SACW | 4 Aug 2004

[sacw]

South Asia Citizens Wire    |  4 August,  2004
via:  www.sacw.net

[1] Change slow to come for Pakistani women (Marina Jiménez)
[2]  Hulla Balloo over Triple Talaq in India: 3 
articles from Communalism Combat
(i) 'If there is anything truly secular in India 
it is the violence against women' (Brinda Karat)
(ii) 'All unjust personal laws must go, be they 
Hindu, Muslim or Christian' (Indira Jaising)
(iii) Us' or 'the enemy' (Javed Anand)
[3] Policy on unwed mothers  (Surina Narula)
[4] Upcoming  AMAN Peace and Conflict Studies Course
[5] Film Screening: 'Freedom Before 11' (August 6, 2004, Bombay)
[6] Publication announcement: 'Domesticating 
Modern Science by Dhruv Raina and S Irfan Habib'
[7] Upcoming Southall Black Sisters Conference on 
violence against Black and Minority Women
(London, 15 November)
[8]


--------------

[1]


The Globe and Mail - August 2, 2004 - Page A9

CHANGE SLOW TO COME FOR PAKISTANI WOMEN
City dwellers now enjoy new freedoms, but in rural areas old rules still apply

by Marina Jiménez

ISLAMABAD -- At the Hot Spot café, a renovated 
railcar with retro movie posters and New 
York-style cheesecake, Sana Qudsia is taking the 
first tentative steps toward women's liberation, 
Pakistani-style.

She is enjoying a milkshake on a sunny afternoon 
with a man who is not related to her. Her light 
crimson shalwar kameez is fitted to her petite 
frame and she wears a stylish scarf draped around 
her shoulders, her hair in a ponytail. She 
doesn't have to be home until dinner time.

"Things have really changed in the last few 
years," says Ms. Qudsia, a 21-year-old 
business-administration graduate who lives in 
Islamabad with her parents. "It used to be if 
police saw me walking with a boy in a park 
together, they would arrest us unless we showed 
them a marriage contract or paid a bribe."

Pakistan is still a conservative Muslim country 
and the mullahs remain a powerful force, but in 
Islamabad and other large cities, such as 
Karachi, there are small but promising signs of 
change.

Last year, a group of female film stars performed 
The Vagina Monologues in the capital, daring to 
laugh at women's sexuality in a country where 
many women cannot even show their elbows in 
public. The performers had to rehearse secretly 
in a house out of town and hire bouncers in case 
militant youths tried to stop the show.

But it went off without a hitch, and the actors 
recently followed up with a sequel. "Just the 
fact that they discussed these issues and linked 
it to other topics involving the plight of women 
was amazing," said a diplomat in attendance.

Pakistani President Pervez Musharraf often 
mentions the need to improve the status of women 
in his speeches, and has made a priority out of 
reforming the Hudood Ordinance, legislation that 
includes a version of the 7th-century zina 
(fornication) law. Under this law, a woman who 
complains of rape must produce at least four male 
witnesses. If she fails to prove that the 
intercourse was forced, she is convicted of 
adultery.

A female MP and lawyer from the governing party 
is overseeing an effort to repeal the 1979 
ordinance and amend the blasphemy laws that allow 
the imprisonment of those accused of taking the 
name of Allah in vain. Yet while the urban elite 
may be feeling the winds of change, the majority 
of the country's rural population still live 
under the old rules, where honour killings take 
place and husbands are known to burn their wives 
with acid.

In Peshawar, capital of the North West Frontier 
Province, bordering Afghanistan, the ruling 
coalition of religious parties introduced sharia 
law last year, further restricting the rights of 
women. Plans are under way to build a women-only 
university. All females over the age of 12 
(Muslims and non-Muslims alike) have been forced 
into purdah (head-to-toe veiling in public 
places) and male doctors have been told not to 
treat female patients, although this has not been 
enforced.

The provincial government has also banned music 
on public transportation, confiscated billboards 
and greeting cards with images of women, and 
burned thousands of "un-Islamic" videocassettes, 
compact discs and even deodorant sticks (in the 
mistaken belief they were sex toys). The 
six-party governing alliance, known as the 
Muttahida Majlis-i-Amal (MMA), has created a 
special department to enforce public morality, 
similar to the ministry for the prevention of 
vice and promotion of virtue set up by the former 
Taliban regime in Afghanistan.

"It is the Talibanization of the North West 
Frontier province," complains Afra Siab Khattak, 
chair of the Human Rights Commission of Pakistan 
and an opposition politician. "It's a scary place 
to be a woman . . . With more segregation, men 
are more curious and poke and stare more. It's 
intimidating."

The commission attempts to monitor acts of 
intimidation against aid workers and human-rights 
workers, as well as acts of violence against 
women, most of which goes unreported.

Mr. Khattak says General Musharraf is partly to 
blame for the current climate, saying the 
military dictator "appears to be going to the 
left, but is actually going to the right." He 
accuses Gen. Musharraf of pandering to the 
mullahs.

Other analysts agree, pointing out that it was 
Zia al-Haq, the general who ruled the country 
from 1977 to 1988, who first formed a strategic 
alliance with the radical religious forces and 
implemented Islamic laws.

"Traditionally, the Islamist parties have been 
natural allies of the army, as against the 
democratic forces in this country, and this is an 
alliance that is yet to be questioned under the 
Musharraf regime," concluded Ajai Sahni, editor 
of the South Asia Intelligence Review, in a 
recent article in Asia Times magazine. "The 
threat of a collapse into fundamentalist anarchy 
has constantly been held out to the world as 
justification for the continuation of 
authoritarian rule by the military."

Haji Ihsan ul-Haq, secretary-general of the MMA, 
denies that his party is oppressing women -- 
although he would be scandalized to see Ms. 
Qudsia sitting in a café, her head bare, with a 
young unrelated man. The bawdy humour of The 
Vagina Monologues would be utterly unthinkable.

Seated cross-legged on the floor of a religious 
bookstore in a Peshawar market, Mr. ul-Haq 
defends his party's record on women. As he sees 
it, the MMA government is asking "Islamic men" to 
accept their responsibilities -- to provide for 
their women and children -- and teaching women to 
be "in purdah and remain in their jurisdiction."

"Go around the whole province and you won't even 
see one single incident of a woman being treated 
badly," Mr. ul-Haq said. "We haven't imposed a 
Taliban-style system. Look, I'm sitting before 
you and talking to you. Islam says to cover your 
head, but we are only preaching and not imposing."

But his platform rings hollow to activists and 
human-rights workers, who say they have received 
anonymous threats for their attempts to work with 
women.

"It is a stigma to work for a non-governmental 
organization here in Peshawar," said Jamila 
Akberzai, with the Afghan Women's Welfare 
department. "They think aid workers are 
destabilizing family life by asking women to 
raise their voices for their rights."

Mr. Khattak adds, "Conditions are better today in Kabul than here."


______


[2]   [HULLA BALLOO OVER TRIPLE TALAQ IN INDIA:
        3 articles from the latest issue of Communalism Combat ]

(i)

Communalism Combat - July 2004

'IF THERE IS ANYTHING TRULY SECULAR IN INDIA IT IS THE VIOLENCE AGAINST WOMEN'

by Brinda Karat
(General secretary, All India Democratic Women's Association)

There are two or three key issues that need to be 
kept in mind when intervening in the controversy 
over triple talaq. Generally speaking, if one 
looks at the position of all women, that is women 
belonging to all communities, their position in 
all aspects of life is worsening. Whether it is 
the issue of domestic violence or inequalities 
across the board, there is a marked increase in 
the violence against women that we are seeing 
through our work all over the country.

We run 125 area-based cells for women across the 
country. If in a certain locality a particular 
community is predominant, many more women of that 
caste or community come to our cells there. 
Therefore, in certain areas we have a 
predominance of Dalit or Muslim women approaching 
us for assistance. We have found through this 
experience that if there is anything truly 
'secular' in India it is the violence against 
women.

A very basic and important aspect of our approach 
is the framework through which we approach the 
issue and on the basis of which we arrive at our 
understanding and perspective of the issue. 
Therefore, for us to see the triple talaq issue 
as a religion-based issue alone is not right.

It is true that dowry related violence and 
killing predominantly affects one community just 
as triple talaq affects only Muslim women. But 
what people fail to see is that the status of 
women across the board is under assault and being 
undermined.

Taking a second wife is very common, across the 
board, in all communities, whether the personal 
law allows it or not. Violence against women - 
severe beating, slapping around, being thrown out 
of the matrimonial home, is also common to all 
communities, whether society at large, the 
community, political parties, etc. acknowledge it 
or not. Likewise, among Muslim women, triple 
talaq is certainly a matter of great concern.

Now, what do we as an organisation do when faced 
with this form of unfair and brutal treatment? 
The most important thing to remember is that as 
an organisation we believe in a multi-dimensional 
approach. We believe that a woman has different 
choices. She can go to court, negotiate a 
settlement with a local maulvi, or seek the 
support of a local women's organisation. The 
important thing for us is that it is the Muslim 
woman down there who is facing the situation. She 
is the protagonist who is fighting for herself 
and her children. She is fighting the family, her 
community and the State. It would be well for 
campaigners to remember whom they are fighting 
for.

Hence, for us as an organisation, given the 
aggressively polarised situation in India where 
the woman is a prime target of communal violence, 
there is a broad preference to resolve the issue 
of triple talaq within the framework of religion 
itself. So, while we know that the stance of the 
Muslim Personal Law Board has been indecisive, 
etc., given the ground-level situation, we 
believe that we need to engage with them even as 
we, as an organisation, also support women who 
have gone to court on the issue of triple talaq.

While there may be some who are of the view that 
we should not engage with the AIMPLB because they 
are non-secular, we feel that they are part of 
the different choices a Muslim woman in India 
has. She can go to court, she can go to the local 
maulvi, she can go to a women's organisation. If 
she feels that she needs to demand a greater 
share from the AIMPLB or Wakf Board, say, to ask 
the latter why they are not spending wakf money 
for women's shelters, she should have the right 
to make that demand and it is for us to support 
it.

When protest against anything, even a practice 
like triple talaq, becomes polemical and part of 
the political agenda of groups who do not 
necessarily have any concern for the plight of 
women in general, or Muslim women in particular, 
it becomes problematic.

In the context of the recent incident in Orissa 
(see box), we are in the process of launching a 
mass protest and campaign against the practice 
through a leaflet where we will solicit men and 
women of all communities - not just Muslims - to 
say that such a practice is wrong. Then, at a 
general level, this specific issue must fit into 
a wider campaign about the Indian Constitution, 
women's rights and gender. At an individual 
level, the intervention must have an appreciation 
of the position of that individual Muslim woman, 
the protagonist.

This is an approach that we like to follow in all 
our campaigns and protests because we believe, 
fundamentally, that when any issue is looked at 
or approached from a religious point of view it 
gets polluted and vitiated. The issue must remain 
gender-based.

With religious fundamentalism on the rise and 
identity-based groupings on the upswing, with 
aggressive community-driven violence and its 
retrograde rhetoric vitiating the political 
atmosphere, we believe that it is unethical for a 
political campaign to victimise the victim, that 
is, the Muslim woman, further. We believe that it 
is ridiculous to expect reform in one area when 
all around - politically and socially - we are 
regressing as a polity. The shoulders of a Muslim 
woman have always been bent with the plight of 
her existence. Now, with aggressive Hindu 
communalism, they have been further bent in 
humiliation by brutal sexual violence. At a time 
like this we believe a humane, multi-dimensional 
approach that not only recognises her plight 
through practices like triple talaq, but also 
strengthens her capacity to fight them, is the 
right ethical and realistic approach.


o o o


(ii)

Communalism Combat - July  2004

'ALL UNJUST PERSONAL LAWS MUST GO, BE THEY HINDU, MUSLIM OR CHRISTIAN'

by Indira Jaising
(Senior lawyer, Supreme Court of India, and women's rights activist)

Triple talaq is a system of di-vorce that exists 
in Muslim Per-sonal Law that allows the hus-band 
to divorce his wife by uttering the word 'talaq' 
thrice. This right does not exist for the woman. 
A Muslim woman has no right to divorce her 
husband through a system similar to the triple 
talaq. She would need to go to a Darul Qaza and 
prove the atrocities committed by her husband in 
order to get a divorce.

I have dealt with several cases where Muslim 
women have been driven to the divorce court in 
prolonged proceedings when their husbands have 
opposed a divorce. She can, however, get an 
extra-judicial divorce on the condition that she 
forgoes her mehr. The situation is patently 
discriminatory against women. It is primarily an 
issue of justice - can a marriage contract 
entered into by the free consent of two parties 
be broken by the unilateral will of one party? No 
other contract, including commercial contracts, 
can be broken in this manner. The breaking of a 
marriage contract has emotional and financial 
concerns that go beyond any other contractual 
concerns. Often it is not only the interests of 
women that are at stake but those of children as 
well.

The Bombay high court observed many years ago 
that the practice of triple talaq may be 'good in 
law' but is 'bad in theology'. This is a strange 
role reversal. I believe the truth lies the other 
way around - 'may or may not be good in 
theology', but 'bad in law.'

Supreme Court on Triple Talaq:

In Ahmedabad Women's Action Group (AWAG) and 
others v. Union of India, (1997) 3 SCC 573, a 
writ petition was filed to declare Muslim 
Personal Law, which enables a Muslim male to give 
unilateral talaq to his wife without her consent 
and without resort to judicial process of courts, 
as void, offending Articles 13, 14 and 15 of the 
Constitution.

However, the Court refused to entertain the writ 
petition because the issue involved State 
policies. The Court was of the opinion that the 
remedy could not be provided by the judicial 
process and instead must be sought elsewhere.

At the same time, the Court has tried to 
introduce some safeguards into the talaq process. 
The Court has stated that talaq, in order to be 
effective, has to be pronounced. In Shamim Ara v. 
State of UP and another, (2002) 7 SCC 518, a mere 
plea taken in a written statement of a divorce 
having been pronounced sometime in the past was 
held to not be treated as effectuating a talaq. 
Instead, a talaq had to be 'pronounced', that is, 
it had to be proclaimed, uttered formally and 
articulated. Therefore, the Court has introduced 
a condition precedent for the effectiveness of a 
divorce.

I totally disagree with this approach of the 
court in the AWAG case. Under our scheme of laws, 
the courts are bound to give their opinion of the 
constitutional validity of any personal law, be 
it Hindu, Muslim, Sikh or Parsi. I recognise the 
problem that arose in the Shah Bano case. Yet I 
think that the problem there was the fact that 
the Court, instead of confining itself to the 
constitutional and legal validity of the grant of 
maintenance to Muslim women under Section 125, 
CrPC, took it upon itself to interpret the Koran.

It is no part of the court's role to interpret 
the Koran and spell out the entitlements of women 
from the Koran. Our constitutional entitlements 
as spelt out by the courts must come from the 
Constitution, not the Koran or the Manusmriti. It 
is in no part the business of the courts to 
interpret religious texts, that is the job of 
theologians, not the constitutional court. When 
judges begin to interpret the Koran, or give us a 
definition of 'Sati' as being a Sita from 
Ramayana and Anasuya, or interpret the content of 
'Hindutva' as in Manohar Joshi's case, they 
destroy one of the core commitments of the 
Constitution, namely, secularism. No secular 
judiciary has the right to interpret what is the 
core content of any religion, Hindu, Muslim or 
Christian. The storm over Shah Bano was over the 
authority of the Court to interpret the Koran. It 
has nothing to do with gender justice.

We are passing through difficult times, when 
right wing forces have polarised society and 
unleashed an assault against the minorities. At 
such times it is even more necessary that the 
courts take a "hands off" position on religion.

This, however, does not mean that they take a 
'hands off' position on law. Any rule, 
regulation, custom or law that binds citizens is 
capable of being challenged on the grounds that 
it violates the fundamental rights of citizens. 
Triple talaq must be declared unconstitutional, 
not because it is un-Islamic, but because it is 
unconstitutional.

More than 54 years after independence, it is time 
we recognise that our constitutional values are 
as much a part of our cultural inheritance as any 
other. Courts have been put in place to enforce 
constitutional values. That is their job. Their 
refusal to do so is an abdication of function. It 
is relevant to note the approach of the Supreme 
Court in Danial Latifi v. Union of India, (2001) 
7 SCC 740. In interpreting the Muslim Women 
(Protection of Rights on Divorce) Act, 1986, the 
Court held that the Act would be unconstitutional 
if not interpreted to mean that women would get a 
reasonable and fair provision and maintenance. 
The Court fought shy of declaring the Act 
unconstitutional, but at least they did not base 
their interpretation of the Act on theology, but 
on the Constitution.

It is not as if courts have taken a hands off 
approach to Muslim law alone, they have done the 
same with Hindu Personal Law. No provisions of 
Hindu Personal Law have been declared 
unconstitutional, though repeatedly challenged. 
This deference to religion, be it Hindu or 
Muslim, is unhealthy and has subverted a debate 
on gender justice.

All unjust personal laws must go, be they Hindu, 
Muslim or Christian. The issue is not uniformity 
but gender justice - all unjust laws must be 
declared unconstitutional. It is up to women of 
all persuasions to challenge all unconstitutional 
personal laws. While the Personal Law Board may 
or may not recognise a triple talaq, a 
constitutional court certainly should not, on the 
ground that it is unjust, unfair, arbitrary and 
discriminatory.

At a recent meeting of the All India Muslim 
Personal Law Board, the Board refused to discuss 
the issue of triple talaq and the need to reform 
the practice into more equitable and gender 
sensitive practices. The meeting ended with the 
promise that the Board would spread awareness 
among the Muslim community about practices of 
'triple talaq in one sitting'.

These may be laudable efforts by the Board. The 
body however has no authority to lay down the law 
of the land and interpret the Constitution. Its 
legitimate role would be advocacy for the 
acceptance of an altered and equitable 
constitutional regime.


o o o o


(iii)

Communalism Combat  - July  2004

'US' OR 'THE ENEMY'

by Javed Anand

In their attitude towards notions of freedom of 
conscience, freedom of expression, the right to 
dissent or the right to be different, there is 
little to choose between the Hindu Taliban and 
the Muslim Bajrang Dal. There is perhaps some 
advantage in this 'mix-up', if only to underscore 
the point that the Taliban and the Bajrang Dal 
are mindsets as much as they are organisations.

In the black or white mental universe of these 
self-proclaimed crusaders, no shade of grey is 
permissible. Since they are the sole defenders of 
faith, they alone must have the unquestioned 
right to interpret it. Because their belief 
system is forever in danger, in the eternal 'Holy 
War' they are engaged in there can be no neutral 
ground and the distinction between friend and foe 
is critical. You are either "us" or "the enemy".

It is therefore not in the least surprising that 
in the last few weeks, under cover of a motley 
crowd of bearded men in flowing robes, pompously 
projected as Hazrat Maulana so-and-so, plus some 
truly pseudo-secular politicians from the 
Congress and the Samajwadi Party with an eye on 
the Muslim vote (assembly elections are around 
the corner in Maharashtra), the Urdu Times 
published from Mumbai has launched a jihad 
against the less than year-old Muslims for 
Secular Democracy (MSD).

The Urdu Times' hostility towards MSD since the 
latter's inception on Gandhi Jayanti Day (October 
2, 2003) has been evident from the twisted logic 
emanating from the warped minds of several of the 
columnists and editorial staff of the Urdu daily. 
That this should be so is also not surprising.

MSD stands committed to equal citizenship, rule 
of law, fundamental rights, gender justice and an 
emphatic 'No' to both 'Mob Violence' and 'Bomb 
Violence'. What the Urdu Times stands for, on the 
other hand, is best understood from how it 
celebrated the devastating earthquake that took a 
huge toll on life and property in the Latur and 
Osmanabad districts of Maharashtra several years 
ago, as Allah's revenge on the infidels.

"Delays there may be, but Allah's ways are always 
justŠ We Muslims are of the firm conviction that 
Allah's curse is sure to fall on those who have 
made life miserable for Indian Muslims. Latur and 
Osmanabad are districts from where many villagers 
had sent a number of kar sevaks to Ayodhya. They 
participated in the demolition of the Babri 
Masjid on December 6Š Praise be to Allah Almighty 
who has reduced to dust those who committed 
sacrilege on the sacred soil of the Babri Masjid" 
(Editorial in the January 22, 1994 edition of the 
Urdu Times).

On the eve of the All India Muslim Personal Law 
Board's Kanpur meeting (July 4), MSD held a press 
conference in Mumbai to reiterate its demand for 
an end to the inhuman and anti-women practice of 
triple talaq and for gender just reforms in all 
existing personal laws, including the Muslim 
Personal Law. This is the 'provocation' for which 
the Urdu Times, dismissed as a communal rag by 
many sensible Muslims, has launched its jihad 
against MSD since early July.

It has published articles delving into the 
personal life of MSD's president, Urdu poet and 
lyricist, Javed Akhtar, in very distasteful and 
extremely offensive language. Far more insidious, 
however, are the other 'news reports' and 
articles published by the daily, inciting hatred 
and instigating violence against Akhtar in 
particular and MSD's office bearers and members 
in general. Akhtar was warned: "Remain in your 
sensesŠ the day is not far when you too will be 
counted amongst infamous blasphemers such as 
Salman Rushdie and Taslima NasreenŠ"

The "Hazrat Maulanas", who, according to the Urdu 
Times, held an emergency meeting to serve the 
ultimatum on Akhtar and the MSD, also appealed to 
all Muslims to impose a total social boycott 
against the likes of Akhtar.

In other reports and articles, MSD and its 
members have repeatedly and variously been 
described as "enemies of Islam", "munafiqeen" 
(dictionary meaning: hypocrites, infidels, 
atheists, despoilers), a communist-led outfit 
that is part of an international breed of Muslim 
traitors, who while pretending to be Muslims are 
in fact "pro-US, pro-Zionists, pro-sangh parivar".

But the most shocking instance of the daily's 
inflammatory and highly irresponsible writing 
assumed the form of an orchestrated campaign 
against Sajid Rashid (executive chairman, 
Maharashtra State Urdu Academy, editor, Hindi 
eveninger, Hamara Mahanagar and vice-president, 
MSD), for allegedly "insulting the Koran". That 
this campaign against Rashid could incite some 
hot-headed Muslims into violence against him 
makes the bogus allegation despicable; else it is 
so frivolous as to be laughable.

On July 19, a delegation of MSD office bearers, 
accompanied by Teesta Setalvad (secretary, 
Citizens for Justice and Peace), Nikhil Wagle 
(editor, Mahanagar), met the Mumbai police 
commissioner, AN Roy to demand criminal 
prosecution of the editors, publisher, 
proprietors and certain correspondents and 
columnists of the Urdu Times for inciting hatred 
and instigating violence against Akhtar and 
Rashid in particular and other members of MSD in 
general.

The delegation told the commissioner that the 
voice of MSD would not be stifled by threats or 
the use of violence and that MSD would hold Urdu 
Times solely responsible should there be any 
incident of violence against any member of MSD in 
the coming months. They added that they expected 
the police force in a secular society to stand by 
those who stood for fundamental freedoms rather 
than those who threatened violence to silence a 
dissenting view.

The police commissioner assured the delegation 
that he would immediately ask the legal 
department of his police force to examine MSD's 
demand for criminal prosecution.

(Javed Anand is general secretary, MSD).


______


[3]

Hindustan Times - August 2, 2004

POLICY ON UNWED MOTHERS
Through the Periscope| Surina Narula

Orissa was in the news recently because it had an 
unprecedented number of young unwed mothers 
between the ages of 14 to 20. Shunned by society 
and rejected by their families they are allegedly 
falling into the hands of traffickers and an 
estimated 3000 girls are missing. Apparently they 
had been promised marriage and a good life. 
Frequent natural disasters in this area have made 
a large number of people destitute, making them 
easy targets of sexual exploitation. Neither the 
Indian government nor the local panchayat have 
come up with any positive solutions. Local NGOs 
have taken up the cause of these victims and are 
fighting for justice. It is quite sad to note the 
reaction of a local panchayati who says that we 
cannot help these girls because society will 
accuse us of encouraging such immoral behaviour.

Individual experiences and realities often bear 
no resemblance to the dominant discourses in 
society. It is interesting to note that in 
England in 1834 New Poor Law, unmarried mothers 
were considered undeserving welfare subjects. 
Unmarried mothers were characterised as lying, 
manipulative, irresponsible, promiscuous, and 
sexually corrupt and as bad mothers. There is a 
commissioner's report that tells us, for example 
that "continued illicit intercourse has, in 
almost all cases, originated with the females" 
and that "female in very many cases becomes the 
corrupterŠthe womenŠfeel no disgrace".

Negative characterisation was restricted to women 
and rarely, if at all, extended to men. There was 
widespread hostility and opposition to the 1834 
New Poor Law and it was criticized for 'operating 
a dual standard of morality and for allowing men 
to seduce women with impunity'. This law had a 
long-term effect and left England with a legacy 
of single unmarried mothers as stigmatised. 
Social policy, therefore, played a significant 
role in regulating and controlling women's 
sexuality by defining their responsibilities and 
diminishing their rights.

Almost two hundred years later we are facing a 
similar situation in Orissa. The poor girls of 
Orissa are going to be victimised by the rich 
farmers and the corrupt bureaucracy. History is 
supposed to be a great teacher. Are we in India, 
going to go through a span of 200 years before we 
stop judging people on morality issues? 
Government policies are meant to alleviate the 
problems of society not perpetuate them. 
Panchayats in Orissa have been empowered recently 
to take a greater role in policy. Empowering 
local people on areas of local issues may be the 
right way forward but on issues that affect the 
rights of women may not be such a good idea. 
Villages in India are still imbued with the 
stereotypical image of Indian female sexuality 
more akin to the Victorian - the passive, pure 
and innocent woman. It is a very difficult task 
to separate dominant discourses in society on 
issues of morality and social policy, but that is 
the only way forward for policy to be fair and 
just.



______

[4]

The AMAN Peace and Conflict Studies Course
(In collaboration with Hamdard University)
Delhi, September 13 - October 13, 2004

Overview
This course on peace and conflict, organised by 
the AMAN Trust, aims at developing and widening 
intellectual discourse on the subject among 
individuals working in NGOs, teachers, 
journalists, students and other concerned 
citizens.  The course will make Indian and South 
Asian reality a starting point for an 
investigation of conflict, violence and its many 
ramifications.

[...]
Duration
The course will be conducted from 13th September to 13th October, 2004. [...]
Costs
[...] AMAN will charge a minimum (subsidised) fee 
of Rs. 5,000/- (five thousand) for an individual 
and Rs 15,000/- (fifteen thousand) for 
participants sponsored by NGOs and organisations. 
The costs are inclusive of accommodation and food 
but do not include travel.
[...]

Application requirements
Participants ability to comprehend lectures and 
other forms of discussion in English is 
necessary, although the course is open to those 
who wish to speak and submit their course work in 
Hindi.
Prospective participants are required to send 
following information by the 10 AUGUST.
Date of Birth
Educational qualification
Current Work Experience (100-200 words)
Other interests (100-200 words)
Why you want to attend the course (500-800 words)
Name and Contacts of two referees
Scholarships: A limited number of scholarships 
are available. Those who wish to apply for this 
should send us reasons for their request. (200 
words)

Rubric 1:  Ethical and Philosophical Perspectives on Violence
Lead Instructor: Purushottam Agrawal

Rubric 2: Aspects of twentieth century world history
Lead Instructor: Dilip Simeon

Rubric 3: Gender, Armed Conflict and Political Violence
Lead Instructors: Urvashi Butalia

Rubric 4:  Capitalism, late capitalism and concepts of conflict..
Lead Instructor: Jairus Banaji

Rubric 5 : Issues in the Contemporary History of India and South Asia
Lead Instructor: Sumit Sarkar

Rubric 6: Human security, Citizenship and the Law
Lead Instructor: Nandita Haksar


Address correspondence to:
Hassath
c/o The Aman Trust
D- 504, Nagarjuna Apartments,
Noida Road,
New Delhi - 110096
E-mail: peacecourse at amanpanchayat.org

_____


[5]

PUKAR
presents
A Gender & Space Project film

'Freedom Before 11'

Date: Friday, August 6, 2004
Time:  6 pm

Venue:  Max Mueller Bhavan Auditorium
Kala Ghoda
Next to Jehangir Art Gallery
Mumbai

The film focuses on the ways in which women who 
live in hostels are perceived and the ways in 
which women negotiate hostel life in the city. 
The film aims to engage ideas about women's 
'place' in the city and the 'protection' of 
reputations of both 'good' women and 'good' 
women's hostels.

The film is located in the broader context of the 
Gender & Space project which seeks to explore the 
ways by which women experience public spaces, 
accessing them against all odds, transforming the 
very nature of urban life in the process.

The film will be followed by a discussion led by 
Arundhathi Subramanium, poet and co-ordinator of 
Chauraha, NCPA.


Freedom Before 11
A 25 minute digital-video film

Directed by: Radhika Menon & Roseanne Lobo
Edited by: Gouri Patwardhan
Conceived by: Shilpa Phadke


PUKAR Web Site: www.pukar.org.in

______


[6]

Domesticating Modern Science
A Social History of Science and Culture in Colonial
India
DHRUV RAINA and S IRFAN HABIB
Tulika Publications, New Delhi, 2004.

The essays brought together in this volume examine the
cultural reception of modern science in late colonial
India. They look at how the first generation of modern
Indian scientists responded to and creatively worked
the theories and practices of modern science into
their cultural idiom. The process of cultural
legitimation of modern science is revealed through the
debates that surrounded these theories.
The essays in the first section deal with the
encounter between the rationality of modern science
and so-called traditional ways of knowing. How did the
nineteenth-century Delhi intelligentsia respond to the
new ideas disseminated through the Vernacular
Translation Society, and what role did they play in
the development of science textbooks and popular
science writing? What was the nature of the
interaction between traditional mathematics and a
modern discipline like calculus?
The second section shifts the focus of attention to
Calcutta, which virtually functioned as India’s
scientific capital, to examine the reception of
theories of science such as biological evolution and
Social Darwinism. The essays here also show how a new
set of concerns – scientific and technical education,
scientific and technological research systems –
acquired importance by the end of the nineteenth
century, and dovetailed with the thinking of the
emerging nationalist movement. They indicate the
manner in which the scientific community enlisted the
political elite into its vision, and how this elite
drew upon the nascent scientific community in the
project of decolonization.

Dhruv Raina teaches at the Jawaharlal Nehru
University, New Delhi. He is the author of Images and
Contexts: The Historiography of Science and Modernity
in India (2003). He has published research papers in
journals on social studies of science, social and
political history, history of science, scientometrics,
social history and social epistemology, and
contributed articles to several edited volumes.

S. Irfan Habib is a scientist at the National
Institute of Science, Technology and Development
Studies, New Delhi. He is the co-editor, with Dhruv
Raina, of Situating the History of Science: Dialogues
with Joseph Needham (1999). He has published research
papers in journals on social and political history,
history of science, social studies of science and
sociology, and contributed articles to several edited
volumes.

ISBN: 81-85229-88-0
Rs 425
Cover design: Ram Rahman


______


[7]

Raising Standards to tackle violence against Black and Minority Women
Southall Black Sisters
28/7/2004

Southall Black Sisters First National Conference 15th November 2004


Monday 15 November 2004
(9am - 5pm)

The Queen Elizabeth II
Conference Centre, London
(nearest tube Westminster)

Who are SBS?

Southall Black Sisters (SBS) is a not-for-profit 
organisation, established in 1979, to meet the 
needs of black (Asian and African-Caribbean) 
women. Its aims are to highlight and challenge 
violence against women; empower them to gain more 
control over their lives; live without fear of 
violence; and assert their human right to 
justice, equality and freedom. For more than two 
decades SBS has been at the forefront of 
challenging domestic violence locally and 
nationally, and campaigning for the provision of 
support services to enable women and their 
children to escape violent relationships.
Why is Southall Black Sisters holding this event?

Southall Black Sisters is formulating a national 
strategy and best practice guidelines on black 
and ethnic minority women and gender violence. 
The conference will enable us to continue our 
consultation and information gathering exercise. 
SBS will be circulating draft outline of issues 
that need addressing in advance of the 
conference, which can be discussed in more detail 
in the workshops.

[...]

Who is speaking?
Home Office Minister Baroness Scotland

The Rt Hon. the Baroness Scotland of Asthal QC 
became Home Office Minister of State for the 
Criminal Justice System and Law Reform last June 
and is spokesperson for DTI on Women and Equality 
Issues in the House of Lords. She chairs the 
Inter-Ministerial Groups on Domestic Violence and 
Sexual Offences, and leads on the implementation 
of the Government's strategies on these issues.
Indira Jaising

A prominent woman lawyer in India, Indira Jaising 
is a Senior Advocate of the Supreme Court of 
India and a founder member of the Lawyer's 
Collective (Women's Rights Initiative).
Dr Purna Sen

Dr Purna Sen has been researching around BME 
women's issues for many years, and is based at 
the Development Studies Institute, London School 
of Economics. Her research work centres on 
violence against women in several countries, 
including India, Jordan, Morocco and the UK. She 
has also been active in international forums 
lobbying for women and human rights.

Hannana Siddiqui

Hannana Siddiqui is a Joint Co-ordinator of 
Southall Black Sisters, and has been involved in 
race and gender issues for about 20 years. She 
has undertaken extensive work on domestic 
violence, particularly with Asian women, and has 
been involved in number of campaigning and policy 
initiatives on violence against BME women, 
including women who kill, forced marriage, honour 
killings and immigration and asylum laws. She is 
currently lobbying for an amendment to the 
Domestic Violence Bill to allow public funds for 
victims of domestic violence subject to 
immigration control.

For more information on SBS see:

URL: www.southallblacksisters.org.uk/



_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/

Buzz on the perils of fundamentalist politics, on 
matters of peace and democratisation in South 
Asia. SACW is an independent & non-profit 
citizens wire service run since 1998 by South 
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SACW archive is available at:  bridget.jatol.com/pipermail/sacw_insaf.net/

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