
agony because they do not possess as much as a 
blanket to cover their emaciated bodies at night. 
The slaughter will be attributed to a "cold wave" 
but the real issue is the dreadful poverty in 
which people have been allowed to live decade 
after decade.

This is not just a tragedy for the victims, but 
also a deep scar on the national fabric. It 
affects everything - from the self-respect of the 
nation to the quality of democracy.

To put it differently, there are two ways of 
thinking about the proposed EGA. One is to see it 
as a pitched battle between the working class and 
the privileged classes. Another is to regard it 
as a national endeavour - a visionary initiative 
in which most citizens have a stake in one way or 
another.

There is some truth in both perceptions, but so 
far the first one has dominated public debates. 
Better recognition of the wide-ranging social 
benefits of an EGA is likely to put the issue in 
a different light.



______


[4]  [2 Editorials on latest developments in the Best Bakery Case ]


The Times of India
December 24, 2004
Editorial

TRIAL BY FEAR

Tehelka probe exposes plight of riot victims

It is now alleged that Zahira Sheikh was paid off 
to change her testimony on the Best Bakery 
massacre. As we have argued in these columns, she 
should be tried for perjury. Zahira has failed 
all those fighting for justice in Gujarat, and 
more so, victims like her. It is worse if she, as 
alleged, has sold her victimhood for cash to 
absolve perpetrators of the gruesome murders at 
Best Bakery. However, her act raises disturbing 
questions about our administration and legal 
system. Despite the laudable efforts of the 
Supreme Court, the Gujarat government has done 
little to allay fears of the riot victims in 
order for them to trust the state in their quest 
for justice. Investigations by media have 
indicated that administrators and politicians 
conspired to prolong the riots and even abetted 
rioters. Shoddy investigation and farcical trials 
by local fast track courts in the Best Bakery 
massacre provoked the apex court to order a 
retrial outside Gujarat. But, the 'modern day 
Neroes of Gujarat' remain unmoved by the 
strictures. In the name of a popular mandate, 
they stalk the streets of Gujarat threatening and 
even offering bribes to riot victims and those 
who aid them. They hope that time and an 
indifferent state will tire out even the last 
dogged seeker of justice. Recent history only 
confirms the cynical view that the state cannot 
deliver justice to victims of communal violence. 
Governments have preferred to gloss over 
meticulous investigations like the Srikrishna 
Commission that probed the '93 Mumbai riots. Is 
it any wonder then that a 'star' witness like 
Zahira prefers to negotiate her justice and get 
on with life rather than seek legal redressal? 
Political will is as important as courts and 
commissions if justice is to be delivered in its 
true spirit. Unfortunately, our political system 
singularly fails this test.

In the Best Bakery case, the investigation should 
now extend beyond the specifics of the incident 
on that fateful day and include the allegations 
of buy-offs and threats by the accused. Also, the 
prosecution should look beyond Zahira to nail the 
accused. A singular witness, that too an 
18-year-old woman, is hardly the best bet to 
prove the complicity of powerful politicians in 
state-abetted violence. The state should provide 
protection to other witnesses from threats and 
ensure proper rehabilitation of riot victims to 
prevent a repeat of the Best Bakery trial. 
Justice for Gujarat riot victims will be complete 
only when the state wins back the trust of its 
citizens.

o o o o

Indian Express
December 24, 2004
Editorial

IN COURT, WE TRUST
The Mumbai court must open its doors to the new leads in the Best Bakery case

There is an unwavering bottomline to the 
tumultuous saga of Zaheera Sheikh. This is a 
landmark case in which, for the very first time, 
the Supreme Court has shifted the trial out of a 
state after all the accused were acquitted, and 
ordered a retrial in another city in another 
state. This is a case of enormous political 
delicacy and consequence, given that in the 
public imagination, Zaheera Sheikh has become the 
face of the victim of Gujarat 2002. It is urgent, 
therefore, to safeguard the Best Bakery case from 
attempts - from all sides, riding good motives 
and bad - to rearrange the narrative in less than 
objective ways. And the onus to clear a way 
through the deepening fog lies squarely with the 
Supreme Court. After all, when it seemed that the 
process of justice was rushed into a dead end in 
Gujarat, it was the apex court that had 
stalwartly taken charge.

In the wake of Tehelka's sting operation, the 
apex court must ensure that the courtroom in 
Mumbai opens its door to admit the new leads. The 
suspicion that Zaheera Sheikh may have been 
bribed, not intimidated, into changing her 
testimony in the fast track court in Vadodara in 
May 2003 which led to the acquittal of all 21 
accused, has just been bared to public view. 
These leads must be rigorously pursued in Mumbai. 
It is in Mumbai, after all, that justice has been 
given another chance, and where it must 
demonstrate both its openness and its resilience, 
in the wake of this sensational disclosure or 
that one. The Mumbai court must decode the 
significance of Zaheera's somersaults to the case 
in which she is the prime witness.

In Mumbai, we must remember, other witnesses in 
the Best Bakery case have already come forward to 
identify the accused. While Zaheera Sheikh was 
the reason for the Best Bakery case's vault into 
the national spotlight, and its staying there, 
she is certainly not the only one to have 
recounted the events of that night of March 1, 
2002, when a mob burst into the Best Bakery and 
burnt 14 alive. There has been no punishment for 
that horrific crime so far. Having imaginatively 
salvaged the process of justice from the tangle 
of state intimidation and political pressure in 
Gujarat, the apex court must now ensure its quick 
and just resolution in Mumbai.



______


[5]

The Telegraph
December 05, 2004

THE BRETHREN IN GOA
- The sangh parivar fails in both history and imagination
Second Thoughts / Githa Hariharan

History in the background
Since their defeat in the parliamentary 
elections, the BJP seems to be losing one mask a 
day, and in full public view. The party with a 
difference - which was going to lead us to a 
shining India - is now back to "basics": 
Hindutva, and intimidation of critics, RSS style. 
For those who have seen through the many masks of 
the BJP even when they were in power, recent 
events only confirm the way power-seeking 
communalists look and behave when they are 
knocked down. When their much-touted "patriotism" 
or their bloodthirsty "spiritualism" are stripped 
of their layers of make-up to reveal the real - 
and ugly - faces beneath.

The BJP is no longer in power, and their heroes 
and heroines know this. In fact, this is what 
makes their colleagues in power at the state 
level particularly anxious to push forward their 
"vision" of India - regardless of what this does 
to their corner of India or the people living 
there. Goa is a case in point.

My impression of Goa, on my brief visits there, 
is of a state that colourfully exemplifies the 
pluralist nature of contemporary Indian reality. 
As every holidaymaker knows, Goa is a warm and 
hospitable place with something on offer to every 
visitor's taste. Unfortunately, this open-armed 
hospitality seems to have encouraged a 
particularly obnoxious family to overstay. Goa in 
the clutches of the sangh parivar is changing 
into a place many of us would have some trouble 
recognizing. Much worse, it is in danger of 
becoming an alien place to the Goans themselves.

In recent times, Goa has been the setting for 
non-resident stalwarts such as Vajpayee to air 
their version of double-speak. Much worse are the 
day-to-day activities of the resident hatemongers 
who have no time for the nuances of doublespeak. 
These goons, given to action rather than 
nitpicking ideology, have been drawing a new and 
distorted map of Goa - through their attempts at 
rewriting history, and their strategy of 
intimidating all those critical of the BJP state 
government. Intimidation tactics have, of 
necessity, to bypass basic democratic norms. This 
necessity has become even more visible after the 
BJP's defeat in the parliamentary elections. Now 
that there is no anxiety to maintain any pretence 
of being part of a responsible government in 
power at the Centre, the state government has 
unleashed its paranoia on anyone who dares to 
criticize it. These tactics are perfectly in line 
with the new resolutions of the BJP, post-defeat 
at the Centre. It seems, alas, appropriate that 
Advani's call to return to the "basics" was given 
in Goa. Consider the recent spate of 
vandalization in Goa, the attacks and raids on 
those perceived as critics of the powers that be, 
or on those seen simply as "different". The FDA, 
for example, carried out raids on the clinic and 
nursing home of Dr Francisco colaco, one of the 
co-founders of Lok Shakti, supposedly on 
receiving a complaint from a woman minus surname 
and address.

The charges constitute an utter failure of the 
imagination: the woman charges she found the 
nurses of the clinic asleep; she also saw 
"animals" on the nursing home premises! Of 
course, while blundering in unfamiliar 
imaginative territory, the raid-happy authorities 
forgot some of the basic information they should 
have been mastering instead: the regulation of 
nursing homes, particularly when they do not 
stock drugs, is the responsibility of the 
directorate of health services and not the FDA.

At about the same time, the FDA also raided the 
popular Mongini confectionery outlets. These 
raids were supposedly in response to a complaint 
by a chai-and-eats shopowner who claimed to have 
found a cockroach in a Mongini pastry he bought. 
Apparently, the tea shopowner himself runs a 
one-room shop swarming with flies and 
cockroaches. The trouble with the complaint as 
cause-of-raid theory is that even before the 
complaint in Vasco, as many as five Mongini 
outlets across Goa were targeted. The only 
difference seems to be that when the Vasco outlet 
was "raided," a TV cameraman accompanied the FDA 
team. And in case anyone should miss seeing the 
pattern of intimidation and blackmail in vogue in 
Goa today, these raids were only two instances: 
there was the example of the CID calling on 
advocate Bernard D'Souza, a trustee of the Nitoll 
Jinn Trust, a trust committed to fighting 
corruption at all levels of bureaucracy and 
government. There was also the case of the attack 
on Mapusa hotelier (and Congress block president) 
Mathew Braganza. That the vandalism in Braganza's 
hotel was no accident was innocently revealed by 
the law minister, Francis D'Souza, in an 
interview: he was very clear that the decision to 
hold a protest march against Mathew Braganza was 
taken at a meeting of the BJP at which the chief 
minister was present.

Side by side with such tactics to silence 
criticism is the familiar attempt to rewrite 
history. Having learnt its history at the feet of 
absentee physics professor, Murli Manohar Joshi, 
the sangh parivar in Goa has been working hard to 
invent a new Goan history, a history in which all 
traces of Portuguese colonial influence is 
erased. Simply put, it appears that for the RSS 
and its ilk in Goa, the link between "Portuguese 
culture" and Goa today is Christianity. It's the 
same old song of intolerance. The same old 
longing for an India with one "pure", homogeneous 
identity.

It is this longing that is behind the frequent 
vandalization of other identities or symbols of 
such identities. For example: the Tonca Pillar 
and the name plaques on the walls of residences 
at Mala and some other places were vandalized on 
Goa Revolution Day. Local residents confirm there 
were police present, but this did not stop the 
vandals from going about their destructive work 
with sledgehammers. The government's reaction to 
calls for an investigation of the incident and 
the arrest of the culprits is that there have 
been no "complaints" lodged by citizens. Again, 
these miscreants have been changing street names 
they disapprove of, bypassing not only the wishes 
of residents, but also the city corporation and 
standard legal procedure. In other words, there 
have been a series of vandalisms and acts of 
cultural censorship, all of which spring from the 
ideology that spurred chief minister, Manohar 
Parrikar, to declaim at a convention: "We will 
take care of our own Heritage and our own 
Heritage Buildings."

It's a little difficult to unravel and throw out 
varied cultural legacies, whether from the 
colonial period or any other period of history, 
so entangled are they in a complex, many-stranded 
society. To demand now that "Goan culture" should 
"cleanse" itself of the usual give-and-take 
transactions that occur in any colonial encounter 
is not only bad history; it is not going to make 
the lives of Goans today any better. In fact, the 
consensus among those proud to be Goans seems to 
be that the sangh parivar's tactics are 
reminiscent of the worst days of the Portuguese 
colonial regime, and that the chief minister 
himself recalls Salazar at his worst. But for 
those who fail on history as well as imagination, 
irony is not exactly a high-premium commodity.


______


[6]

Indian Express, December 20, 2004

CHURCH FLAYS FILM ON GOA LIBERATION

Says Ramesh Deo*s Rs 40-lakh docu sponsored by govt is communal*, criticises
*screening in schools across the state

Raju Nayak

PANAJI, DECEMBER 19: The Catholic Church in Goa has come out in protest
against a government-sponsored documentary on the liberation of the state
from Portuguese rule.

The Archdiocese of Goa and Daman, which viewed the documentary, said the
film, Goa Ka Swadhinata Sangram, produced by Ramesh Deo, was **highly
communal**.

The Diocesan Service Centre for Social Action (DSCSA) and the Diocesan
Society of Education (DSE), in a joint statement, also criticised the state
government*s decision to screen the documentary in schools across the state.

**The aim seems to fan communal hatred and draw a wedge among Goan
communities living peacefully and in total communal harmony since hundreds
of years,** they added.

The DSCSA and the DSE have described the move as **shocking** since the
Education department **could envisage such a highly loaded** documentary.
DSE runs more than 100 schools in Goa.

The script committee, originally set up by the Manohar Parrikar Government,
comprised mainly of RSS leaders. Subsequently, some changes were made after
local historians pointed out flaws in the script.

The film, made at a cost Rs 40 lakh, shows atrocities committed by the
Portuguese after the conquest of Goa, reaction of Goans to atrocities,
especially from Velim, Assolna and Cuncolim, and the revolt of the Ranes.

It has been pointed out that in some instances, the production lacks
authenticity * like the khaki uniforms worn by the police and the army in
the years immediately after Goa was conquered.

Fr. Valerian Vaz Spokesman of the DSCSA, when contacted, said after the
Education Department sent CDs to schools, some Diocesan-managed schools even
screened it.

**But when some schools found it highly objectionable, they contacted us.
When the Department sends any circulars, they are innocently followed. It is
highly objectionable of the attitude of the Department to send CDs of the
documentary to schools at the last minute. Some schools even received the
CDs on Saturday to be screened on Sunday.**

Fr Vaz further said the way things have been presented is wrong. **In the
beginning, it is shown that Christianity was against the local culture. A
rape is shown. Some atrocities might have occurred, but this is not the way
to present them.  It will only create hatred.**

He added that **It is ok to show the film to adults. They are mature enough
to judge it. But children might get carried away with the propaganda. We
might even write to the Chief Minister.**

However, when contacted, a history lecturer, Prajal Sakhardande, in a local
college, said there is no harm in showing anything which is a part of
history. **It is shown that Catholic priests were behind the inquisition,
and it is a fact.  Why should the church object to it,** he asked.

Ashok N.P. Dessai, Director Education, when contacted, extended support to
the film, and said that the documentary was based on facts.

Goa Electronics Limited has been awarded the contract of producing the CDs,
and they would shortly distribute them among all the schools in Goa, Desai
added.

______


[7]

[Sangh Parivar moves at Bababudangiri Shrine in 
Karnataka stalled: 3 recent reports]

o o o o

The Hindu
Dec 21, 2004

KARNATAKA:  CPI(M) WANTS COURT ORDERS ON DATTA JAYANTI FOLLOWED

By Our Special Correspondent

BANGALORE, DEC. 20. The Communist Party of India 
(Marxist) has opposed the plan of the Bharatiya 
Janata Party (BJP) and the Bajrang Dal to 
organise Shoba Yatra and conduct `homa' during 
the Datta Jayanti celebrations at Bababudangiri 
in Chikmagalur district from Friday.

Addressing a press conference here today, G.N. 
Nagaraj, secretary, CPI(M), State Committee, said 
Shoba Yatra, Datta Male and homa were not 
religious practices associated with the Sufi 
dargah at Bababudangiri. They were part of the 
"political activities of the BJP and the Sangh 
Parivar."

`Ban illegal practices'

The BJP leaders were attempting to disturb the 
communal harmony in the district in the name of 
Datta Jayanti. The Government should not succumb 
to the BJP leaders' threats, he said and urged it 
to ban what he termed illegal practices at 
Bababudangiri.

Mr. Nagaraj urged the Government to publish a 
list of practices that prevailed at the shrine 
prior to 1975 as ordered by the Endowment 
Commissioner in the context of court decisions. 
At an all-party meeting called by the Chief 
Minister, N. Dharam Singh, recently, the 
Government had promised to uphold the decisions 
of the High Court and the Supreme Court and to 
permit only those ceremonies that were observed 
prior to 1975, he said.

The BJP MLA C.T. Ravi's reported statement 
questioning the authority of the Deputy 
Commissioner to decide on the observances at the 
shrine are unacceptable to the people of the 
State and is aimed at disturbing the law and 
order situation in Chikmagalur, he said.

The CPI(M) supported the Statewide "Save 
Bababudangiri traditions" campaign launched by 
various organisations. He appealed to secular 
forces to expose the false propaganda unleashed 
by the BJP.

Govt. urged to clarify

Our Gulbarga Special Correspondent reports:

The CPI(M) today urged the Government to clarify 
whether the High Court ruling on the observation 
of the Datta Jayanti celebrations would be 
followed.

Maruti Manpade and S.Y. Gurushant, members of the 
party's State Committee, told presspersons that 
the High Court judgment in 1988 said that only 
the religious practices followed for performing 
the Datta Jayanti prior to 1975 should be 
observed and no new religious practices and 
customs should be allowed. The Government should 
ensure that the court directions are not violated.

Mr. Manpade and Mr. Gurushant said that the 
Vishwa Hindu Parishad, the Bajrang Dal and the 
BJP in the State have no respect for judicial 
verdicts and have made clear their intentions of 
violating the High Court directions to gain 
political mileage by whipping up communal tension 
in Chikmagalur.

Mr. Gurushant, who was a member of the CPI(M) 
team that participated in the all-party meeting 
called by the Chief Minister, said that the party 
did not seek a ban on the Shoba Yatra and the 
Chaitanya Yatra. It only wanted the Government to 
ensure that the participants did not create 
communal ill will.

Order welcomed

Mr. Gurushant welcomed the order issued by the 
Deputy Commissioner of Chikmagalur district that 
the directions issued by the High Court would be 
implemented fully and no new religious practices 
would be allowed.

He said the CPI(M) and other Left parties and 
social organisations will resist any move by the 
Sangh Parivar elements to disturb the peace at 
Bababudangiri in the name of observing Datta 
Jayanti.

The party will start an awareness campaign on the 
issue throughout the State from Tuesday, he added.

o o o o

Deccan Herald
December 24, 2004

GOVT CLAMPS BAN ON SHOBHA YATRA
BANGALORE, DHNS:

The State Government on Thursday resolved to ban 
the Shobha Yatra proposed by the Sangh Parivar 
during the Datta Jayanti celebrations at the 
Bababudangiri hills in Chikmagalur, a day before 
the commencement of three-day Jayanti 
celebrations. The celebrations are scheduled to 
begin on December 24.

Home Secretary Brahm Dutt along with Director 
General of Police S N Borkar, apprised Chief 
Minister N Dharam Singh of the prevailing tense 
situation and the arrangements made to preserve 
law and order in the area. Speaking to reporters 
after briefing the chief minister on the issue, 
Mr Dutt said the government decided to ban all 
rallies and yatras and permit only pujas on the 
hills.

"The Government will allow pujas as per the 1975 
High Court orders," he told reporters. Earlier in 
the day, BJP Opposition Leaders in both the 
Houses of the Legislature B S Yediyurappa and D H 
Shankaramurthy called on Mr Singh to seek 
permission for the Shobha Yatra on Saturday, but 
this was rejected. Speaking to reporters on 
Thursday, Mr Singh said all precautionary 
measures have been taken.

Meanwhile, the Chikmagalur district authorities 
clamped prohibitory orders in Chikmagalur city on 
the proposed BJP Shobha Yatra scheduled for 
December 25, as also on holding any public 
meeting in the shrine on December 26, DHNS 
reports from Bababudangiri in Chikmagalur 
district. However, the annual Datta Jayanti 
celebrations at the cave shrine in Bababudangiri 
will be allowed to be held on Sunday amidst tight 
security arrangements.

Deputy Commissioner Rajendra Kumar Kataria said 
that prohibitory orders under CrPC Section 144 
has been clamped in Chikmagalur town from 
Thursday evening at 6 pm to Sunday morning 6 am, 
within a five-kilometer radius of the town 
falling under the jurisdiction of the City 
Municipality Council.

o o o o

The Hindu
Dec 24, 2004

Karnataka - Shimoga    
VEDIKE WELCOMES BAN ORDERS IN CHIKMAGALUR

By Our Special Correspondent

SHIMOGA, DEC. 23. Karnataka Komu Souharda Vedike, 
a forum for communal harmony, has welcomed the 
imposition of ban orders under Section 144, 
Criminal Procedure Code, in and around 
Chikmagalur this evening to prevent the Sangh 
Parivar from taking out a Shobha Yatra prior to 
religious rites at Bababudanagiri on the occasion 
of Datta Jayanthi.

At a press conference here, the convenor of the 
forum, K.L. Ashok, said the State Government's 
decision to ban the yatra is a victory for a 
campaign of the forum. He hoped that the 
Government will adhere to the Karnataka High 
Court order of 1980 and the seven-point guideline 
issued by the Endowment Commissioner for 
maintaining the status of the shrine prior to 
1975 by disallowing performance of Homa and 
Havana as part of the jayanthi. He said the forum 
will depute a team of observers to Bababudanagiri 
to watch if these religious rites are held. Mr. 
Ashok said that in view of the ban orders, 
Souharda Samskritika Jatre of the vedike has been 
shifted to Shimoga on Saturday. He said Teesta 
Setlavad, human rights activist, will inaugurate 
the jatre which will be presided over by the seer 
of the Murugha Mutt of Chitradurga. Veerabhadra 
Chennamalla Swamiji of Nidumamidi Mutt of 
Bangalore will inaugurate the Manava Dharma 
Sangama following the jatra, in which heads of 
several religious institutions will participate. 
Basavaraj Devaru of the Revana Siddheshwara Mutt 
and Manjula of Mahila Jagruthi were present.



______


[8]

The Hindu
Dec 16, 2004

TRAUMA OF A RIOT

Shonali Bose

`Amu,' which was premiered in Thiruvananthapuram 
today, is a powerful depiction of the trauma 
undergone by victims of the anti-Sikh riots in 
New Delhi in 1984. The multilingual film, 
screened for a packed audience at Kairali 
theatre, raises uncomfortable questions that have 
been left unanswered for the last 20 years.

Truth unravelled
The anguish and anger of the riot victims have 
been portrayed through the story of a 21-year-old 
Indian American woman who stumbles upon the 
horrific truth, which had been hidden from her, 
on a visit to her family in India. Kaju, played 
by Konkana Sen, travels back in time to 
rediscover the genocide that had consumed her 
family and changed her life forever.

Brinda Karat makes her debut on the silver screen 
as Kaju's mother. Subhashini Ali puts in a cameo 
appearance as a social worker.

Kaju's transformation into `Amrita' (called Amu), 
is marked by many trials and tribulations. Her 
journey into the past is an attempt to lift the 
shroud of silence that has concealed the guilty 
and helped them remain in the public domain. 
`Amu' concludes with a train drawing into a 
station and an announcement on the riots in 
Godhra.

The debutant director of the film, Shonali Bose, 
who happens to be Brinda Karat's niece, says: 
"The killers of the riots have not been punished 
and this is what led to the communal riots 
elsewhere in the country. Godhra, Mumbai ... The 
same mindless violence against a community was 
repeated in Mumbai and Gujarat. The parties in 
power were different."

"A lot has been written about and films have been 
made on the Mumbai and Gujarat riots. But it is 
as if the anti-Sikh riots never took place. An 
attempt, covert or otherwise, seems to have been 
made to erase this from public memory."

Against violence

Out of this pain was born `Amu.' "I was a student 
in Miranda House in Delhi. We had formed a group 
to help the victims. I worked with them and 
helped them put the pieces of their lives 
together. All over Delhi, horrified residents 
came forward to protect their neighbours. There 
was no official help at all. But for a few stray 
incidents, the violence was orchestrated. The 
State seemed to be turning against the very 
people it was supposed to protect. It was a 
collapse of the State and its machinery," Shonali 
says.

She points out that nine commissions of inquiry 
failed to pinpoint the guilty or punish them. 
Although the Film Certification Board insisted on 
five "political cuts," the film has not yet been 
certified, she says. "One of the protagonists in 
the film says: "Only two people were punished - 
the killers of Indira Gandhi." That dialogue was 
removed. I accepted the cuts. The widows silently 
moving their lips are an indictment of the 
establishment.

There is no violence, no sex or bedroom scenes, 
yet the film was given `A' certificate. One of 
the members of the Censor Board had said: "Why 
bring up a history which is best buried and 
forgotten?"

The film looks back in anger at the mind-numbing 
violence and grief; the director makes an attempt 
to address the search for identity that confronts 
second-generation Indian Americans in the United 
States.

"There is a sense of `not belonging' that plagues 
the second generation Indian diaspora in the U.S. 
These youngsters feel the need to explore their 
roots to find out who they are," she explains.

`Amu' is also being released as a book by Penguin India.


By Saraswathy Nagarajan
Photo: S. Gopakumar

______


[9]

Date: Thu, 23 Dec 2004 17:15:14 -0000
From: "Mukhtar Dar"

SOUTH ASIAN ALLIANCE CONDEMNS CANCELLATION OF 'BEHZTI'

The recent cancellation of Gurpreet Bhatti's play
Behzti (Dishonour) as a result of threats and violence
towards the playwright and the theatre was a severe
blow against the right of freedom of speech.

The South Asian Alliance is a secular organisation
made up of individuals from Hindu, Muslim and Sikh
backgrounds. We defend the right of people to practice
their faith, we also acknowledge that there is a long
standing tradition in South Asia of publicly
criticising and ridiculing corrupt institutions and
individuals. Much of this criticism has come from
poets and writers at the risk of their lives.

It is a fundamental right that  people should be able
to protest against something they disagree with but
equally worth defending is the right of artists to
create work without fear of being verbally threatened
or physically attacked.

The times we live in can only benefit from honest open
criticism and debate. This can only take place if we
firmly commit ourselves to the principle of defending
the right of someone to speak even if we disagree with
them.

South Asian Alliance - Birmingham

______


[10]

[UPCOMING EVENTS ]

(i)

PERMANENT BLACK
and
INDIA INTERNATIONAL CENTRE

invite you to a talk by

PROFESSOR MAHMOOD MAMDANI
of Columbia University

titled

Good Muslim, Bad Muslim
America, the Cold War, and the Roots of Terror

based on his book

GOOD MUSLIM, BAD MUSLIM
ISLAM, THE USA, AND THE GLOBAL WAR AGAINST TERROR
(published in paperback by Permanent Black)

the talk will be chaired by
Harish Khare, Associate Editor, THE HINDU


at 6.30 p.m. on Tuesday, 28th December 2004
in Conference Room I
India International Centre Main Building, New Delhi


o o o o

(ii)

India International Centre

cordially invites you to a screening of the film
Kitte Mil Ve Mahi - Where the Twain Shall Meet (72 min; dv; 2004;
Punjabi with English sub-titles)
Directed by Ajay Bhardwaj who will introduce the 
film Screening will be followed by a discussion On
Thursday, 30th December 2004 at 6.30 pm in the Centre's Auditorium


  KITTE MIL VE MAHI - Where the twain shall meet

  This film contends the dominant perceptions of the economic and
spiritual heritage of Punjab. It does so through a people's narrative
on the preservation and regeneration of its 'little' traditions, which
often appear seamlessly cultural and political.

  Travel to the heart of Punjab. Enter a world of Sufi shrines
worshipped and looked after by Dalits. Listen to B.S. Balli Qawwal
Paslewale, the first generation Dalit Qawwals born out of this
tradition. Join a fascinating dialogue with Lal Singh Dil-a radical
poet, a Dalit, converted to Islam. Meet the last living legend of the
Gadar movement, Baba Bhagat Singh Bilga, who contests the subversion
of a common past, while affirming a new consciousness among Dalits,
within and beyond Punjab.

  The interplay between the constituents of this mosaic brings to light
the triple marginalisation of Dalits--- amidst the agricultural boom
that is the modern Punjab, in the contesting ground of its 'major'
religions, and in the intellectual construction of their 'syncretism'

_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/

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