SACW | 20-21 Nov 2004
sacw
aiindex at mnet.fr
Sat Nov 20 21:48:15 CST 2004
INTERRUPTION NOTICE:
[Please note there will be no SACW dispatches
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o o o o
South Asia Citizens Wire - 20-21 November, 2004
via: www.sacw.net
[1] India: BJP: back to the basics (K.N. Panikkar)
[2] India: Crime and Religion in a Soft State (I.K.Shukla)
+ Swami And Fiends
[3] Gujarat Riots, Getting Away With Murder -
tracking vhp's gen secy on day 1,2 of riots
(Stavan Desai)
[4] Gujarat Riots Cases Retrial:
- Zahira's somersault (Dionne Bunsha)
- VHP is funding Zahira's expenses (Bhupen Patel)
- Gujarat Genocide Trials: Appeal For The
Protection of Witnesses signed by 1265 people
[4] India: National Meeting against Indian Penal
Code section 377 - (Bangalore, 12-13 Dec, 2004)
[5] Upcoming event on the 20th anniversary of the Bhopal accident :
Film screening: Bhopal: The Search for Justice (November 29, 2004, Vancouver)
--------------
[1]
The Hindu
Nov 20, 2004
BJP: BACK TO THE BASICS
By K.N. Panikkar
The BJP is left with no other alternative but to appeal to the RSS for succour.
THE DEFEAT of the Bharatiya Janata Party and its
allies in the election to the Maharashtra State
Assembly confirms the verdict of the people in
the parliamentary poll. The politics of
dissension and discord, which the BJP had
pursued, did not receive the approval of the
nation. Although no single party was voted to
power, popular opinion favoured the secular
forces. Even the parties that had sided with the
communal forces have been shown the door. That
this occurred despite the pro-communal blitzkrieg
of the mainstream media and enormous amount of
money pumped into the propaganda campaign
underlines the strength of Indian democracy. But
for this role of a section of the media, the BJP
would have suffered a more humiliating defeat.
The defeat has left the Sangh Parivar in
disarray. The introspection that followed has led
to two conclusions. First, it lacks a
sufficiently large social base to carry forward
its agenda. Secondly, the appeal of its ideology
is still in a nebulous state, even among its
followers. The Sangh Parivar is, therefore, in
the process of identifying new social groups for
incorporation into its fold. At the same time, it
realises the necessity of greater ideological
cohesion to bind its various constituents. The
journey of L.K. Advani to the Rashtriya
Swayamsevak Sangh headquarters at Nagpur
immediately after his nomination as the BJP
president was in pursuit of this quest.
For the BJP, the access to power it gained in
1999 was a windfall. It was not expected, not
even by the optimists in the party. Nor was it
the result of a popular mandate in its favour.
Its share of votes was only just above 20 per
cent and the number of seats was much below the
halfway mark. Yet, a government was formed under
its leadership with the support of political
parties that had nothing in common, ideologically
or programmatically.
The common minimum programme based on which 22
parties cobbled together a coalition was,
therefore, a compromise, which had far too many
rough edges. The friction among the coalition
partners was therefore inevitable which, despite
the best efforts of Atal Bihari Vajpayee, who
tried to project a liberal face to sustain the
alliance, developed serious fissures. While the
BJP was not able to implement the Hindutva
agenda, despite the constant pressure from other
sections of the Sangh Parivar, the right-wing
hidden agenda that the BJP increasingly pursued
was disconcerting to the coalition partners. By
the end of the term, therefore, several allies
deserted the coalition and those who chose to
remain were mauled by the electorate. The failure
of the coalition government was partially the
result of its own internal contradictions. The
alliance is now at the verge of collapse. The
lesson the Sangh Parivar drew from the defeat and
the subsequent developments is that its future
would depend upon its ability to strike out on
its own.
The BJP drew its strength mainly from two
sources. First, from the social and cultural work
of the organisations sponsored by the RSS.
Secondly, from its ability to invoke emotive
issues for political mobilisation. By the end of
its Government's term, the BJP suffered on both
counts. The members of the Sangh Parivar felt
that the Government did not do enough to realise
the agenda of Hindutva, which included the
construction of the temple at Ayodhya, the
enactment of a common civil code, and the
scrapping of Article 370 of the Constitution.
Therefore many of them became lukewarm in their
support and did not work hard enough for the
party. At the same time, the euphoria aroused by
the mandir agitation had died down and the party
could not invoke another such issue to appeal to
the religious sentiments of the Hindus. The
effort to arouse national pride through the
`shining India' campaign lacked any emotional
content.
The commitment of the BJP Government to the
agenda of Hindutva was never in doubt. Almost all
leaders of the party, beginning with the Prime
Minister, had repeatedly expressed their
commitment to the construction of the temple at
Ayodhya. They, however, could not implement it
because the party came to power rather
prematurely, much before the communal hegemony
was fully realised. Yet, the BJP did not want to
give up the advantages accruing from the control
over state institutions, even if bridled by the
compulsions of a coalition. The access to state
power, it was believed, would open up immense
possibilities for expanding its social base and
for disseminating its ideology. The defeat in the
election has left this project incomplete.
The Sangh Parivar is, therefore, forced to seek
other strategies. Hence the new slogan
immediately after the election: from Sansad to
sadak, from the Parliament to the streets. The
implication of the proposed change, however, is
not privileging agitational politics over the
parliamentary, but greater emphasis on
`constructive' activities in order to further the
communal divide. Towards that end, the Sangh
Parivar has already chalked out a programme to
promote the Hinduisation of social and cultural
life, particularly of those who were
traditionally excluded from the Hindu social
order.
The Dalits and the Adivasis appear to be the
targets of particular attention. The Vishwa Hindu
Parishad has already prepared a blueprint for the
`emancipation' of the Adivasis through
constructive activities covering their economic,
social and cultural life. As a beginning, the
Ekal Vidyalaya foundation, an outfit under RSS
control, has initiated steps to set up a chain of
single teacher schools in the Adivasi villages.
This is part of a larger programme to incorporate
those who are traditionally outside the Hindu
social order into political Hinduism. The
creation of a new religious identity is central
to this project, which is effected through the
transformation of daily life practices. A change
in the pattern of worship is being brought about.
The places of worship of the Adivasis and Dalits
are being transformed into Hindu temples, with
brahminical deities replacing the earlier folk
and local gods and goddesses. In doing so the
Sangh Parivar appeals to the sanskritising
potential of Hinduisation for the Dalits and the
Adivasis. The aggressive intervention of the
Sangh Parivar in these areas has two
implications. First, it is likely to entail the
loss of the traditional culture of these groups.
Secondly, conflicts would accrue with the
Christians who are already doing philanthropical
work in these areas. The attack on the Christians
during the last six months is a part of this
conflict.
The politics of Hindu communalism was mainly
rooted in cultural nationalism, defined as an
identity derived from Hinduism, as evolved from
the time of ancient religious scriptures.
Initially conceived by V.D. Savarkar and later
elaborated by M.S. Golwalkar in order to define
the nation as Hindu, the Sangh Parivar has now
decided to rearticulate it to regain lost ground.
This is likely to foreground new symbols for
religious mobilisation and possible antagonism
between religious communities. Baba Budan Giri in
Karnataka where the Vishwa Hindu Parishad has
already succeeded in undermining an ideal
syncretic tradition is a good example. It is
likely that other sites of dispute would emerge
during the next five years.
The Sangh Parivar is in the process of
reorienting its course of action and ironing out
its internal differences. There is a three-way
division in its social base. The BJP draws its
support mainly from the urban middle class, the
VHP has its influence among the merchants,
traders, and unemployed youth, particularly in
the rural sector, and the RSS derives its
strength from the members of the upper castes.
Although the aspirations and interests of these
three segments are vastly dissimilar they had
bestowed faith in the Vajpayee Government to
represent and safeguard their interests. But once
in power the BJP was keen to sustain the
Government, for which ensuring the support of the
allies was imperative.
The BJP was, therefore, reluctant to pursue fully
the Hindutva agenda, as the allies had
reservations. Consequently, the performance of
the Government, except that of the Ministry of
Human Resource Development, which had
relentlessly pursued the RSS agenda, did not live
up to the expectations of its supporters. The
Sangh Parivar, therefore, faced a crisis of
confidence, leading to mutual distrust and
recrimination.
The defeat in the election deepened the crisis,
so much so that the tension within the Sangh
Parivar has come to the fore, with its
constituents at loggerheads with each other. The
RSS being the ideological mentor and relatively
more disciplined is the only force that can hold
them together. Therefore the journey of Mr.
Advani to Nagpur, as the BJP is left with no
other alternative but to appeal to the RSS for
succour. Hindu communalism is thus poised to go
back to the basics laid down by the RSS. And the
basics are cultural nationalism and the politics
of Hindutva. Given the past experience, it is
reasonable to anticipate that their
re-articulation will impact adversely on peaceful
social relations.
______
[2]
[20 Nov 2004]
CRIME AND RELIGION IN A SOFT STATE
I.K.Shukla
The arrest of Jayendra Saraswati, the Kanchi
Shankaracharya, has revved the saffronazis’
collective temperature, as if it were a lucky
break in their gloomy desperation which nearly
drowned them sequent to reversal of their
electoral fortunes. And, again, it is to their
electoral restoration that the HinduTaliban are
shamelessly and daringly seeking to bend this
godsend. Jayendra Swami’s misfortune has been
morphed into Hindutwa’s good luck. Somebody’s
misfortune will always pave Hindutwa’s way to
heist the vote bank. This is the only way it
could make and secure its upstart ascent to
power. Babri Mosque, Bombay pogroms, UP mayhems,
and Gujarat genocide are some of the bloodiest
stations of its chariot of fire. Out of power,
Hindu theo-terrorists will be perforce more
violent, more volatile, more vulgar.
Where does this propensity to outlawry and
belligerence come from? It flows from the
construct of Hindu Rashtra that posits
exclusivist extremism, communal fascism, and
ethnic cleansing. All this geared to maintaining
Hindutwa hegemony of mono-theocracy by “purging”
all the “others” who concretize and symbolize the
Indian identity of multiculturalism and pluralism
integral to the national culture and history. In
brief, it is a tribal bid to maintain the status
quo and keep the national wealth within a very
limited class of traditionally privileged,
parasitic, and predatory elite, the upper caste
of Hindus.
This agenda impels defiance of and contempt for
the Constitution and the rule of law. Hindutwa
has openly proclaimed itself above both without
ever mincing words. And it is quite consistent
with its paradigmatic logic and ideological
avowal of Hindu supremacy at the cost of
minorities who are slated either for brutal
subjugation or total liquidation. In both cases
the instrumentality of horrific terror and
violence as a policy and practical imperative
remains paramount and inevitable.
This would explain the Hindutwa deficit of moral,
modern, and democratic values and its pronounced
antipathy to egalitarian social concerns that
should engage a political party which ought to be
seeking to improve the life of millions in the
present. Hindutwa forswears any such commitment.
Neither the alleviation of the miserable plight
of the masses constitutes its prime concern, nor
do the state interventions appeal to it that
would improve, on a permanent basis, their day to
day life of misery and privations. All of this
mundane muddle can be assigned as maya to gods
and goddesses (of whom there are millions) or,
still better, karma. That leaves Hindutwa free to
be drugged with and agitate for an imaginary past
to restore which it would spill blood and steal
the national till. Demographically then the
national pie can be expropriated solely for the
antediluvian tribe and its hangers on.
Jayendra Swami fits well into this picture. You
scratch my back, I do yours. His “mediation”
efforts with respect to the Babri Masjid
stalemate should be seen in this light. It was a
smart move, both to ignore and override the remit
of the judiciary, including the Apex Court, and
also to hoodwink or bamboozle the Muslims into
accepting him as an “honest broker”, like the US
in the case of Palestine. Without his known
partisan commitment pledged to restore Hindu
glory he could not have been allowed by the
saffros to lend his “good offices”. If he could
help the BJP and VHP thus to save face and be
obliged to him, closeness to them (power centre)
would certainly prove advantageous to him in the
future in ways more than one. Calculations on the
part of both Jayendra Swami and Hindutwa honchos
were remarkably self-serving and pragmatically
reciprocal.
That is another reason why the RSS clan is so
aggressively and clamorously driving one more
gangster chariot of still another ugly yatra
through the land. This is a bold plan to
mobilize the lumpens as “saviors” of Hindu
Dharma. (One was Dara Singh, in Orissa, who
torched alive Graham Staines and his two sons in
the cause of Hindutwa). Plainly, however, it is
subversive of the law and it must be treated as
such. Any mollycoddling will boomerang on the
polity and the UPA. Any indulgence for and
compromise with crime and corruption by the UPA
would only embolden the anti-socials, threaten
social order, and wreck it wholesale. Congress
has done itself no credit, but earned opprobrium
by withdrawing the Hubli case against Uma Bharati.
Without the long pussyfooting accorded the
Hindutwa hegemons India would not have been
tarred and torn by the likes of Thackeray, Modi,
Singhal, Togadia, Sudarshan, Joshi, etc. By any
yardstick of juridical and moral norms they
should long have been in the slammer and
pre-empted from sowing discord between the
communities and spouting vitriol against them to
disrupt peace and harmony in the nation. Allowing
them freedom to behave as they did was to license
hooliganism and legitimate and endorse Hindu
terrorism. If Congress-led UPA has not learnt
from the past experience, it will only aggravate
the malaise by treating it with kid gloves
instead of with the iron heels that good
governance and stability demand.
Another commonalty between the Hindutva bandwagon
and Jayendra Swami was the upstart nature of
their ambitious bid for power and legitimacy.
Kanchi Math may not have been a pariah like the
BJP brigade, but its disputed status since its
inception, besides the original four
Jyotishpeethas – Puri, Sringeri, Dwaraka,
Badrinath, has long detracted from its claims of
authenticity and parity with them. Jayendra
Swami’s ambitious bid, piquantly, seems to have
been to upstage them and thus assert equality
with them (if not also political superiority over
them). If he could pull it off by unraveling the
Ayodhya tangle, he would have made his place in
the history of Kanchi Math, if not that of India.
What he forgot in his less than spiritual leap is
that Hinduism has no place or role for a Hindu
pope. (Nor, any organization political or
religious, was ever allowed to be Hindu Vatican).
His whole vocational absorption requires him to
be a man of scholarship (dedicated to the goddess
of learning, Saraswati, thus a Saraswat) and
absolute piety, that is, total detachment from
politics and material pursuits. But his lukewarm
and nominal attachment to studies and penance, he
seems to have replaced with a craving for power
or proximity to power (with a lush life style)
that lends an aura of importance, however
fleeting or jejune. Though in the
post-Independence India, he is not the only one
guilty of this deviance and derogation.
What is breath-taking is the effrontery of the
Hindutwa brigade to take on the state, and make a
sub judice criminal case a political ball to be
played on the streets by mobs of frenzied or
hired riff raffs available to VedicTaliban. It is
not only their seditious drive that needs to be
scotched ruthlessly and rapidly, but it also
warrants their trial for contempt of court. They
are openly calling for exemption of sadhus from
law courts, and total immunity from prosecution
for Shankaracharyas. So, the Hindutwa brigade
seems to have set itself up above both the courts
and the Constitution. Crimes committed by these
“religious” persons are no crimes, it avers, and
deserve no punishment, asserts the saffron cabal.
This charter of immunity would license their
crimes as unpunishable. It also absolves
preemptively the members and leaders of RSS
family for their crimes in Ayodhya, Gujarat, and
from venal scams like the one unearthed by
Tehelka.com.
Why is this cleric’s arrest being called by the
saffros an attack on Hindus, boggles the mind. It
is just like Modi claiming that charging him with
crimes was tantamount to accusing five crore
Gujaratis. Did he mean all five crore Gujaratis
were rapists, arsonists, assassins, and robbers,
in league with him and active in the killing
field? Would Gujaratis agree, if only to
enhance the glory of Hindutwa?
Advani has declaimed that religion cannot be
separated from politics. What he means is
blazingly clear: religion alone will play
politics; religion (Hindutwa) would dominate
political discourse; any crime committed by and
any corruption indulged in by religio-politicos
would be out of the ambit of law. He willfully
forgets what Europe suffered for centuries with
church colluding and identifying with the state.
Or, he very cynically wants a repetition of the
same in India. He and his dinosaur ilk must be
made to realize that for his ignoble and long
obsolete vision of religion and state
collaborating against the people and desecrating
the polity, he must be suffering from a time
warp. He must be living in a bloody, brutal, past
- better forgotten for its inhumanity, barbarism,
and bottomless avarice. Church and state, like
bandits, robbed the citizens by heavy exactions
and by confiscating their properties. In the case
of Gujarat genocide this robbery was a communal
enterprise.
Advanis must have forgotten that not so long ago
when in the US several church functionaries were
caught in sex scandals, no political party raised
any ruckus about it, nor the so-called followers
of the church, neither the clerics nor the laity,
demanding that the guilty be above law, left
alone, and let go without arrest, arraignment,
and punishment by the courts. They knew that
would be ultra vires of the nation’s Constitution
and detrimental to the rule of law. They did not
side with the guilty. The HinduTaliban want
criminals unshackled by the laws of the land just
like its own rank and file and superimpose
themselves as a suprastate on the nation.
That it could find in this sleazy episode a
pretext and a tool for its own ends betrays
Hindutwa’s bankruptcy and utter decrepitude. That
functionaries of other religions have joined
forces with these scabrous anti-nationals and
proven subversives does them no credit. Have they
too something shady in their affairs to hide?
This question will be uppermost in the minds of
people all over. It is better that they cleansed
their stables in time, rather than seek expedient
but immoral immunity.
It is time they all saw reason as the instrument
of progress and human enrichment, and not duck
under superstitions and purvey ignorance that
only demeans humanity for the benefit of a few
and perpetuates inequalities and injustices as
some despotic god’s will.
It would be salutary for the Congress to
remember, from its own past experience and from
remembrance of things distant but pertinent to
the present, that the soft state pandering to
religious extremists and theo-terrorists
contributes mightily to social anarchy and
irreversible disintegration as it writes its own
suicidal note. It is allowed no time to write
its own epitaph. Buckling to bullies and brigands
is called cowardice and brings neither security
nor honor.
Let the anti-socials learn a lesson or two, let
the state vigorously assert itself.
o o o o
[see also]
Swami And Fiends
http://www.outlookindia.com/full.asp?sid=1&fodname=20041129&fname=Cover+Story+%28F%29
______
[4]
Frontline
Volume 21 - Issue 24, Nov. 20 - Dec 03, 2004
ZAHIRA'S SOMERSAULT
Dionne Bunsha
The shocking turnaround by the star witness in
the Best Bakery case has raised concerns about
the effectiveness of the re-trial.
http://www.flonnet.com/fl2124/stories/20041203003304000.htm
o o o
Mid Day
November 20, 2004
VHP IS FUNDING ZAHIRA'S EXPENSES
By: Bhupen Patel
The Sangh Parivar has a firm grip on Zahira Shaikh and her family.
A Vadodara-based organisation, Janadhikar Samiti,
has been providing financial and legal assistance
to the star witness in the Best Bakery case and
her family in their 'fight' against social
activist Teesta Setalvad.
But the samiti is not as non-political as the
English translation of its name - People's Rights
Group - sounds. It has powerful connections with
the Parivar.
The samiti counts among its own Ajay Joshi,
president of the Vadodara unit of VHP, and Anil
Desai, a sitting BJP corporator from Vadodara.
Joshi and Desai were in fact on the panel of
lawyers who appeared for the 21 accused in the
case in a Vadodara court.
The group's name came to light yesterday when
Zahira's brother Nafitullah told the special
court in Mazagaon conducting the Best Bakery
retrial that the samiti had been helping the
family.
Joshi confirmed his links with the group. "I am a
supporter of the samiti. Whenever they call me
for meetings I make it a point to attend," he
told this paper. Desai was unavailable for
comment.
Tushar Vyas, founder-president and convenor of
the samiti, admitted the group was "helping
Zahira and her family in every possible way."
The samiti had given them free legal aid, had
arranged for Zahira Shaikh's press conference on
November 3 (in which she accused Setalvad of
pressuring and threatening her to speak against
innocents) in a three-star hotel Surya Palace in
Vadodara and was even taking care of the family's
accommodation expenses in Mumbai, he said.
According to Vyas, Nafitullah and others in the
family had met him nearly a year ago. "They
complained they were being pressured and
manhandled by Teesta Setalvad. Since we allot
free legal aid, we extended support to Zahira and
her family, as we would do for any needy person,"
he said.
"The samiti arranged the Surya Mahal press
conference, asked advocate Atul Mistry to look
after the family's legal needs and is bearing
their accommodation expenses in Mumbai," he noted.
Vyas said the Samiti was formed a year-and-a-half
ago and had its office in an apartment in
Mangalmurti Kothi, Chara Rasta, Vadodara.
The group had among its members retired
government district sessions court judge V S
Moghe, retired dean and faculty of Law Commission
professor H C Dholakia, retired science professor
A M Parikh, two chartered accountants and one
dentist, he added.
The Samiti had organised many seminars, Vyas
said, and mentioned two that reaffirmed its links
with the Parivar.
In April 2004, he said, it had held a seminar on
'Threat to the judiciary from pseudo-secularism'
at the Town Hall in Gandhinagar. The other
seminar, on 'The Supreme Court verdict on the
riot case retrial,' was held in July 2004.
Asked who was financing the Samiti, Vyas replied:
"We get donations from common individuals. There
are doctors, lawyers and several others helping
us, but no politicians."
What Nafitullah said about the Samiti
* He met 'Tushar uncle' of Janadhikar Samiti a
year-and-a-half ago after the Vadodara court
acquitted the 21 accused in the Best Bakery case
* The Samiti helps the needy and gave him clothes
the first time he got in touch with its members
* He later met the Samiti members again in October 2004, after he fled Mumbai
* They arranged for accommodation for the family
* The Samiti arranged Zahira's press conference
in Vadodara, provided the family with lawyers
and is bearing all their expenses.
o o o o
19 November 2004
To: President of the Republic of India, to the
Prime Minister, to the Minister for Home, and to
the National Human Rights Commission
GUJARAT GENOCIDE TRIALS: APPEAL FOR THE PROTECTION OF WITNESSES
[...]
Initiated by Mukul Dube and Harsh Kapoor
----------
The above appeal has been endorsed and signed via
the Internet by 1,265 people from India and
elsewhere. Some 11 people signed twice, and one
instance in each case has been replaced with the
word "duplicate". In addition, 2 signatures were
blanks which have been marked "void". The list of
signatories along with the petition has now been
sent to the President of India, to the PM, Home
minister etc. People are invited to continue to
sign on. A second lot of signatures will be sent
to the authorities before the end of 2004. The
petition is available on the Internet at:
www.PetitionOnline.com/gapw/petition.html
______
[5]
Indian Express
November 21, 2004
GUJARAT RIOTS, GETTING AWAY WITH MURDER
an express investigation, part one / tracking vhp's gen secy on day 1,2
3 yrs later, cellphones start talking: who called whom when Gujarat was burning
Two CDs with more than 5 lakh entries have been
lying with the Gujarat police and are now with
the Nanavati-Shah riots panel. These have records
of all cellphone calls made in Ahmedabad over the
first five days of the riots which saw the worst
massacres. Staff Reporter Stavan Desai spends
several weeks unmasking the story hidden between
and behind these numbers. The first of an
exclusive series
AHMEDABAD, NOV 20 : Vishwa Hindu Parishad's
general secretary in Gujarat is a pathologist
called Jaideep Patel. He was booked for rioting
and arson in the Naroda Patiya massacre, the
worst post-Godhra riot incident in which 83 were
killed, many of them burnt alive. The police
closed the case saying there was not enough
evidence.
Two compact discs could change that.
For, they contain records of all cellphone calls
made in Ahmedabad from February 25, 2002, two
days before the horrific Sabarmati Express attack
to March 4-five days that saw the worst communal
violence in recent history.
This staggering amount of data-there are more
than 5 lakh entries-was investigated over several
weeks by this newspaper.
They show that Patel was in touch with the key
riot accused, top police officers, including the
Police Commissioner, top government officials,
and even the Chief Minister's Office while Naroda
burned.
The CDs, obtained by the Crime Branch of the
Gujarat police way back in April, are now sitting
with the Nanavati Shah Commission. They have been
obtained by The Sunday Express and are a treasure
trove of information that investigators could
build on in their search for justice for the riot
victims.
These are not transcripts of conversations.
These show:
* How the riot accused were in regular touch with
politicians, police officers and government
officials. All at a time when the city and the
state was burning, when the Narendra Modi
government looked the other way and the
Opposition Congress went to sleep.
* Using cellphone tower locations, the data also
gives information on the physical location of the
caller and the person at the other end.
In the first of a series of reports detailing the
records of the key characters of the Gujarat
riots, The Sunday Express looks at the movements
and calls of VHP leader Jaideep Patel.
Records show that Patel, who lives in Naroda, was
there when the massacre began, then left for
Bapunagar which also witnessed killings and
returned to Naroda. And that he was in touch with
other riot accused, Babu Bajrangi, Ashok Govind
Patel, Bipin Patel and local BJP MLA Maya Kodnani.
February 27, 2002
Sabarmati Express attacked at 8.05 am, bandh
called by VHP in the evening, BJP backs the bandh
Patel is in touch with senior police officials,
his VHP colleagues in Delhi, state Home Minister,
BJP chief
Recalling the calling
* When asked to explain his cell records, Jaideep
Patel said: ''I don't remember who all I spoke
to, it's been a long time since Godhra. But I
brought the bodies to Ahmedabad, I might have
spoken to cops as some Godhra victims could have
been from Naroda. I might have spoken to people
in the govt, I do not know. After all, I am a
leader of the Hindus, several people speak to me
everyday. It can't be said that because I spoke
to certain persons, something happened
somewhere.''
* Why was Minister Gordhan Zadaphia in touch with Jaideep Patel?
Zadaphia: ''When the inquiry commission will
ask...I will reply. If I'm speaking to different
persons who I think can help me restore normalcy,
there is nothing wrong.''
* Why did the Chief Minister's Office contact Jaideep Patel?
PS Tanmay Mehta, who made the call: ''I do not know anything about this.''
* Did the Crime Branch study the cellphone
records before closing the case against Patel?
Joint Commissioner of Police (Crime) P P Pandey:
''There are certain aspects about it yet to be
looked into. As the Police Commissioner is on
leave, I cannot comment.''
* Will the review panel, set up at the behest of
the Supreme Court, look into these records while
scrutinising the 2,100 closed riot cases?
DGP A K Bhargav who heads the panel: ''These
cellphone records have little value, they do not
prove anything. Yes, these can be used to trace
the movements of an accused.'' * 11.09 am:
Patel leaves the city for Godhra.
* 12.48 pm: Patel is in Godhra and one of the
first persons he speaks to is then Ahmedabad DCP
(Zone V) R J Savani who calls him at 1.05 pm.
* 2.29 pm: Patel receives a call from a Delhi
number and speaks for 215 seconds. This number is
registered in the name of Bharatiya Sanskriti
Pratishthan, Sector-6, R K Puram, New Delhi, the
VHP headquarters.
* 3.30 pm: Patel calls state BJP President
Rajendrasinh Rana and speaks for 267 seconds. At
4 pm the VHP called for a Gujarat Bandh the next
day, on February 28, 2002, and the BJP quickly
declares its support.
* 5.00 pm: Patel receives a call from Bharatiya
Sanskriti Prathisthan, Delhi and speaks for 357
seconds.
* 5.07 pm: Patel again receives a call from this Delhi institution.
* 5.14 pm: DCP Savani calls Patel and speaks for 117 seconds.
* 5.17 pm: DCP Savani again calls Patel.
* 8.03 pm: Then state MoS (Home) Gordhan Zadafia
calls Patel and speaks for 159 seconds.
* 8.39 pm: Patel calls Zadafia.
* 9.13 pm: Patel calls Zadafia again, this time for just 3 seconds.
* 9.16 pm: DCP Savani calls Patel and speaks for 138 seconds.
* 9.20 pm: Patel again calls Zadafia and speaks for 186 seconds.
* After 11.58 pm: Patel leaves for Ahmedabad with
the bodies of the 58 persons who were killed in
the S6 coach of Sabarmati Express.
FEBRUARY 28, 2002
Ahmedabad erupted; worst massacre in Naroda
Patiya; curfew imposed in all 30 police station
areas
Patel is in touch with Naroda corporator minutes before massacre begins
* 2.34 am: Patel enters Ahmedabad with the 58
bodies of Godhra victims, heads for Sola Civil
Hospital.
* 9.17 am: Patel calls then state Health Minister
Ashok Bhatt and after 10 minutes, leaves for
Naroda.
* 10.11 am: Patel reaches Naroda and at 10.52
calls one Ashok Govind Patel of Naroda and speaks
to him for 80 seconds.
(Ashok Govind Patel, who has been in constant
contact with Jaideep Patel, is a BJP corporator
from Naroda and an accused in the killing of
eight persons in Naroda on February 28, 2002 and
also in the case in which Jaideep Patel was named
as an accused and which was later closed by the
Crime Branch.)
* 11.05 am: Patel receives call from a cellphone
which was allegedly being used by the prime
accused in the Naroda-Patiya massacre, Babu
Bajrangi.
The phone is registered in the name of one
Priyanka Mahendra Pandya, B/3 Pragat Ghanshyam
Society, Ranip. Records reveal that the phone had
been carried to Godhra the previous day and was
located in Naroda area from morning of February
28, 2002 till 8.28 pm.
When contacted by The Sunday Express, Mahendra
Pandya, father of Priyanka Pandya, said: ''I have
been using this cell number for more than year.
Three years ago, it was with Babubhai (Babu
Bajrangi).''
According to the police FIR, the attack on
Naroda-Patiya started at 11 am and went on till 8
pm.
* 11.12 am: Patel again receives a call from Naroda corporator Ashok Patel.
* 11.21 am: Jaideep Patel leaves for Bapunagar
area. This was one area in the city which
witnessed unprecedented violence and the maximum
number of deaths in private firing was reported
from this area. This was under the control of DCP
R J Savani.
* 11.32 am: Reaches Bapunagar and calls Minister Zadaphia.
* 11.37 am: Key accused in the Naroda-Patiya
massacre, Bipin Panchal alias Bipin Auto, calls
Patel and speaks for 62 seconds.
* 11.40 am: Patel calls then DCP (Zone IV) P B
Gondia, under whose jurisdiction Naroda-Patiya
and Gulbarg Society fall-38 persons, including
ex-Congress MP Ehsan Jafri, were killed in
Gulbarg-and speaks for 85 seconds.
* 11.52 am: Patel again calls DCP Gondia and this time speaks for 106 seconds.
* 11.55 am: Patel calls Ashok Patel and speaks for 63 seconds.
* 12.01 am: Ashok Patel calls back.
* 12.07 pm: Patel calls Ashok Patel and speaks for 71 seconds.
* 12.10 pm: Patel calls then Naroda BJP MLA Maya
Kodnani and speaks for 79 seconds.
* 12.20 pm: Patel calls DCP Gondia and speaks for 42 seconds.
* 12.25 pm: Patel returns to Naroda.
* 12.39 pm: Patel returns to Bapunagar area.
* 12.57 pm: Patel receives call from the cellphone being used by Babu Bajrangi.
* 1 pm: Bipin Panchal calls Patel and speaks for 86 seconds.
* 1.17 pm: Bajrangi calls again.
* 1.19 pm: Bipin Panchal calls.
* 1.23 pm: Bipin Panchal calls again.
* 1.43 pm: Bipin Panchal calls again and speaks for 72 seconds.
* 3.25 pm: Patel receives a call from the Chief
Minister's Office and speaks for 141 seconds.
* 7.20 pm: Patel receives call from a cellphone
registered in the name of Sanjay Bhavsar of
General Administration Department, Government of
Gujarat, and speaks for 102 seconds.
* 7.24 pm: Bhavsar calls again.
* 7.28 pm: Patel calls Bhavsar.
* 7.31 pm: For the first time in the day, Patel
calls then Police Commissioner P C Pande and
speaks for 47 seconds.
* 8.29 pm: Patel returns to Naroda area.
* 9.11 pm: Tanmay Mehta, Personal Assistant to
the Chief Minister, calls Patel. The conversation
lasts 209 seconds.
* 11.32 pm: State BJP President Rajendrasinh Rana
calls Patel and speaks for 13 seconds.
By midnight, senior police officers, including
Joint Commissioner of Police M K Tandon had
reached Naroda-Patiya. The massacre was over, the
survivors were being moved to hospitals and
relief camps hastily set up by the Muslim
community at Shah Alam and Dariya Khan Gummat.
Another massacre had taken place in Gulbarg
Society. Defence Minister George Fernandes
arrived in town, the death toll was 125 and
counting.
______
[6] [National Meeting against Indian Penal Code section 377]
Dear friend(s)
Sec 377 of the Indian Penal Code (IPC),
criminalizes 'carnal intercourse against the
order of nature' (many Indian Judges consider all
sexual acts other than penile-vaginal sex as
unnatural) and is used by the police widely to
threaten/blackmail/extort money from kothis,
doubledeckers, homosexual/bisexual men and
hijras. Sexuality minorities from the poor
backgrounds and male/transgender sex-workers are
worst affected by IPC 377, as they have to use
public spaces a lot of time. There are judicial
decisions that have criminalized sexual
activities like fellatio (oral stimulation of
penis), cunnilingus (oral stimulation of vagina)
and anal sex. The punishment for these 'criminal
activities' can be anything between ten years to
life imprisonment.
Though both sexuality minorities and
heterosexuals engage in anal and oral sex, only
sexuality minorities are perceived to be engaging
in these 'deviant' sexual practices by the
moralistic police and society. In Indian
democracy, where every citizen is promised equal
rights and non-discrimination, IPC 377 obstructs
sexuality rights and right to
life/liberty/privacy of every individual and the
attainment of human rights of marginalized
sexuality minorities.
Various groups, organisations and individuals
working for the rights of sexuality minorities,
sex-workers, human rights have been raising their
voices against IPC 377 in different parts of
India for a few years now. There have been legal
interventions, public protests and innumerable
discussions around IPC 377. Needless to say the
process has not been a smooth one and has faced
opposition and antagonism from the state to the
public due to the largely queerphobic attitude of
our society, its systems and their keepers. The
latest blow to this process has come from Delhi
High Court, when the court dismissed a petition
on IPC 377 (requesting the court to read it down
to exclude consensual sexual acts between adults
in private) filed by Lawyers Collective on behalf
of Naz Foundation (India) Trust. Same court has
dismissed the petition to review their judgement.
We feel there is a need to coordinate all our
efforts all over India in order to build public
opinion, only which can eventually yield pressure
on the system to repeal this anti-human rights
law. The process will also help in changing
societal attitudes towards sexuality minorities.
In this regard, we are organising a national
meeting to discuss future strategies for
coordinated efforts against 377 in Bangalore on
the 12th and 13th of December, 2004.
We invite everyone to be present in this meeting
and lend your support, ideas and suggestions so
that we can all together design a nation-wide
plan to abolish IPC 377.
Friends, please confirm your participation at the
earliest so that we can organise your stay and
take care of other logistical details for the
meeting. As we have limited funds, we regret
that we will not be able to provide travel, stay
and food expenses for everyone. However, we will
be able to provide second class train fare and
accomodation to a limited number of participants.
The stay and food should cost around Rs. 400-500
per person. Please, once again, confirm your
participation at the earliest.
Please circulate this invitation widely.
In Solidarity,
SANGAMA along with Alternative Law Forum
(Bangalore), Bharosa (Lucknow), FIRM
(Trivandrum), Lawyers Collective, Naz
Foundation (India) Trust, Parma/Vikalp (Baroda),
PUCL-Karnataka, Sahodaran (Chennai), Saksham
(Rajamundry, AP), Sangram (Sangli), SIAAP
(Tamilnadu), Snegyitham (Trichy), SWAM (Chennai),
WINS (Tirupati)
Contact Persons: Mamu and Manohar
Phone: 09880223470 (Mamu), 09880223460 (Manohar), 080 22868680/121 (SANGAMA)
Email: advocacy at sangama.org
Address: SANGAMA, Flat 13, Royal Park Apartments,
34 Park Road, Tasker Town, Bangalore - 560051.
______
[7]
Dear friends:
On Dec. 2, it will be twenty years when a gas
leak in a Union Carbide plant in Bhopal killed
thousand of people over night, and left hundreds
of thousands permanently maimed. The effects
continue to mar the lives of people till today.
We invite you to join us to remember the tragedy
and to know what has happened since, Come and
wtch a latest NFB movie on the subject. Come and
listen to Dr. David Sazuki and other people on
the panel.
The admission is free, but limited to the
capacity in the theatre. So be there on time.
The following link will take you to a variety of
material on the background, including the many
lies Dow Chemical has been mouthing.
www.bhopal.net/res.html
See you there on November 29, 7 p.m.
hari sharma
for SANSAD
On the ocassion of the 20th Anniversary of the
worst Industrial Disaster of the world: BHOPAL
SANSAD
is pleased to join
Amnesty International and Greenpeace
to co-sponsor
the Vancouver premiere of
Bhopal: The Search for Justice
(a 52-minute documentary produced in 2004)
directed by Peter Raymont and Lindalee Tracey
Presented by
The National Film Board of Canada
&
White Pine Pictures
Monday, November 29, 2004, 7:00 p.m.
UBC Robson Square Theatre
Room C-300, 800 Robson Street, Vancouver. [Canada]
A panel discussion to follow:
Panelists:
Dr. David Sazuki
Dr. Hari Sharma, SANSAD
Lindaleee Tracy, of the Film-makers team
Mr. Don Wright, Amnesty International
A representative of the Greenpeace
On December 2, 1984, the release of poisonous
methylisocyanate gas from the Union Carbide plant
in Bhopal, India killed tens of thousands of
people and maimed hundreds of thousands more. It
was, and remains, the world's worst industrial
disaster. Twenty years later, amid charges of
corruption, graft and greed, little compensation
has been paid to the victims and their families.
Bhopal is a sad, disgraceful testament to the
absence of environmental and human justice.
This powerful new documentary explores and
analyzes the prospect for environmental and human
justice in Bhopal. At stake is more than fair
compensation for the many affected and afflicted
- "Bhopal" has become a rallying cry and a test
case for international environmental law and
human rights.
For further information:
Amnesty International: 604-294-5160
SANSAD: 604-420-2972
______
_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/
Buzz on the perils of fundamentalist politics, on
matters of peace and democratisation in South
Asia. SACW is an independent & non-profit
citizens wire service run since 1998 by South
Asia Citizens Web: www.sacw.net/
SACW archive is available at: bridget.jatol.com/pipermail/sacw_insaf.net/
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South Asia Counter Information Project : snipurl.com/sacip
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