SACW | 7 Aug 2004
sacw
aiindex at mnet.fr
Fri Aug 6 21:30:34 CDT 2004
South Asia Citizens Wire | 7 August, 2004
via: www.sacw.net
[1] Pakistan: Proposed law to control lawyers unacceptable (HRCP)
[2] India: Rajasthan High Court Accepts Sati Writ Petitions: Issues Notices
[3] India - Rajasthan: Trishul Case Against Togadia May Be Withdrawn:
BJP Minister
[4] India: Secular gov't of Uttaranchal continues to deny Social
Justice to Dalits (V.B.Rawat)
[5] India - Madhya Pradesh: "flying squads" of Shiv Sena, Bajrang Dal
and Sewa Bharati
[6] India: Sangh Puts Globalisation Over God (Arun Anand)
[7] Film Screening Announcement: "Crossing The Lines: Kashmir,
Pakistan, India" (Stanford and Berkeley 7 / 8 August 2004)
--------------
[1]
Human Rights Commission of Pakistan
Press Release
Lahore, 4 August 2004
Proposed law to control lawyers unacceptable
LAHORE, August 4: The proposed amendment to the Legal Practitioners
and Bar Councils Act of 1973, which would empower superior court
judges to discipline lawyers, is clearly another attempt to rein-in
the campaign of opposition to constitutional changes and intervention
in judicial working being staged by lawyers since 2002.
HRCP has already spoken out against the use of violence against
lawyers during rallies, the attempts to divide the community by
buying over members and other equally crude tactics aimed at
preventing them from speaking out against government policies. This
is part of the broader campaign against dissent being conducted
against all sections of civil society.
The proposed legal amendment has already met with strong opposition
from lawyer's bodies. It is hoped that, taking heed of this, the
amendment will be withdrawn. The efforts to clamp out dissent must
also come to an end. They have already resulted in multiple curbs on
basic democratic rights. Authorities must also keep in mind that by
muzzling protests, and denying people the right to even give vent to
their feelings or express legitimate political opinions, the problems
that already exist can only growgraver, even if they are forced deep
beneath the surface as a result of the policies of repression
currently in place.
Tahir Mohammad Khan Hina Jilani
Chairperson Secretary-general
______
[2]
Press Note
Jaipur, 6th August, 2004
RAJASTHAN HIGH COURT ACCEPTS SATI WRIT PETITIONS: ISSUES NOTICES
The Rajasthan High Court bench of Justices SK Keshote and AC Goyal of
today admitted four public interest writ petitions relating to the
1987 cases of Glorification of Sati filed by women and social
organisations of Rajasthan. The court also issued notices to the
accused which include Rajendra Singh Rathore, minister of PWD in the
present Government, Narendra Singh Rathore, President of the Rajput
Maha Sabha, Pratap Singh Kachriyawas nephew of the VP of India,
Bhairon Singh Shekhawat and thirteen others along with the Rajasthan
Government.
On the 31st of January after 16 years the Special Sati court
Additional District Judge Shiv Singh Chauhan had acquitted all the
accused in four out of twenty two cases that were under going trial
in the Sati glorification matters that were filed after the
immolation of Roop Kanwar of Deorala in 1987. After the acquittal the
Government of Rajasthan did not file an appeal in the High Court
which is the normal course in criminal cases. Women's groups raised
their voice and tried to put pressure on the Government but it
refused to go in for appeal. After the limitation period of appeal
had lapsed women's groups were left with no other course but to file
writ petitions and ask the High Court to intervene.
In the four writ petitions the women's groups have prayed that the court
a) By an appropriate writ/order or directions quash and set
aside the judgment of acquittal passed by the learned trial court on
31/01/2004 in the four cases
b) By an appropriate order or directions order retrial of the case and;
c) By an appropriate order or directions direct the state
government to appoint special prosecutor in consultation with the
petitioners and;
d) By an appropriate writ order or directions direct the state
government to take action against the officials and police personnel
who either turned hostile or retracted their earlier statements and
thus committed gross abuse of the process of law.
The 12 petitioner organisations are : All India Democratic Women's
Association (AIDWA), Women's Rehabilitation Group (WRG), Rajasthan
University Women's Association (RUWA), National Federation of Indian
Women (NFIW), Vividha: Women's Documentation and Resource Center,
National Muslim Women's Welfare Society (NMWS), Women's Cell, All
India State Employees Federation, All India Progressive Women's
Association (AIPWA), Vishakha: Women's Education and Resource Group
(VWERG), Bharat Gyan Vigyan Samiti, Rajasthan (BGVS), Academy of
Socio Legal Studies, Jaipur (ASLS), People's Union for Civil
Liberties, Rajasthan (PUCL).
The lawyers for the case were Prem Krishna Sharma and Snehlata.
Kavita Srivastava, Laad kumari Jain, Nisha Sidhu, Manju Sharma, Mamta
Jaitly, Sumitra Chopra, Asha Kalra, Komal Srivastava, Bharat, Nishat
Hussein, Mewa Bharti and others.
The respondents in each of the petitions are the Government of
Rajasthan and the Special Sati court ADJ. The others are
Writ no 1
1. The State of Rajasthan through Mr. Surendra Kumar, Home Secretary
Government of Rajasthan
2. Pratap Singh Kachariyawaas, s/o Laxman Singh Rajput, resident of
13, Civil Lines, Jaipur, presently residing in ----------------------
3. Anand Sharma, s/o Ram Kishore Brahmin, resident of 645, Kishore
Punj, Kishanpole Bazaar, Jaipur.
4. Gopal Singh Rathore, s/o Bal Singh Rajput, 153, Saket Colony,
Adarsh Nagar, Jaipur.
5. Special Judge (Sati Prevention Court) Rajasthan and Additional
Sessions Judge (Jaipur City)
Writ No.2
2. Narendra Singh Rajawat son of Raghuvir Singh Rajput, house no. 15,
shivaji marg, Diggi House, Jaipur.
3. Onkar Singh son of Dhool Singh Rajput, r/o 9 Gopalwari, Jaipur.
4. Anand Sharma son of Shri Ramkishore Sharma, r/o House No. 645
Kishore Kunj, Kishanpol Bajar, Jaipur.
5. Pratap Singh Khachariyawas son of Laxman Singh Rajput, r/o
Khachariyawas, district Sikar, presently residing at
-------------------
6. Ram Singh Manohar, Advocate son of Sawaisingh Rajput, resident of
B-42 Jyoti Marg, Bapu Nagar, Jaipur.
7. Rajendra Singh Rathore son of Uttam Singh Rajput, resident of
Sardarsahar, district Churu, presently residing at
----------------------------------
Writ No.3
2. Jai Mal Singh Yadav s/o Mool Chand Yadav, age 48 years resident of
village Mohanpura.
3. Rajendra Singh s/o Uttam Singh Rajput, age 48 years, resident of
Harpalsar, PS Sardar Shahar, Churu.
4. Bajrang Singh s/o Shrimal Singh Rajput, age? Resident of village
of Mamda Kala, police station Neem-ka-thana, Sikar.
Writ No. 8
The State of Rajasthan through Mr. Surendra Kumar, Home
Secretary Government of Rajasthan, Jaipur
2. Bajrang Singh s/o Shrimal Singh Rajput, age? Resident of
village Mamda Kala, police station Neem-ka-thana, Sikar.
3. Sumer Singh s/o Jagpal Singh Rajput, age 50, resident of
village Dabla, tehsil Neem-ka-thana, District Sikar.
4. Prahalad Singh s/o Guman Singh, age 44 years, resident of
Mahava, Neem-ka-thana, District Sikar
5. Rajendra Singh, s/o Uttam Singh Rajput, age 46 years,
resident of Sardarshahar, District Churu, at present residing in
Bungalow no: Civil Lines, Jaipur
o o o o
[See Related Material:
Rajasthan: Notice to Minister in sati case
(The Hindu - Aug 07, 2004)
URL: www.thehindu.com/2004/08/07/stories/2004080710130500.htm
o o
Justice immolated
by Kavita Srivastava
(The New Nation - Jun 30, 2004)
URL: nation.ittefaq.com/artman/publish/article_10378.shtml ]
______
[3]
Hindustan Times - August 6, 2004
TRISHUL CASE AGAINST TOGADIA MAY BE WITHDRAWN: MINISTER
Press Trust of India
Jaipur, August 5
Asserting that there is no ban on carrying trishul (trident) in
Rajasthan, Social Welfare Minister Madan Dilawar on Thursday hinted
that the case registered by previous Congress government against VHP
leader Praveen Togadia in this connection might be withdrawn.
"No rule or law exist against trishul... It was the conspiracy of
former Chief Minister Ashok Gehlot against the nationalist powers to
defame them," he told reporters in Jaipur.
"It was a verbal ban on trishul and that is nowhere now in the BJP
government," Dilawar said.
When reminded that Togadia, VHP International General Secretary, was
facing a case under the Arms Act at an Ajmer court, the Minister
said, "Togadiaji free hain...Ve hamari prerna ke shrot hain...Case
bhi hat jayega" (Togadia is free... He is our inspiration... Case
against him would be withdrawn).
"Trishul is everywhere, who is obstructing it," he said adding, "can
there be a ban on a fork which we use every day with meal...How come
a ban on trishul, a symbol of god, be workable."
______
[4]
[4 August 2004]
SECULAR GOVERNMENT OF UTTARANCHAL CONTINUES TO DENY SOCIAL JUSTICE TO DALITS
By V.B.Rawat
Those of us who understand the political climate of India can vouch
how symbolic secularism is hurting the voices of dissent. To
strengthen the 'secular fabric' of the country our political class is
ready to ignore the larger claims of Dalits and the marginalized in
the society. It is ready to bend to the religious lunatics who want
to change the constitution, it cannot take action against those who
demolished a mosque or who butchered the Sikhs in 1984 Post Indira
assassination riots or those who played a 'great' role in Gujarat
and who are still afraid of a fresh inquiry. But definitely it will
strengthen its laws against the dissenters whether they live in
Indian society say Dalits by terming them antinational, naxalites or
insurgents. Hence it is not surprising that people and newspapers
don't cry much on the issue of Arms Forces Special Power Act in
Manipur and Meghalaya. The same is the fact that it could arrest a
Shibu Soren who has been victim of political conspiracy ( One is not
concerned with politics here) while nothing happens to the people in
Uttaranchal who burnt the buses, looted shops. The government has
taken back the cases against them. Nobody say anything against them.
Not even the seculars who are overjoyed by a secular government
presiding over in Delhi
And perhaps exactly doing the same which the earlier government was
doing as far as Dalits and minorities are concern[ed].
When Uttaranchal came into being for all political purposes, the aim
of the BJP was to create an upper caste state which can become the
hub of Hindutva politics. To appease the upper caste Hindus who had
been badly hurt after the mandalisation process in Uttar-Pradesh. The
secular congress and Samajwadi party had their own agendas and hence
issue of Shaheed Udham Singh Nagar and Hardwar became most
contentious issue to settle with. The argument was given that the
people living in these two areas have nothing in common with the rest
of the people of Uttaranchal and hence they should not be part of
Uttaranchal but the fact of the matter was that it was a thoroughly
political
Decision to save the Uttar-Pradesh government of the BJP led by
Rajnath Singh which could have become a minority government. But none
can deny that Shaheed Udham Singh Nagar was once a part of Nainital
district named as Kashipur and Hardwar has historic roots in the
Uttaranchal. One can ask similar question as what is common between
the people living in these two places and say people of Bundelkhand
or Poorvanchal. Nothing but the UP government has against passed a
resolution in Vidhan Sabha to raise the issue. The government knows
well that it cannot do anything but still it continue to raise the
issue of Shaheed Udham Singh Nagar and Hardwar to gain the political
milege which will have long term implications on the federal politics
of the country.
I am writing this because there is a much bigger issue involved in
it. The fact is that there are big benami land holdings in Shaheed
Udham Singh Nagar that belong to influential Jat Sikhs of Punjab.
Some of them have been beneficial to this project curtsy great
political leadership of Congress Party. These big landholders create
a reign of terror in this region which has spread from Shaheed Udham
Singh Nagar to Pilibhit, the constituency of another saffronite Menka
Gandhi whose only qualification to win the seat is her being a Sikh
woman. The reign of dominance by the powerful landowning mafia has
thrown the natives of this land named like Tharus and Boxas tribals
apart from other Dalit communities. The Tharus and Boxas tribes
became victim of the uppercaste antipathy in Uttaranchal as well as
the terror of the upper caste Jat Sikhs. The political parties of
all, the social justice brand as well as the Hindutva brand or the
secular congress, have been used this politics of secularism to widen
their 'scope'. It is not ironical therefore that Member of Parliament
for a seat in Uttranchal comes from the land owning Jat Sikh
community.
Over 150 Dalit families were brutally removed from their homes after
a brutal assault on them by the local administration in connivance
with M/s Escort Farms Ltd, Ramgarh, Kundeshwari, Kashipur, Shaheed
Udham Singh Nagar in 1993. These Dalits were tilling a land which was
declared surplus by the Commissioner of Kumaon Mr Nand Kishore Arya
on January 14th, 1992 under the UP Land Ceiling and Zamindari Act
1973 (an amended version of UP zamindari Act 1960), declared 878.67
Acre land of M/s Escort Farms Ramgarh Ltd as Ceiling Surplus Land. He
further declared 250 acre of land in the name of school as surplus.
The poor peasants mostly Dalits began to till the land, which was
declared of Chapter IV, under which any landless peasant would have
ownership title of the land, which he had been tilling for the past
20 years. M/s Escorts Farms Ltd tried to play trick with the laws and
of course with the blessing of political leadership which has scant
regards for constitutional and human rights norms. As a human rights
activist who has worked with many international human rights
organizations, I am shocked to see how poor people are made to live
their lives.
Ironically, the Dalits should have been living in that land yet the
power of Escort Farms Ltd was so much that one night the
administration, police and all the might of the State of Uttar
Pradesh came with fire brigade and bulldozer and demolished an entire
village against all norms of civilized society. It is pitiable that
an organization that does not believe in civil society norms try to
get justice from the court. Against the injunction of Commissioner
Kumaon, M/s Escort Farms Ltd went to Allahabad High Court and the
judgment came in May1995 when Justice R.B.Mehrotra not only rejected
the petition of the company but also asked the state government to
compensate the victim families for Rs 10,00000/-.
"Keeping in regard to all the circumstances, I impose a cost of Rs
10,00000/- (Rupees ten lakhs only) on M/S Escorts Farms (Ramgarh)
Limited (petitioner of the leading writ petition) which M/S Escort
Farms (Ramgarh) Limited will deposit in the Court, within a month
from today. In case of default, the state Government will recover the
aforesaid amount as cost from the petitioner of the leading case or
its Managing Director Shri P.N.Mehta, who enjoyed the fruits of the
surplus land on the basis of the interim orders, on the basis of this
judgment; no formal decree will be required to be prepared. The
judgment will be executed without reparation of any final decree by
issuing a recovery certificate by the Registrar of the Court. This
special procedure is being adopted in exercise of inherent powers
under article 226 of the constitution of India."
The court further said, "It is further directed that the land should
be settled as far as possible with in three months of the taking
possession of the land in accordance with the provisions of the Act
as contemplated by Chapter IV thereof. The cost imposed on the
petitioner of the leading case will be utilised for the
rehabilitation and settling the persons in order of preference under
sub-section (1) read with subsection (3) of section 198 of the
U.P.Zamindari Abolition and Land Reform Act, 1950 and also
contemplated under section 27 (3) of the UP Imposition of Ceiling on
Land Holding Act. However it is being made clear that in addition to
the costs imposed above, it will be open to state government to
recover damages from the petitioner of the leading writ petition for
wrongful enjoyment of the fruits of the excess area as permissible
under law from the date of enforcement of UP Act No 18 of 1973,till
the delivery of the judgement by the Prescribed Authority in
accordance with section 16 of the Act. The costs imposed in the
present petitions have only taken into consideration the wrongful
enjoyment of excess land after decision of the Prescribed Authority."
It is said that the justice delayed is justice denied. While those
powerful land mafias had enough money to hire the best brains for
them in the high court and Supreme Court, the Dalits did not have any
one. One of their lawyers friends claiming human rights activist even
betrayed their cause. The intricacies of the courts were so much that
they did not know where the case was or whether the hearing was over
or not. The government's were not taking interest because it could
hamper their 'monitory' prospectus, while the poor dalits were
hanging around. Some of them had migrated to other places in search
of jobs while other disappeared. The terror regime was so widely
spread that it was difficult for a person like me to track down the
disputed area. Not only I got attacked in 1997 during my trip there
even today I cannot go inside the campus to investigate things which
demographically mini Punjab, with people living without any legal
document because they have been placed there at the mercy of the
leading party who went to the court against the high court's judgment.
The Supreme Court gave its judgment in February 2004 r with Justice
Dharmadhikari and Justice Shivraj Patil dismissing the petition of
M/s Escorts Farms Ltd, asked the state government to take control of
the land. It justified that the said land declared ceiling surplus by
the Commissioner of Kumaon was correct according to the law of the
land. Unfortunate part in this entire judgment was while Dalits were
a party yet they were not given a chance to speak It is due to the
fact that we did not have enough money to hire lawyer and though we
had a very good friend fighting for us yet I don't think any person
is ready to struggle without 'money'. However, one is satisfied that
the court has asked the government of Uttaranchal to take over the
land and deal with the issue of Dalits accordingly.
Six month after the judgment, the Uttaranchal government does not act
on this directive of the Supreme Court. While the poor Dalits are
being economically boycotted by the Land owning Jat Sikh community,
without land they have nothing. Many of them have disappeared or
killed waiting for justice for the last 10 odd years. We have seen
the dangers of Gujarat where the economic marginalisation had pushed
the Muslim community to walls. In district Shaheed Udham Singh Nagar,
it is the Dalits who are facing starvation. If things don't improve
many of them may commit suicide or take to violence. They are
virtually frustrated that even after a clear-cut directive to the
state government, it is doing nothing to implement it. Interestingly,
there are several Dalit Sikhs who are part of this 'Ambedkar Gaon
Dalit Sangharsh Samiti' who is fighting for their land rights.
It was a very difficult issue for a person like me working against
the communalization of society. Let me be very clear from the
beginning, I would be the last person to blame entire Sikh community
for the same. We would not like this issue become an issue between
Sikh and non Sikh however, we would definitely want that the
government need not to succumb those who use their identity as a tool
because in this symbolic secularism, it is the poor and marginalized
Dalits who become victims of the state's antipathy. It is shocking
that while political parties during the creation of Uttaranchal
promised that they would not implement the land laws in this region,
in their efforts to pacify the big bully politicians who have huge
benami land in the entire area, one of them had the courage to say
that 'land reform' would be implemented. Why the state of Uttaranchal
does not speak about land reform? It is because the condition of
Dalits and backward communities is really tiresome in the state and
most of the big land holdings are in the Tarai region and therefore
under the 'protection' of the rich landowning Sikhs who contribute to
the coffer of all the political parties including those of the
Dalit's also. One must ask our politicians as who have given them
this authority to twist the constitution.
The Indian state has to act according to secular constitution and not
to appease the upper elite of different religions to look secular. If
India is survived it is because of its poor people and not those who
are 'secular' in corruption, oppression and fanaticism. The irony of
the Congress Party is precisely the same and it continues to swing
between the Zamindars, Maharajas and Nawabs to look secular, an
experiment which the Hindutva thugs also did but failed.
The government of Uttaranchal has not behaved well in this case. They
continue to shield those who are the guilty of demolishing the
livelihood of over 150 Dalit families in connivance of the
administration. So far no action has been taken against any erring
officials but then why should the state take action against those who
oppress Dalit? Precisely, because of the anti dalit and anti backward
feeling was the reason of the creation of the Uttaranchal state.
Hence a state may look anti Dalit or anti backward communities but it
must look 'progressive and secular' by appeasing the powerful elite.
And that is why when a colleague of mine was send to handover the
report and copy of the court order to the chief minister, his office
'advised' us to go the district magistrate, who has not acted so far.
Such an important case is being delayed and there is no information
among the champion of 'Uttarakhand' pride to raise their voice.
Perhaps because the brahmanical forces there would not be happy with
these events. More importantly, this area is the land of veteran
chief minister Narain Dutt Tiwari who must be knowing the details.
Perhaps, his secular credentials are stronger among the powerful
industrial land mafias of the Tarai but tragically the Dalits still
not have faith in the government. But then how can we get an order of
the Supreme Court implemented ?
______
[5]
Frontline
Volume 21 - Issue 16, Jul. 31 - Aug. 13, 2004
ALL FOR THE COW
T.k. Rajalakshmi
ON JULY 10, a young man was done to death in full public view in a
crowded weekly market of Barghat, about 20 km from Seoni. The
incident went largely unnoticed, as it took place soon after the
Bhomatola gang rape. But the one aspect common to the murder of
32-year-old Abdul Waaris Khan and the gang rape of the three Dalit
women was that both were carried out publicly. Had there been any
intervention by either the administration or the community, both the
incidents could have been prevented. It was also the fear of reprisal
that seems to have dissuaded bystanders from intervening in both the
cases, though in the Barghat incident the fear appears to be more
palpable.
July 10 was the day of the weekly market at Barghat. Waaris, a
resident of Khari village, had come to sell his bull. Waaris was also
unaware of the presence of the "flying squads" of the Shiv Sena, the
Bajrang Dal and the Sewa Bharati. The main aim of these squads is to
prevent the sale of cattle that they assume are being sold to
slaughterhouses. As part of their cattle protection and rescue
activities, the squads often "persuade" farmers and traders to part
with their old and infirm animals, on the plea that the animals would
be settled in a gaushala (cattle home).
Barghat has a sizable Muslim population. Soon after the Bharatiya
Janata Party government led by Uma Bharati assumed office, one of the
first pieces of legislation to be passed banned cow slaughter (this
covers the entire bovine species). Ever since the government passed
the law early this year, "cow rescue" activities have been on the
rise. Barghat, a BJP stronghold, is represented in the Assembly by
Transport and Forest Minister Dhal Singh Bhisen who has been winning
from there since 1990. The Assembly constituency is sharply polarised
in the communal sense.
According to a report compiled by a fact-finding team of the Jabalpur
district committee of the Communist Party of India (Marxist), at the
market Abdul Waaris was accosted by several persons who accused him
of trying to sell his bull to butchers. An argument ensued, after
which the group, mainly comprising eight persons, beat him to death
with sticks. According to the post mortem report, his spleen was
ruptured in the beating.
The Seoni administration was cautious about revealing the identity
and political affiliations of the persons involved in the murder.
"The intention was not to kill," said a senior police officer, almost
defensively. The police registered a case of murder against the eight
persons. According to the Superintendent of Police, D. Sreenivasa
Rao, while four of them have been arrested, four are absconding.
A senior official in the administration confided that the dispute
that led to the murder was communally motivated. It was learnt that
all the eight persons involved were members of the Shiv Sena, Bajrang
Dal and the Sewa Bharati. According to the CPI(M) fact-finding team's
report, the accused persons were often spotted moving in a jeep with
"Udan Dasta Sewa Bharati (Flying Squad of the Sewa Bharati)"
inscribed on the vehicle. On July 10 too, they arrived at the
marketplace in a similar vehicle.
It appeared that the administration was under great pressure over the
Barghat episode. Officials appeared to be reluctant to crack down on
the groups whose activities had the potential to fuel communal
tensions. In fact, a senior official in Jabalpur threw up his hands
and said: "What can we do? After all, are not these people supposed
to bring about Ram Rajya?"
Waaris, who was the sole earning member in his family, leaves his
wife, a two-year-old daughter, five unmarried sisters and old
parents. It is significant that members of the minority community
acted with great restraint. According to District Magistrate Faiz
Kidwai members of the community did put up a protest, which delayed
the post mortem. But the accused were arrested only because of the
protest.
______
[6]
The Statesman - August 6, 2004
SANGH PUTS GLOBALISATION OVER GOD
Arun Anand in New Delhi
Aug. 5. - Sibu Soren will particularly dislike this one and some
Marxists may be in for a surprise.
The RSS is holding a major conference - intended to be a show of
organisational strength - of its tribal wing, the Akhil Bharatiya
Vanvasi Kalyan Ashram (ABVKA), in Delhi. The ABVKA is a low profile
Sangh outfit but assessed by RSS leaders to be one of the most
"effective".
Most interestingly, the conference will not focus, RSS leaders said,
on conversion, considered the pet issue of the Sangh as far as tribal
affairs go. The emphasis instead will be on economy and livelihood
questions and "mainstream" history ignoring the role of tribals in
political movements. This is usually the theme of Left wing and/or
subaltern history that accuses mainstream historiography of a
conscious or unconscious anti-tribal bias.
Senior Sangh leaders said that after "detailed assessments", they had
come to the conclusion that there was a need for an image change -
from anti-conversion agitationists to activists focussing on "broad
tribal interests". "We do not want to be seen as rabble rousers," a
senior ABVKA leader said.
The four-day ABVKA conference begins on 6 October and will mark the
culmination of the organisation's golden jubilee celebrations. It was
the ABVKA's groundwork that got the BJP substantial tribal votes in
states like Madhya Pradesh, Chhattisgarh and Rajasthan. Senior ABVKA
functionaries arrived in the Capital last week to prepare the agenda
for the conference. They are expecting more than 2,500 delegates -
tribal leaders, Sangh pracharaks and "experts" on tribal affairs. The
delegates will discuss the themes "Impact of globalisation on
tribals" and "How history has ignored the contribution of tribals in
nation building." Preparatory work for the conference include
printing 15 lakh calendars and an equal number of lockets. These
carry images of various "tribal heroes". The calendars and lockets
have been distributed in 47,000 villages in the country. ABVKA's
leaders are preparing a draft that will initiate discussions on how
"every government has ignored tribal concerns". "There will be
detailed discussions, especially on the impact of WTO pacts on
tribals," said an ABVKA functionary.
ABVKA activists have been asked to send write-ups about "prominent
tribal leaders" and "their contribution to the freedom movement".
"These will be compiled and published," an ABVKA functionary said.
Another major focus of the conference will be private sponsors for
"tribal welfare". The ABVKA has an annual rate list for sponsors - a
medical camp: Rs 15,000, one teacher in a tribal area: Rs 7,000,
hostel expenses for a tribal student: Rs 6,000.
_____
[7]
What: CROSSING THE LINES: KASHMIR, PAKISTAN, INDIA
(45 minutes; Event is FREE;
contributions welcome to cover costs)
Bay Area Premiere of Film by
Pervez Hoodbhoy and Zia Mian
Followed by a Discussion with Dr. Pervez Hoodbhoy
When and Where:
Saturday, August 7, 2004 at 6 p.m.
Building 200, Room 002, History Corner,
450 Serra Mall, Stanford University, Stanford.
************
Sunday, August 8, 2004 at 4 p.m.
2040 Valley Life Sciences Building (VLSB),
University of California (UC), Berkeley.
Co-sponsored by:
Asia/Pacific Research Center at the
Institute of International Studies, Stanford.
ARC/India Program in School of Humanities
and Sciences, Stanford
EKTA, Friends of South Asia and Pakistanis at Stanford.
ASHA, Stanford.
Associated Students at University of California(ASUC)
in Berkeley.
* Limited seats, arrive early to ensure your seating.
Wheelchair accessible.
More details in: http://www.ektaonline.org
*************************************************
Directions and Parking at Stanford:
-------------------------------------
450 Serra Mall, Stanford, CA
It is at the intersection of Serra Mall and Lausen Mall
(between Galvez St and Palm Drive)
http://www.stanford.edu/home/visitors/directions.html
http://campus-map.stanford.edu/campus_map/bldg.jsp?cx=894&cy=774&zoomto=100&zoomfrom=66&bldgID=01-200
http://www-facilities.stanford.edu/maps/download/TransportationMap.pdf
Parking is free on saturday evenings. Available
at the Oval near Serra Mall and Palm Drive; near
Galvez and Serra Mall;At Campus Drive and Roth Way.
*************************************************
Directions and Parking at Berkeley:
-------------------------------------
2040 VLSB, University Drive, (West entrance)
Oxford and University Ave, Berkeley, CA
http://www.berkeley.edu/visitors/traveling.html
Coming on University Ave from I-80/880, drive east
to the end of University Ave; Park anywhere near the
intersection of University and Oxford;
Enter the West entrance to the campus
and walk into the campus along University Drive.
Valley Life Sciences Building (VLSB) is near the
west side of the UC Berkeley campus.
VLSB is the second large building on your right.
Map:
http://www.berkeley.edu/map/maps/ABCD123.html
Street Parking is free. Paid parking available
inside the campus; at Oxford and Kittredge;
at Oxford and Addison.
*************************************************
CROSSING THE LINES: KASHMIR, PAKISTAN, INDIA
A documentary film by Pervez Hoodbhoy and Zia Mian
Produced for the Eqbal Ahmad Foundation, 2004 (45 minutes)
DESCRIPTION: Nationalism and religion have entangled
the fate of Kashmiris, Pakistanis and Indians for over
5 decades. After four wars, Kashmiris and their land are
divided between Pakistan and India, the source of
recurring crises. Many feel that the next war may be a
nuclear war. In this tragedy, each side tells the story
of the injustice and violence of the other, and feels
only the suffering of their own. This path-breaking
independent documentary film, made in Pakistan, challenges
us to look at Kashmir with new eyes and to hope for a
new way forward.
Interviews of key figures and ordinary people from every
side, rare archival footage and computer animations weave
together a rich and moving narrative. We hear leading
Kashmiri militants voice the frustration of their hopes
for democracy and their desperate rebellion against oppressive
Indian rule. We see how Pakistan's relentless determination
to confront India created an Islamic holy war that brought
terror and death to Kashmir. Radical Hindu leaders in
India and Islamic militants in Pakistan explain their
shared conviction that Kashmir is part of a greater struggle
that knows no limits. We discover how amid rising religious
passions, governments in India and Pakistan seek to build
national identity through cultivating prejudice and hatred
towards the other. We explore how creating and changing
bitterly contested borders offers little prospect
for peace and justice.
The film chronicles the wars, the failed efforts at
peace and the daily toll this failure exacts on those
caught on the frontline of this dispute. It shows
how India and Pakistan's dramatic nuclear tests spurred
the conflict to new heights, and explores the ways in
which India's great power ambitions, and the interests
of the Pakistani army, continue to make peace so elusive.
Rejecting the national ambitions of Kashmiris,
Pakistanis and Indians alike, the film offers a vision
of a shared future for all of South Asia built on a
common humanity.
"A compelling fresh look at an age old problem that could
be the spark of a nuclear war."
[Ahmed Rashid, author of Taliban]
"This film violates the grand narrative of nationalism
on all sides. It shocks with its unfamiliar humanity."
[Khaled Ahmed, Daily Times]
************************************************************
Dr. Pervez Hoodbhoy
Dr. Pervez Hoodbhoy received his bachelor's degrees
in electrical engineering and mathematics, master's
in solid state physics, and Ph.D in nuclear physics,
all from the Massachusetts Institute of Technology.
He has been a faculty member at the Department of
Physics, Quaid-e-Azam University, Islamabad since
1973.
In 1984 he received the Abdus Salam Prize for
mathematics and, earlier, the Baker Award for
Electronics. In 2003, Dr. Hoodbhoy was awarded
UNESCO`s Kalinga Prize for popularizing science
in Pakistan with TV serials and his film
`The Bell Tolls for Planet Earth` won honorable
mention at the Paris Film Festival.
He is chairman of Mashal, a non-profit organization that
publishes books in Urdu on women's rights, education,
environmental issues, philosophy, and modern thought.
Dr. Hoodbhoy has written and spoken extensively on
topics ranging from science in Islam to education
issues in Pakistan and nuclear disarmament. He produced
a 13-part documentary series in Urdu for Pakistan
Television on critical issues in education, and two
other major television series aimed at popularizing
science. He is author of "Islam and Science: Religious
Orthodoxy and the Battle for Rationality", now in 5
languages. His writings have appeared in Dawn, The
News, Frontier Post, Muslim, Newsline, Herald, Jang,
and overseas in Le Monde, Japan Times, Washington Post,
Asahi, Seattle Times, Post-Intelligencer, Frontline,
The Hindu, and Chowk Magazine.
He has been an engaged
speaker at more than twenty US campuses including MIT,
Princeton, Univ. of Maryland, and Johns Hopkins
University. He has appeared on several TV and radio
networks (BBC, CNN, ABC, NBC, PBS, NPR, Fox) to analyze
political developments in South Asia. (Source: Peace
and World Security Studies website (PAWSS), Hampshire
College, Massachussetts.)
Dr. Hoodbhoy lives in Islamabad, Pakistan.
****************************
Zia Mian is a physicist and member of the research
staff at Princeton University's Program on Science
and Global Security. His work focuses on nuclear
weapons and nuclear power issues, especially in
South Asia.
His work is published in technical journals and
magazines, as well as newspapers in a number of
countries. He is the co-editor, most recently,
of Out of the Nuclear Shadow with Smitu Kothari.
Earlier books include Pakistan's Atomic Bomb and
the Search for Security and Making Enemies,
Creating Conflict: Pakistan's Crises of State and
Society. He has previously worked at the Union of
Concerned Scientists in Cambridge, MA, and the
Sustainable Development Policy Institute in Islamabad.
He has taught at Princeton's Woodrow Wilson School of
Public and International Affairs, at Yale University,
and at Quaid-i-Azam University, Islamabad. In addition
to his research and writing, he is active with a number
of civil society groups working in the area of nuclear
disarmament and with the peace movement.
********************
_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/
Buzz on the perils of fundamentalist politics, on matters of peace
and democratisation in South Asia. SACW is an independent &
non-profit citizens wire service run since 1998 by South Asia
Citizens Web: www.sacw.net/
SACW archive is available at: bridget.jatol.com/pipermail/sacw_insaf.net/
Sister initiatives :
South Asia Counter Information Project : snipurl.com/sacip
South Asians Against Nukes: www.s-asians-against-nukes.org
Communalism Watch: communalism.blogspot.com/
DISCLAIMER: Opinions expressed in materials carried in the posts do not
necessarily reflect the views of SACW compilers.
More information about the Sacw
mailing list