SACW | 16 Aug 2004

[sacw]

South Asia Citizens Wire   |  16 August,  2004
via:  www.sacw.net

[1]  Bangladesh: Ahmadiyyas under attack again (Editorial, The Daily Star)
[2]  Bangladesh: The late Humayun Azad's Open 
Letter (Bangladesh Observer via mukto mona) )
[3]  Campaign against the War In Sri Lanka 
(Women's Network for Peace and Freedom)
[4]  Teaching and research on India in Pakistan - 
a conspicuous absence (S. Akbar Zaidi)
[5]  India:  Full Text of the draft National 
Rural Employment Guarantee Act, 2004 on sacw.net


--------------

[1]


The Daily Star [Bangladesh]
August 16, 2004
Editorial

AHMADIYYAS UNDER ATTACK AGAIN
High time for the government to act

ATTEMPTS by Islamic bigots to pierce through a 
police cordon and attack Nirala Ahmadiyya mosque 
complex in Khulna can only be described as 
another despicable act against the sensibilities 
of a religious minority. They were not only 
violating the law of the land and the 
Constitution but also taking religion into their 
hands as its self-appointed guardian. This is a 
prime example of religious and sectarian 
intolerance raising its head by default. The 
chairman of Islami Oikya Jote, a ruling alliance 
partner even went to the extent of issuing an 
ultimatum in public that Ahmadiyyas should be 
declared non-Muslims immediately if the 
government wants to stay in power.

This was a direct provocation to incitement of 
anti-Ahmadiyya emotions that can be trifled with 
only to the peril of societal peace and 
stability. According to reports they even most 
arrogantly demanded an amendment to the 
Constitution. We have repeatedly condemned such 
attempts at violating any segment of the 
citizens' rights to practicising their own faith. 
In fact this was just the continuation of the 
events that have been taking place ever since 
Ahmadiyyas came under systematic attack all 
around the country.

Had the Ahmadiyya publications been not 
proscribed in the first place, the Khatme Nabuat 
elements would not have got the leeway to do what 
the are doing today. We wouldn't have seen the 
repetition of scenes where the basic fundamental 
rights of a religious minority have been 
trampled. This is a worrying sign that must be 
eliminated for Bangladesh to retain its image of 
being a moderate Muslim country.

______



[2]


[ Prof. Humayun Azad, the well known Bangladesh 
writer who had been viscously attacked by 
fundamentalists in February 2004, died * on 13 
August 2004, posted below is an English 
translation of open letter by Prof Azad, that was 
originally published on July 28, 2004.

BBC News 13 August, 2004 (*)
Top Bangladeshi author found dead.
URL: news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/south_asia/3561184.stm ]


o o o o

The Bangladesh Observer - August 16, 2004
URL: www.bangladeshobserveronline.com/new/2004/08/16/city.htm

HUMAYUN AZAD'S OPEN LETTER

Dr. Humayun Azad is a rule-breaking freethinking 
author, poet, critic, column writer and professor 
of Dhaka University, Bangladesh. Humayun Azad, 
being anxious of his personal safety,  written in 
a Bangla Daily on 28 July, 2004 the following 
heart rendering open letter to Prime Minister, 
Opposition Leader and to the countrymen depicting 
his utterly miserable present life.


Honorable PM, leader of the main opposition, my 
countrymen, I am penning this open letter to you 
after being utterly helpless, physically 
attacked, and in a state of hopelessness. All 
these have made my life and my family members' 
life unbearable. As I was returning from this 
year's 'Book Fair' in the evening of February 27, 
some killer goons attacked me physically; I was 
not supposed to have lived after the brutal 
attack.

Nonetheless, I returned to this mortal world 
after being "dead" (in coma) for four days. For 
this, I remain ever so grateful to everyone. I am 
thankful to the honorable PM because she took 
care of my treatment in the aftermath of the 
attack; I am also indebted to the main opposition 
party leader for she came hurriedly to see me 
after I was physically assaulted and she feared 
for my life; I am also greatly indebted to my 
countrymen those who grieved seeing my hapless 
condition, they were moved and they prayed for my 
well-being.

I am also thankful to my fellow academicians and 
students at the universities, artists, and 
politicians those who worked tirelessly to keep 
me alive. I was not supposed to come back to 
life, but I did. For which a dedicated bunch of 
physicians should receive my plaudits. I remain 
ever so grateful to them.

After I was mortally wounded on February 27, I 
became a darling to my countrymen; those who 
never knew me before they also inquired about my 
well-being. However, I am now attacked again and 
my family is living in a state of despondency; we 
are now living in a state of fright. On July 24, 
2004, the evil bunch who attacked me earlier 
tried to abduct my only son, Anannya; on July 25, 
2004, they put us again in a state of panic after 
threatening us through a telephone call this time 
they said that they will blast a bomb in my house.

At this time, mine is the most panic stricken 
family in Bangladesh whose members may be hurt in 
any moment. That is the reason I am now appealing 
to you hoping that you may come forward to help 
me out. You are the only ones who lend your 
helping hand at this time of despair. You have 
done your duty when I was struggling with my 
death; aren't you going to stand by me at this 
perilous time too?

I look physically alright now, but I am far from 
being mentally strong. One of my eyes is half 
blind. I am carrying a disfigured face with the 
scars of vicious attack on it, the sutures on my 
face are still painful for me, my lips are 
partially numb, I wear dentures, infirmity has 
taken hold of me. After my return from medical 
treatment in abroad, I am virtually interned in 
my home because my life is not safe outside.

I maybe attacked physically if I venture to go 
outside. For my safety the government has posted 
some police force in front of my residence for 
which I am thankful. Still then, I am receiving 
repeated death threats; my family members are 
exposed to serious danger.

All these are making our lives utterly miserable. 
I cannot look at the panic-stricken faces of my 
beloved ones because their countenance bears the 
mark of mental anguish. It seems as if they are 
living in a state of fear surrounded by sharp 
knives or living near a live volcano. Sometimes I 
feel that the marauding gang of assassins 
surrounds them and there is no one to protect 
them. Under this dire circumstance, living a 
normal life is all too difficult and meaningless; 
I don't know whether you could imagine the state 
of hopelessness that I am now in.

We as a family feel that this fear for untimely 
death is dictating our daily life now. We could 
have committed a mass suicide if we knew 
beforehand we would attain the Nirvana from our 
wretched life. We would have showered our 
assassins with the moon and flowers as we prepare 
to exit from this mortal world. But we are 
infirm, our love for this mortal world is too 
strong, and that is why we remain in a state of 
alert. I fear for the safe return of my family 
members whoever and whenever go out.

When I am out, I fear for their safety who are at 
home. Even in 1971, my life was not that 
difficult! These days I feel pity for myself, for 
my life, and for my hapless motherland. What has 
become of this land where a professor and a 
writer cannot lead a simple and placid life, 
cannot browse a book or pen a stanza of poem. 
This is because the roving assassins are making 
his life a miserable one even in his sleep. Did 
we want Bangladesh for all this? Did many a 
patriot shed their blood for this?

I am a professor and a writer. I have been 
teaching for the last 36 years and writing for 
even longer period. I never did neglect to teach 
my students properly; I taught them as per their 
acumen and interest; thousands of students 
considered me as one of their dearest and best 
teacher. Their love and respect for me had 
gratified me. I always tried to teach my students 
new things; tried my best to get them out of the 
old moldings because I believe in my heart that 
it is the very nature of knowledge to create new 
things.

The world of ours has progressed thus far because 
humankind has been able to generate new 
information. I have been writing ceaselessly, not 
keeping myself confined in a particular area, but 
expanding my interest in variegated disciplines 
from linguistics to poems. Poetry, novel, essay, 
criticism, linguistics, political analysis, 
literature for kids, etc., are the myriad fields 
in which I have contributed thus far. I have 
published about 70 books.

Many a readers agree that I have enriched Bengali 
literature through my writings, and even after my 
departure from this world my contributions will 
be remembered. Despite all these positive 
contributions, my life is a wretched one at this 
time because the assassins are regularly issuing 
death threats against my family members and me.

Living in the shadow of a constant threat I am 
becoming oblivious to knowledge and literature. 
Is it then fair that one of the leading 
professors of Bangladesh has to live under 
constant threat of being killed? Have I done well 
in my studies, earned a good name for myself as 
an academician and writer, earned the respect 
from my countrymen only to be threatened by the 
goons who want to see me dead? Will my premature 
death in the hands of the assassins bring 
prosperity to Bangladesh ? Or, will it mar the 
nation with disgrace?

I am both a scribe and a sensitive human being to 
whom it is more disgraceful to live in the 
confine of my house than to be dead. I 
oft-remember once I used to take a stroll by 
myself, visit a village to see the moon, birds, 
and rivers. Today, I am denied of this privilege; 
today, I cannot walk alone or look at the moon, 
river, or birds.

To the contrary, those marauding assassins, who 
never looked at the moon, have their rights 
preserved who want to see me a dead man. To a 
person who wants to enrich himself with knowledge 
and who wants to write, nothing could be worse 
than being interned into a house; this would 
blunt his creativity.

I am not alone in this predicament; quite a few 
other professors of Dhaka University had been 
given the death sentence by the obscurantists. I 
feel their pain, but for how long do we have to 
endure this pain?

Dear Prime Minister, leader of the main 
opposition party, my countrymen, this not the 
time for you to remain reticent, you must take 
care of those people very sternly who are 
inflicting this pain on us. This is your noble 
duty. You have to carry out your duty or else the 
future generation will look at you with 
ambivalence.

We want to see our motherland, Bangladesh , as a 
developed, modern, and peaceful country; however, 
we failed in the past to build our nation in that 
way. The image Bangladesh portrays to outside 
world is not a good one; the way the recent 
threats to my family and myself have perturbed us 
will mar the image even further.

For sure, you know that those who are making my 
life miserable belong to a separate ideology. A 
nation is deemed to prosper, and could only 
progress when there exists diversity of opinions, 
and when people holding diverse opinions can live 
side-by-side. The essence of democracy is to 
respect and tolerate diverging opinions and 
beliefs.

We could refute an opinion or ideology only 
through knowledge and reasons, but nowhere it 
says that a person with differing opinion should 
be threatened to be killed or eventually be 
killed. Unfortunately, in Bangladesh it has 
become a norm not to debate with a person who 
holds a counter view, but to settle the score 
with a threat to kill the person or by killing 
the person.

I have become a prime target now for political 
assassination. Isn't it true that my writings 
have enriched Bangladesh ? Have I not dedicated 
my life for Bangladesh because I love my country? 
Once I am gone from this mortal world, won't 
Bangalees feel proud for what I have done? If 
these are correct, then why am I being tortured 
this way when I am still alive? I am hoping that 
you will come to aid in my time of distress, 
immediately at this critical time of our extreme 
distress and danger.

Bangladesh is amidst a great danger now, a 
devastated flood has struck us, there is no end 
to human sufferings; however, this is not the 
last deluge to hit Bangladesh.

Bangladesh is sinking albeit very slowly, 
according to some geologist the nation may sink 
into the Bay of Bengal in the next quarter of the 
century. But we could obstruct this downward 
journey through knowledge and our effort.

If we fail to take up the measure, then we, the 
nationals of Bangladesh , have to swim ashore to 
another nation just as a rodent does. Maybe, 
others will refuse us to climb ashore. Many of us 
would be dead in the next quarter of the century. 
However, we should work for our next generation. 
We are duty bound to build a nation that is safe 
and advanced for our next generation.

But no one gives a damn about it. The 
fundamentalists are bent on killing people who 
hold a similar philosophy of life like mine; they 
think annihilating folks like me would solve all 
the problems that ail Bangladesh .

Amidst this devastating flood, I would like to 
mingle with our people, but I am bereft of that 
right. Being confined to the four walls of my 
house I could see how agonizingly they are 
passing theirs time. I hear that my ancestral 
village is under water, but I could hardly visit 
the place; if I attempt to go there, the 
marauding band of assassins will surely follow me.

The nature is wreaking havoc on us now, but those 
assassins who hold a differing view from mine put 
my life in danger. This vile force has not given 
up the idea to threaten me ad infinitum even when 
calamities have struck Bangladesh.

Dear honorable Prime Minister, leader of the main 
opposition party, my countrymen, in this time of 
great danger I am handing over the security of my 
family members and mine in your hand. It is up to 
you to decide whether Bangladesh will remain 
under the sharp instrument of murder hold by the 
marauding band of assassins, should my family 
members and I spend sleepless night frightened by 
the ominous presence of the goons?

Should the nation of ours be inundated with 
blood? Will the humanity get a shiver watching 
Bangladesh in this pathetic state? We don't have 
much time. You decide what would be the proper 
step to take, and this is my earnest request to 
you all, my countrymen, including you- respected 
PM and the leader of the opposition. Translated 
by the members of advisory board of Mukto-mona. 
( www.mukto-mona.com )

______


[3]

Women's Network for Peace and Freedom
1, Amble Way, Gosforth, Newcastle Upon Tyne, NE3 
3JB [UK] | zinthiya at yahoo.co.uk


12th August 04

WOMEN IN BLACK

Dear Sisters


Please support our Campaign against the War In Sri Lanka

I am writing to you on behalf of Women's Network 
for Peace and Freedom,  with regards to the 
ongoing conflict of Sri Lanka which has claimed 
thousands of lives including women and children 
and destroying millions of rupees of wealth 
otherwise which could have been used towards the 
welfare of this developing country.  WNPF is 
Campaigning to stop the human rights violations 
of civilians being committed by the government 
forces as well at the Liberation Tigers for Tamil 
Eelam (LTTE) which is fighting for an independent 
state in the north east of Sri Lanka since 1983.

Our network is joining many organisations, 
community groups, universities, businesses and 
individual activities all over Sri Lanka and the 
world in this campaign.

We request you to help us break the silence and 
bring attention to the war in Sri Lanka which has 
been forgotten by the international community to 
put pressure on the


 The Sri Lankan government to resume 
negotiations immediately with the LTTE including 
other minority political groups

 The LTTE to stop all extra judicial killings, 
violence against civilians and rival group 
members and observe the current peace agreement.

 Opposition Political parties to support the peace process more proactively.

This campaign is to make the Sri Lankan 
government, the LTTE and all political parties 
realise that the we will  no longer condone or 
remain silent about the war and the violence that 
is destroying thousand of peoples lives, 
properties, livelihoods and the future of the 
younger generations.  We are writing to you in 
the hope that you will help our struggle in the 
name of sisterhood.  We would really appreciate 
any support you can give us to raise awareness of 
the issue and put pressure toward bringing peace 
to Sri Lanka.

With best wishes


Zinthiya Ganehspanchan
Coordinator-

______


[4]

Dawn,
15 August 2004

TEACHING AND RESEARCH ON INDIA IN PAKISTAN - A CONSPICUOUS ABSENCE

By S. Akbar Zaidi

In many important ways, there is not much of a 
story to tell. An attempt to look at empirical 
data and evidence in order to examine the nature, 
extent and quality of social science teaching and 
research conducted in the disciplines of 
economics, history, sociology, political science 
and international relations, in Pakistan on 
India, draws almost a complete blank. There seems 
to be a conspicuous, silent, absence of India in 
Pakistan's academic and research institutions 
where the social sciences are taught and 
researched.
There are very few exceptions to this general 
observation, both in terms of individuals and 
institutions. Most of the exceptions that do 
exist, both in terms of individuals and 
institutions, strictly speaking, are not part of 
the broader category of the social sciences, and 
are almost exclusively restricted to 'experts' in 
security studies.
This noticeable absence of India in Pakistan's 
higher institutions of learning and research 
ought to come as a surprise, given India's 
dominant presence in Pakistan's historical, 
political, cultural, and militarist existence and 
being.
One would have thought, that like the 
relationship between the United States and Russia 
during the Cold War and between the US and China, 
adversaries (and in this case, neighbours) like 
India and Pakistan too, would have studied, 
researched, taught, understood and analyzed each 
other almost to extinction. Unlike all 
adversaries in the world, Indians and Pakistanis 
know nothing about each other.
There are two probable explanations for this. The 
first relates to Pakistan's nature of the state 
and to its intrusive security/military 
establishment which lays claim to being the 
fountain of all knowledge and wisdom in Pakistan 
regarding most things, but especially regarding 
anything having to do with India over which it 
claims to have undisputed monopoly. And, the 
second has to do with the rather dismal state of 
the social sciences in Pakistan.
One needs to know whether the fact that India is 
under-taught and under-researched, is 
specifically due to India, or whether there are 
additional explanations to be found in Pakistan's 
social science structure and institutions. Since 
India is perceived by many - and especially by 
Pakistan's military and security establishment - 
to be Pakistan's main adversary and its biggest 
threat, we also look at some other possible 
explanations as to why India is not taught or 
researched enough in Pakistan's academic and 
research institutions.
The main purpose was to try to answer the 
question: How is India taught and researched in 
Pakistan, in institutes and universities, in the 
social science disciplines of history, political 
science, economics, international relations and 
sociology? The 'methodology' for this study is 
based on interviews of key informants, some of 
whom are academics, some researchers and others 
who are columnists or commentators.
These include some of Pakistan's better known 
academics, scholars and commentators, many of 
whom were interviewed a few years ago for a study 
which preceded this particular one and on which 
it builds. The second component of the research 
was a visit to institutions where some form of 
research on India was thought to be taking place, 
where the institutions' publications list and 
curricula were analyzed in order to get an 
understanding of the nature of research and 
teaching taking place.
In addition, the social sciences publications 
list of three of Pakistan's main publishers was 
also examined for evidence to see whether there 
were any publications on India in the social 
sciences; catalogues in three libraries in 
different departments were also quickly scanned 
to get an idea of the type and number of books 
that they hold on India. Some secondary published 
and unpublished material was also analyzed - in 
particular, titles and lists of theses in the 
social sciences.
Data provided by the Council of Social Sciences 
(COSS) in Pakistan, an independent body which 
collects data and publishes books, reports and 
newsletters about the state and issues related to 
the social sciences in Pakistan, shows an 
extraordinary statistic: in the 56 year period 
1947-2003, there have been only 1,202 theses 
conducted both, at the MPhil and PhD level at all 
the universities in Pakistan in a very broad 
range of social science subjects.
Based on the data base developed by COSS, a 
search based on key words from the theses title 
and subject, provided the following information 
based on the 1,202 MPhil and PhD theses. For the 
word 'India', there were 41 theses, for 
'Pakistan-India' 24, and for 'Kashmir' 14. Of 
these 41 theses on 'India', the following 
distribution according to the following broad 
categories emerges: In the international 
relations, strategic and defence studies 
categories, along with the different area study 
centres and departments, thirty of these 41 
theses were completed, which look at nuclear 
issues, the relationship with Pakistan and India 
of China and the US and similar themes. Only five 
look specifically at issues related internally to 
India.
Another data set, that of the University of 
Karachi Faculty of Arts which shows the total 
number of MPhil and PhD degrees awarded in the 
1958-2002 period, shows an even grimmer picture 
with reference to research on India in Pakistan. 
A total of 239 MPhil and PhD degrees were awarded 
by the faculty, including some on subjects not 
normally categorized as part of the social 
sciences, such as languages. Of the 184 PhDs 
awarded by the University of Karachi, more than 
thirty percent are on Urdu, 12 each are on 
Arabic, clinical psychology and philosophy.
Fourteen were in economics/applied economics, 
nine in international relations, 25 in political 
science, 10 in sociology and 12 in general 
history. With the exception of two theses in 
general history - one looking at Awadh in the 
late 18th Century, and the other at Sindh under 
the Mughals - not a single thesis of the 239 is 
on any aspect related to India.
There is one recent thesis in international 
relations on the 'national liberation struggle' 
of the Kashmiris, and another on 'Azad' Kashmir 
since 1947; that is about all that India features 
in the research output in the social sciences 
from the University of Karachi over a period of 
45 years.
Indeed, it seems that for the Pakistani student 
in the social sciences - who may know of the 
latest Bollywood movies and its gossip or about 
the last partnership between Rahul Dravid and VVS 
Lakshman - India as a researchable academic and 
intellectual category does not really exist, for 
there have been almost no MPhil/PhD theses on 
India in the last 57 years. Perhaps the students 
should not be held responsible for this situation 
and the real responsibility rests on the 
shoulders of those who teach them and on what in 
Pakistan is called 'the system'.
If one examines the curriculum at the master's 
level for economics at the University of Karachi, 
or the course content at the post-master's level 
at the MPhil and masters of applied sciences in 
economics courses at the same university, there 
is absolutely no mention of India or the economy 
(or economics) in India. It is quite fair to say 
that India and its economics/economy are 
non-existent in the economics teaching programmes 
across Pakistan's universities.
The degree in political science at the University 
of Karachi at the master's level has a number of 
courses related to the theory of political 
science as well as a number of courses which have 
an applied/case study component. Along with more 
standard modules in courses on Locke, Hobbes and 
Rousseau, there are courses on 'Islamic political 
theory and institutions', 'international law', 
'comparative local government', 'public 
administration', etc. In the case of say, 
'comparative local government', there is one 
module out of six, which looks at 'comparative 
systems' in six countries, one of which was India.
In the course called 'Public administration', the 
principles of public administration were to be 
taught with reference to Pakistan, the US, UK and 
France. A course entitled 'The political system 
of the developing countries' looked at 
comparative politics with regard to Pakistan, 
Iran, Turkey and India, although in its list of 
38 recommended books for this course, there was 
no book by any Indian author. Other courses such 
as 'Studies in political systems' and 'Theory and 
practice of modern government', looked at China, 
Japan, Indonesia and Malaysia in the former 
course, and the UK, USSR (sic), USA, Switzerland, 
France and Pakistan, in the latter.
The curriculum for sociology is based largely on 
US textbooks and problems of developed countries 
and on theory which was popular perhaps thirty 
years ago in the US. There are a few specialized 
sub-disciplines in sociology such as medical 
sociology, urban sociology, etc., but their 
reading lists are more reminiscent of the 1960s 
in the US than with recent developments or with 
developing countries. India does not feature 
anywhere in the list of countries, themes or 
reading lists provided and the entire orientation 
is largely Western, but specifically of the 
1960s/1970s era American school of sociology.
It is not completely surprising that India is 
ignored in the economics, sociology and political 
science curricula at the master's level for 
reasons that relate to the general state of 
education and research in Pakistan and which are 
discussed below. However, because of ideological 
connotations (and an obvious historical link), it 
is not possible to ignore India's presence in the 
syllabus for history. There are 27 papers in the 
two year general history course at Karachi 
University, with numerous courses on South Asian 
history, from the time of Asoka and Harsha to 
more modern times, culminating in Pakistan's 
independence.
There are papers in the history curriculum which 
differentiate Indian/South Asian history over 
specific periods and begin with a course 
entitled: 'History of South Asia from the 
earliest times to 1000 AD - excluding the Arab 
conquest of Sindh'. This is followed by separate 
South Asian History courses based on the 
following periodization: 712 to 1526, 1526-1761 
and 1761-1947. There are also courses on the 
History of Europe, of the US, of the Middle East 
since 1919, as well as optional papers on the 
French Revolution and Ancient Greece.
Other courses include the 'History of the Freedom 
Movement 1857-1947', and one which is entitled 
'Constitutional history of the Subcontinent 
1773-1962 - excluding Indian constitutional 
developments since 1947'. There are no courses in 
the syllabus on modern Pakistani history 
post-1947, and not surprisingly, none on 
independent India.
From the prescribed reading lists, it seems that 
for the most part, the history curriculum which 
focuses on South Asia, deals almost exclusively 
with a 'Muslim history' of India and its 
interaction with the British. history seems to be 
divided into eras such as, a pre-Muslim period, 
the Arab invasion of Sindh, the Delhi Sultanate, 
the Mughals, and followed by the Freedom Struggle 
1857-1947. For example, in the paper 'History of 
South Asia 712-1526', all the topics listed in 
the syllabus deal with the exploits of Muslim 
rulers, their administration, political system, 
etc.
Similarly, the 31 topics for the 1761-1947 paper, 
deal with the decline of the Mughals and the rise 
of the British, with Haider Ali and Tipu Sultan, 
with 1857 and the Muslim Renaissance under Syed 
Ahmad Khan, the Morley-Minto Reforms and the 
Muslim League; yet, there is no mention of the 
Congress, Nehru or Gandhi. Clearly, while the 
General History paper has a large component of 
'India', this is an India which is based on a 
very narrow and exclusivist reading of what was 
India between 712-1947.
In the Islamic history MA syllabus, a course 
entitled the 'Evolution of the Muslim community 
in the Indo-Pakistan Subcontinent 610-1947 CE' 
is, not surprisingly, even less inclusivist than 
the General History paper, and here even the 
British do not get a mention or make a presence. 
However, it needs to be mentioned that in the 
readings provided for the General History courses 
where there are numerous Western authors - both 
of earlier generations and some contemporary 
historians - there are also a number of 
non-Muslim Indian authors, such as Beni Prasad, 
RC Majumdar, Jadunath Sarkar, Tara Chand and R P 
Dutt.
On the other hand, in the Islamic History course 
mentioned above, all references are of either 
British historians or then of Muslim writers, 
some of whom, such as Abul Kalam Azad, Aziz Ahmad 
and Khaliq Ahmad Nizami, are Indians; there are 
no non-Muslim Indian historians whose books are 
recommended for the course which deals with India 
in the period 610-1947.
The picture that emerges from the discussion of 
the theses above, shows quite conclusively that 
there is very little substantive research on 
India at the university level in Pakistan today. 
That of teaching, and particularly that of 
history, does show a poor, though perhaps not a 
completely dismal picture. In the case of 
economics and sociology, it is clear that no 
teaching regarding India takes place and almost 
no research in the former.
The first problem arises in naming the subject 
itself: what should it be called? It can't be 
called the 'History of India', or of the 
subcontinent, for that in many ways undermines 
the official justification of Partition and 
questions the separate identity of Muslims which, 
according to the official view, emerged in 712 
AD. So the course or segment on Indian history, 
usually ends up being called the 'History of 
Indo-Pak'. Moreover, the now accepted term of 
'South Asia' seems to have saved the blushes of 
many officials and ideologues who were forced to 
call South Asia the 'Indian' subcontinent, or 
undivided India. The periodization which the 
British introduced, into a Hindu, Muslim and 
British India, and which many Indian Marxist 
historians have tried to replace by Ancient, 
Medieval and Modern, suits Pakistani 
historiography, for here there is a very clear, 
accepted, period called 'Muslim India'.
Nevertheless, this raises questions of how to 
look at Moenjodaro or the Indus Valley 
civilization, since while these are located on 
what is now Pakistan, they pre-date 'Muslim' 
history in Pakistan. Some Pakistani historians 
call this period 'Pakistan's ancient 
civilization'. This causes further problems: What 
is 'Pakistan's' history and when did it begin? 
From the Indus Valley civilization? From the 
times of Muhammad bin Qasim in 712? Or, in 1947? 
Clearly, these are fundamental questions of 
historiography in Pakistan (and relate to 
Pakistan's very essence and identity), yet are 
not discussed, and the official classification of 
a Muslim history takes care of many of these 
niggling questions.
One of the two official views of history also 
causes problems for the study of History in 
Pakistan. This view popularized by Dr Ahmad Dani 
locates Pakistan as part of a Central Asian 
historical and cultural entity, rather than 
within India/South Asia. In the first decade 
after Pakistan's independence, Pakistan 
considered its history to be part of a larger 
India's, a common history, a joint history, and 
in fact Indian textbooks were in use in the 
syllabus in Pakistan. However, this changed in 
the early 1960s when Ayub Khan's government 
wanted to create a 'History of Pakistan' 
independent and separate from that of India's. 
The historians who were given this task attempted 
to 'take out' Pakistan from Indian history and 
just look at Pakistan without India. This gave 
rise to the writing of a Pakistani history 
disassociated from an Indian past and links were 
established with Central Asia.
It is very clear, that in Pakistan, it is 'Muslim 
history' that is being taught, and not 'Indian 
history'. In fact, this Muslim history, as we 
argue above, is perceived to be a Pakistani 
history dating from 712 AD. This has major 
repercussions on what is taught and the way it is 
taught. For example, since there is a Muslim 
history and there are courses and subjects called 
'The Freedom Movement' which looks at the 
struggle for an independent Pakistan - the seeds 
of which according to some historians were sown 
in 712 AD, but for others in 1857 - seems to 
overlook the colonial period entirely and treats 
the Freedom Struggle as a struggle from Hindu 
domination, not colonial rule.
In none of the curricula studied, did we find a 
single course on British India, or on 
colonialism; the period after 1857 is seen as the 
beginning of the Pakistan Movement and of the 
Freedom Struggle. From the 'Muslim' period, we 
move on to the 'Struggle for Pakistan'. In 
essence, the Freedom Movement is shown to be a 
movement for the freedom of Muslims in India, but 
not of India from colonialism.
What is interesting, though not at all 
surprising, is that post-independence modern 
India, is not taught as part of the history 
syllabus in Pakistan. For that matter, nor is 
there a course on the history of modern Pakistan, 
since both of these countries in this era, are 
treated under politics.
At the Quaid-i-Azam University in the 
international relations and political science 
departments and at the area study centre, some 
professors had 'made a deliberate attempt to 
devise a number of courses on different aspects 
of India'. These courses were said to be very 
popular with the students and the nature and 
level of the courses depended critically on the 
faculty's interest and desire to teach these 
courses.
The main courses which were offered and were 
popular, related to the politics of South Asia 
and particularly of India. One consequence of 
this has been that there have been a few theses 
on Indian politics in recent years. However, 
there is also a realization that the old cadre 
and the older professors who belonged to a 
different generation are leaving and many have 
already left. Much of the research and teaching 
was initiated by these professors and there is 
concern, as with all teaching and research 
departments in Pakistan, that once this 
generation retires, there will be very little 
research and teaching on not just India, but on 
just about everything else as well.
Interestingly enough, teachers at the University 
of Karachi's international relations department 
said that as late as 1989, the term 'South Asia' 
was "banned" in the department, since it was 
considered too 'pro-India' and was thought to be 
a part of an India-centric thinking. South Asia 
as a subject was introduced only after a 
democratic government took over in 1988-89 after 
the death of General Ziaul Haq.

This article is adapted from a paper presented by 
the author at a workshop in New Delhi in July 
2004. The workshop was part of the University of 
Pennsylvania's Institute for the Advanced Study 
of India Project 'International relations theory 
and South Asia: Towards long-range research on 
conflict resolution and cooperation-building'. 
The author is currently a visiting professor at 
Johns Hopkins University in the US.

(To be continued)


______



[5]


Full Text of the draft [India's] National Rural 
Employment Guarantee Act, 2004 is now available 
online at the SACW web site | 16th of August, 2004
See URL: www.sacw.net/Labour/DraftNEGA_140804.html


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