SACW | 20-21 Jul 2004
Harsh Kapoor
aiindex at mnet.fr
Tue Jul 20 21:07:40 CDT 2004
South Asia Citizens Wire | 20-21 July, 2004
via: www.sacw.net
[1] Pakistan- India: Let's Think Coolly and Talk (M B Naqvi)
[2] Peace Activists Slam Big Military Budgets
[3] India: On Comprehensive Law on Communal Riots (Asghar Ali Engineer)
[4] Letter from Jean Dreze and Aruna Roy to the
chair, of India's National Advisory Council
[5] India: [On Women & economic policy] Poor
Consolation Prizes (Brinda Karat)
[6] Upcoming Seminar: Rectifying
Communalisation of History Textbooks (Calcutta,
22 July)
[7] New Publication: Soiled Hands: The Pakistan
Army's Repression of the Punjab Farmers' Movement
[8] New Publication: Views on Development: The
Local and the Global in India and Pakistan'
[9] Upcoming Public forum 'Towards a lasting
peace between India and Pakistan' (Montreal, 1
Aug)
--------------
[1]
The News International [Pakistan]
July 21, 2004
LET'S THINK COOLLY AND TALK
by M B Naqvi
The schedule of the long-stalled Composite
Dialogue between India and Pakistan has been
agreed. Beginning July 28; it will reach the
Foreign Ministers level meeting on August 25
next. This preliminary process is to start the
substantive political-level negotiations from
August 25 onward where actual give and take can
take place. Definitive results will start coming
later.
It is notable that officials' talks are being
held amidst almost a euphoria. There is, for no
solid reason, hope and expectation in the air,
more in Pakistan but also some in India. Not too
long ago, the relations between the two countries
were at an all time low and a war seemed imminent
during the long military confrontation of 2002.
There was intense propaganda of hate in both
countries. And yet the red hot tensions quickly
gave way, after India's PM was mysteriously
persuaded to switch from a jingoistic stance to
extending a hand of friendship to Pakistan last
year. Clouds of war soon began to lift and
people's latent desire for peace and friendship
in both countries asserted itself. What helped
was, of course, the US 'facilitation', Track II
diplomacy by establishment's trusted emissaries
and work of innumerable Track III groups: like
Pakistan India People's Forum for Peace and
Democracy, many similar bodies and Imtiaz Alam's
SAFMA. People's true desires were articulated by
this third track of non-officials.
The common people on both sides are aware of what
they have lost in the huge extravagance of vital
resources in futile confrontations and mutual
boycott by Pakistan and India. This is the true
bedrock on which a real people-to-people
reconciliation from grassroots up can be built if
properly led - such as has happened between the
German and French peoples in post-war period. On
this foundation imposing edifices of not only
Pak-India friendship, free trade, economic
cooperation and politically harmonious policies
of peace can be raised but also real regional
integration can be anchored in.
Let no one forget that Pakistan-India
relationship can shift from love to hatred
quickly. This is what enabled BJP government to
stir up much hatred, at least among the upper and
middle classes, against Pakistan during and after
Kargil affair. Pakistan could also reply in kind.
Mark the swiftness with which dominant sentiment
changed and all classes, at least in Pakistan,
quickly awakened to the need for peace and
friendship. After all South Asia used to be
Historical India, where Hindus and Muslims lived
cheek by jowl in harmony for centuries. Thanks to
the rise of acrimonious communalisms under the
British, it is now necessary to remind that
Hindus and Muslims of India jointly created the
magnificent Indo-Persian civilisation; its
sources, bases and imperatives are still alive -
hence a basis of close friendship exists.
Let no one forget that huge stumbling blocks to a
friendship policy have been erected since 1940s.
They flourish on the latent negative legacies
that are also there. These are many. (a) There is
the complex and difficult problem of Kashmir; two
rival nation states of unequal potential are
vying for the same real estate on which so many
and so diverse people live. That it is a
complicated problem is well known. It is bound to
be a long haul and no quick fix seems possible or
will be realistic. Both sides need patience and
goodwill.
(b) Two competing nationalisms have arisen and
are based on the growth of communalisms during
the Raj. These contradict and violate the legacy
of over seven or eight centuries of intimate
Hindu-Muslim coexistence: the Indo-Pakistan
Civilisation. The political dynamic of these
nationalisms requires contempt and hatred for the
"other". This fomented feeling is generated and
strengthened by packaging it in patriotism.
Allied to it is - and which has become the
outstanding feature of these rival nationalisms -
militarism and jingoism. Moreover, all large
militaries create powerful vested interests. In
America, they call it Industrial Military
Complex. Both Pakistan and India have their own
bureaucratic versions of this Complex. Its
leading lights can only enrich themselves and
acquire importance, when relations between the
rival powers are worsening. They are also able to
spend on propaganda handsomely and many media
persons are always obliging.
(c) Another result of these nationalisms is two
fully-fledged and rival Nuclear Deterrents in the
subcontinent. One thing that nuclear weapons do,
with absolute certainty, is to destroy basic
trust among nuclear rivals. The unfortunate fact
is that so long as Pakistani nukes - the Bomb,
delivery vehicles and accessories - are poised,
who in India will sleep easy that they will never
be used (i) as a result of deliberate intent,
(ii) accident, (iii) miscalculation or (iv) a
non-state revolutionary group getting access to
the Red Button. The same applies to Indian nukes:
none in Pakistan can ignore the possibility of
the use of Indian nukes in many of the same
eventualities.
This mistrust is fundamental; it is an
inescapable product of two rival nuclear
deterrents. In the presence of these WMDs,
long-term prospects of Pakistan-India friendship
will retain a roller-coaster quality. These can
prevent the bright possibilities from being
realised. There is no solution to the problem
they pose. South Asia can never settle down to
peaceful pursuits, so long as WMDs are not
consigned to the dustbin of history through more
enlightened and more focused agreements of far
reaching mutual dependence.
True, the two Foreign Secretaries are discussing
the nuclear subject. The official publicists on
both sides have given a great build up to the
proposals that the Foreign Secretaries have
exchanged in their last meeting in New Delhi.
India has proposed several nuclear Confidence
Building Measures. Pakistan has also proposed an
elaborate set of the same genre, called Nuclear
Restraint Regime. One suspects the origin of both
sets of CBMs is common. In fact, it may be a
notional and 'in-principle' agreement between
Pakistan and India that the US has helped shape
through the Track II diplomacy - that itself came
into being as a result of US initiative. The
agreement is that both should remain nuclear
powers and seeking recognition as nuclear powers.
The US only desires that India and Pakistan
should strengthen their Command and Control
Systems, so that the possibility of accidents,
unintended, miscalculated or unauthorised launch
should be prevented by timely mutual consultation.
The US diplomacy has evolved voluminous
literature on how two military enemies can arrive
at detente to prevent accidents, unauthorised
launch and how to keep the WMDs safe from
terrorists. They acquired this wisdom from
generation-long negotiations with the Soviets.
They have shared it with both India and Pakistan,
and both seem to have lapped it up because both
love to have the tacit American approval of their
nuclear status. Thus, by seeming to be a selfless
do gooder, the US has the gratitude of both
countries' establishments. Cost of it all is that
the US is now the arbiter of Indo-Pakistan
affairs and the two new nuclear powers are eating
out of American hands. But the biggest negative
point is that the two countries are now more
likely to negotiate CBMs and ignore the real
problems posed by WMDs from a long term viewpoint.
Are CBMs, no matter how perfect, a solution to
the problems posed by NWMDs? One should not be
misunderstood: one is not against CBMs as such;
one supports all real CBMs. But when we have
eliminated the chances of accidents in storage,
transportation, servicing and have a perfect C3
for the WMDs, including preventing their
unauthorised use and present rulers' finger
staying firmly over the final button, what then?
Can such CBMs prevent the election of a party
like Shiv Sena or VHP in India? What if any
elected government in New Delhi, driven by
militant nationalism and manipulated by vested
interests, threatens a nuclear strike on Pakistan
territory? Which CBM will prevent that? The same
applies to Pakistan, where another general or a
Jihadi group can seize power. What if he
threatens to nuke India unless it relents on
Kashmir quickly? Pakistani rulers are known to
have taken many imprudent decisions.
Is it wise for Pakistan and India to preserve
NWMDs and remain on high alert for all times to
come? One will go so far as to say that Pakistan
cannot go on living on edge, constantly worrying
about the balance of power, balance of terror and
the constant effort to upgrade its deterrents.
That involves huge opportunity losses and a
financial burden that will snuff out real
development and can lead to the Soviets'-like
implosion. Such a possibility needs to be
obviated. Pakistanis need higher living standards
and more freedoms. That requires working for a
Nuclear Free South Asia, as a first step. We
should aim at that.
CBMs, while being unexceptionable, are no
solution. The only solution is to do away with
the WMDs altogether. But one encounter with any
informed Indian will show that the constituency
for doing away with the nukes and reverting to a
Non-Nuclear South Asia is tiny. India is likely
to go on becoming ever more powerful, with more
of all kinds of weapons. Pakistan is claimed to
be irrelevant to it. Policy makers in Islamabad,
however, know no better than to go on scrapping
the bottom of the barrel to keep up with the
Indian Joneses. Would that do the job?
Unfortunately, it will neither enable Pakistan to
keep up a given power ratio with India nor will
it ever be able to attend to the problems facing
the common Pakistanis, with all the attendant
political, economic and social risks. The
situation poses a big challenge. More on it later.
_____
[2]
DAWN
19 July 2004
PEACE ACTIVISTS SLAM BIG MILITARY BUDGETS
By Our Reporter
KARACHI, July 18: Peace activists have called
upon India and Pakistan to drastically cut down
expenditure on building military might and,
instead, ensure respect for human rights and
provision of basic facilities to their toiling
people.
Participating in a two-day workshop on History of
Peace Movement in South Asia, organized by the
Labour Education Foundation, the activists
demanded launching of Khokhrapar and Muzaffarabad
bus service, and called on the two countries to
work jointly to neutralize the rising religious
extremism.
The title of the workshop had occasioned a lively
and meaningful discussion on the current state
Pakistan-India relation and what should the peace
activists be doing at this stage.
The ongoing talks between the two states,
especially after an agreement on a comprehensive
schedule of negotiations, occupied considerable
attention of the participants.
They called upon media in both the countries to
desist from negative propaganda, and suggested
that visa regime be made easy and India should
reopen its consulate in Karachi.
They appealed to Pakistan and India to cut down
their defence expenditure and reduce their
military strength by 50 per cent. The activists
stressed on amicable and peaceful resolution of
all disputes between the two countries.
They emphasized the need for Pakistan-India free
trade and economic cooperation. Speaking about
peace movements in Pakistan and India, Mr M. B.
Naqvi traced the history of peace initiatives.
Referring to the current status of Pakistan-India
peace initiative, he said the push for peace,
despite the two countries going nuclear, was the
manifestation of the success of peace movements
as well as the aspirations of the people of the
two countries.
Chairman of Labour Party, Pakistan chapter, Nisar
Shah advocate had doubts about the two countries'
sincerity in peace dialogue for securing a
durable peace. The last session of the workshop
was addressed by Fahmida Riaz who called upon
intellectuals and academics of both the countries
to turn their energies against those who talked
of war and exploitation. Secretary of the Labour
Education Foundation, Sindh chapter, and
coordinator Zahra Akbar Khan also spoke at the
workshop.
_____
[3]
Secular Perspective
July 16-31, 2004
ON COMPREHENSIVE LAW ON COMMUNAL RIOTS
by Asghar Ali Engineer
The United Progressive Alliance (UPA) Government has promised,
in its Common Minimum Programme that a law will be enacted to
prevent communal riots but what is stated therein seems post-riot
measures like special courts to punish the guilty, to pay uniform
compensation to the victims etc. However, it is silent on the
preventive measures which are more important than the follow up
measures. Needless to say the comprehensive law should lay
emphasis on preventive measures so that communal violence can
be prevented in this country.
The most important players in any communal violence are
politicians. No communal riot can take place without the direct or
indirect role of politicians, much less Gujarat like carnage. I have
been investigating communal riots since last four decades and I
have yet to see any communal riot in which politicians have not
played direct or indirect role. There are very few riots in which
politicians have played even indirect role; in most cases they play
direct role. Only politicians of the left are an exception to this game.
Thus it should be said with all emphasis here that without tackling
political problem one can hardly check communal violence in this
country. The most obvious role among politicians is that of
communal politicians i.e. Jan Sangh-BJP-Shiv Sena. These
communal parties are not only motivated by their communal and
fascistic ideologies by also by immediate political gains to be made
in terms of increasing their vote base. The whole Ram
Janambhoomi movement was motivated by their desire to widen
their vote base among low caste and backward caste Hindus
besides upper caste Hindus to multiply their seats in Parliament
and they greatly succeeded in that project. To achieve this
objective Mr. Advani took out Rathyatra from Somnath to Ayodhya
which, of course, he could not complete.
It was this movement coupled with rathyatra, which polarised the
Hindus and Muslims as never before in history. The BJP politicians
like Uma Bharti and Sadhvi Rithambara were making highly
provocative speeches against Muslims publicly. Bal Thackaray and
other Shiv Sena politicians too were not far behind. In fact they
were outdoing each other. If the Narsimha Rao Government had
taken strong action against such provocative speeches and
arrested concerned BJP opticians whatever their stature, Babri
Masjid would not have been demolished and so much blood would
not have been shed in riots which followed the demolition.
Thus first of all political will is needed to tackle communal violence.
The law is there but it is never implemented sincerely. If section
153, 153(A), 295 and 505 of the Indian Penal Code which deal with
promotion of religious animosity are used against any one making
such provocative speeches, the whole trouble can be nipped in the
bud. It is hardly ever done. Even elections are fought on such
provocative campaigns. Modi's speeches during Gujarat elections
of December 2002 were patently communal and he won two-third
majority from precisely those areas where anti-Muslim violence
broke out after the Godhra incident of February 27, 2002.
It is also strange that the parties which take oath for secularism at
the time of registration of their parties with the Election Commission
and also swear by the Constitution adopt 'Hindutva' as their parties
programme? How Hindutva or Islamitva can be reconciled with the
Constitutional secularism? The two are quite contradictory. An
observation by a Supreme Court judge that Hindutva is a way of life
cannot certainly reconcile it with secular spirit of our Constitution.
Hindutva is a political doctrine of a Hindu communal party. It can
under no circumstances be equated with secularism.
It is fine if a politician is intensely religious (either Hindu, or Muslim
or Christian). It certainly does not conflict with our concept of
secularism. But it is one thing to be intensely religious and quite
different to spouse political Hindutva based on hatred of minorities.
Our electoral laws also need to be stringently looked into to uphold
our secularism and to consolidate it. The Hindutva forces are
eroding secular values and replacing it with hatred and conflict. Any
law against communal violence has to keep this political dimension
in view. The UPA Government would need strong political will to
achieve this. It should ask the Election Commission to keep strict
vigilance on communal campaign and disqualify candidates using
communal or sectarian appeal.
It is only politicians who prepare atmosphere for communal
violence through provocative speeches and newspaper articles.
The second stage is to spread rumour through a well planned
manner and third stage is to start violence using some spark here
and there. Any law has to tackle the problem at all these stages.
We have already dealt with the question of provocation. Spreading
rumour is done very stealthily and is not easy to deal with. It needs
help from the people and an alert administration can take effective
steps through people's committees to squash such rumours.
Thirdly, the sparking incident, unlike Godhra in case of Gujarat, are
usually insignificant like teasing a girl of the other community, or
quarrel between two groups belonging to two different communities,
or someone knocking down a pedestrian etc. and in a surcharged
atmosphere this is enough to start major conflagration. And if the
police is also communalised, which is often the case, it can turn into
a disaster. The Biharsharif riots of 1981 started with a brawl
between a Muslim and a Yadav on the question of payment and
turned into a major disaster thanks to the role of RSS and the
police under its influence.
In communal violence after politicians another important factor is
police. If police wants it can curb communal violence in no time.
There are two conditions: (1) the police should be strictly
professional and handle communal disturbances strictly as law and
order situation and (2) it should be allowed to function without
political interference as long as they do their job professionally.
The role of police has been increasingly politicised and
communalised as I have been observing since the Jabalpur riots of
1961. In many riots lower level officers lead the mobs and take part
in looting, burning and killing. Bhagalpur riots of 1989 and Gujarat
riots of 2002 are flagrant examples of direct police participation with
of course, honourable exceptions. The police is also becoming part
of communal polarisation. Also, with communal parties coming to
power they tend to oblige their political bosses by adding and
abetting their communal misdeeds. In case of situations like Gujarat
honest officers were punished by being immediately transferred.
The shocking thing is that all those police officers who were
indicted by the judicial inquiry commissions were never penalised;
instead they were rewarded by promotions. There were
innumerable examples. Mr. Ram Dev Tyagi, who fired on Suleman
Bakery people and killed innocent boys during January 1993 riots
in Mumbai was severely indicted by the Justice Srikrishna
Commission. Hardly any action was taken against him. Instead he
was promoted as Commissioner of Police during the Shiv Sena-
BJP rule in Maharashtra in 1995. Mr. P.C.Pande, Police
Commissioner Ahmedabad during Gujarat carnage of 2002 was
promoted and sent to CBI.
Any law to prevent communal violence has to tackle police problem
and see that it behaves strictly professionally, as pointed out
above. The Left Government in West Bengal can become a better
model in this respect. It is well known that a communally sensitive
state like West Bengal until seventies became a totally riot-free
model state after the Left Front Government took over. There are
two reasons for this: (1) it does not mix religion with politics and
does not indulge in any form of communal rhetoric and (2) it has
warned the police force that any lack of action to stop communal
violence within 24 hours will attract strong action. The result is for
anyone to see in West Bengal.
Bihar was also communal hotbed for long but since Laloo Prasad
Yadav came to power the communal scenario changed. Bihar is
also now almost riot-free state. Not that communal forces are lying
low but do not succeed in engineering communal violence as the
state machinery is ever vigilant. It should not, therefore, be difficult
to have riot-free India under UPA though few states like Gujarat,
Rajasthan and M.P. are presently ruled by the BJP. But UPA
Government can send right signal to all communal mischief
makers. No tempering with secular values and communal rhetoric
will be tolerated.
And in case communal violence does break out the guilty, which
should include politicians as much as ordinary citizens, provoking
or taking law in their own hands and the police officers failing to
control within a specified time period, should all be punished
according to law through fast track courts specially set up for the
purpose. If necessary, there should be a separate autonomous
police commission to professionalise the police force and to make it
independent of political interference.
Of course the law should see to it that the victims of communal
violence get speedy justice and are uniformly compensated. Today
it all depends on the chief minister concerned to announce the
quantum of compensation. For every person killed at least Rs.5
lakhs should be given by way of compensation and if a bread
earner is killed, a job should be ensured to a member of the family.
Often those killed happen to be poor.
I would again like to emphasise that the law should deal more
stringently with pre-violence than post-violence situation.
Prevention will prove far more effective.
_____
[4]
[POSTED BELOW IS A LETTER FROM JEAN DREZE AND
ARUNA ROY TO THE CHAIR, OF INDIA'S NATIONAL
ADVISORY COUNCIL. BOTH ARE MEMBERS OF THIS
COUNCIL AND ATTENDED ITS RECENT MEETING.]
o o o
17 July 2004
To: The Chairperson
National Advisory Council
Dear Mrs. Gandhi,
The National Advisory Council's terms of
reference are grounded in the assurances made in
the Common Minimum Programme. While many of
these commitments are important, some are
critical for the well-being of the socially and
economically marginalized, and also for people's
participation in the process of governance.
The CMP begins with a solemn pledge: "to provide
a government that is corruption-free, transparent
and accountable at all times, to provide an
administration that is responsible and responsive
at all times". Many such pledges have been made
before. The credibility of the CMP depends on
the ability of the government to translate this
pledge into concrete action.
We believe that three immediate steps are
essential to create a climate where the
wide-ranging commitments of the CMP can be taken
forward.
Right to Information: Transparency of government
and the right to information are not merely
linked to corruption but in fact affect the right
to life and livelihood of the people. It is a
tool to fight the arbitrary use of power. It is
also crucial for ensuring the rule of law and the
effective functioning of regulatory, development
and service mechanisms. It is in the interest of
the people of India that an effective and
far-reaching legislation be enacted, fostering
people's participation in governance and
democracy. The Freedom of Information Act needs
to be strengthened and amended, and notified in
the shortest possible time frame. (See
enclosures for details.)
Employment Guarantee Act: Guaranteed employment
for all is essential to eliminate mass poverty
and to protect people from the insecurities that
put them at the mercy of the power structures.
The plan of action presented in the CMP begins
with the statement that "the UPA government will
immediately enact a National Employment Guarantee
Act". If this step is delayed, the CMP will lose
its credibility. We suggest that an Employment
Guarantee Act should be enacted within three
months. To facilitate this goal we are enclosing
a draft National Rural Employment Guarantee Act,
prepared by a group of concerned citizens for
purposes of public discussion. (See enclosures
for details.)
Forced displacement: All acts of state terror
against the people should come to an end. This
calls in particular for stopping brutal evictions
of people from their land or homes, such as the
eviction of tribal communities from forest land
and forced displacement of project-affected
people. As we meet today, thousands of people
are being forcibly evicted from their homes in
Harsud (Madhya Pradesh) and elsewhere, using the
most inhuman methods. Lakhs of people have also
been brutally evicted from "forest land" over the
years. Recent events suggest that the terror
continues, despite the CMP's promise that
"eviction of tribal communities and other
forest-dwelling communities from forest areas
will be discontinued". A comprehensive
rehabilitation policy needs to be urgently drawn
up, aimed at avoiding all violence, minimizing
displacement, and ensuring justice to displaced
people. (See enclosures for details.)
Aruna Roy Jean Drèze
Enc Draft National Rural Employment Guarantee Act
Statement calling for immediate enactment of EGA
Statement from the National Campaign for the People's Right to Information
regarding minimum standards for national
legislation on the right to information
Recommendation for setting up a Commission on Displacement
Recent reports of brutal displacement in Madhya Pradesh
_____
[5]
The Telegraph
July 19, 2004
POOR CONSOLATION PRIZES
By Brinda Karat
Women's organizations may have reason to be
pleased that for the first time a Finance
Minister has actually recognised the need of
gender budgeting even if it is on the basis of
only a limited understanding of the concept.
There are three aspects of allocations for women.
The first is direct allocations mainly through
the Department for Women and Child Development
under the HRD Ministry, although other Ministries
like those of Social Empowerment, Labour, Rural
Development also have women and girl child
specific schemes. The second is through a women's
component within a general scheme applicable to
almost all Ministries which according to a
recommendation of a 1996 recommendation of the
Planning Commission should amount to one third of
allocations or alternatively, of beneficiaries.
The third is the gender differential impact of
mainstream projects and public expenditures such
as increase in access to water, sanitation and so
on which is more difficult to assess.
What is the actual record? In the only gender
budgeting exercise conducted by a group of
eminent economists for the HRD Ministry in 2002
it was found that the share of the women's
component of composite public expenditure in
total expenditure of the Central Government
showed a decline from 3.89 per cent in 1995-1996
to 2.82 per cent in 2001-2002. Of all credit
given to self-employment projects, those to
women's enterprises was less than 10 per cent.
Even according to the estimates of the Ministry
for Rural Development, women beneficiaries were
still at a low of between 11 to seventeen percent
in its projects. Given that women are the more
poor among the poor, the more discriminated among
the discriminated, the more disabled among the
disabled a massive exercise backed by adequate
funds and driven by an egalitarian vision is
essential to tackle the gross discrimination that
women face reflected in successive budgets.
It is true that Mr. Chidambram's speech with its
concern for the rural and urban poor, the
farmers, the minority communities, for the lakhs
of families in traditional sectors like the
handlooms, which involve a large number of women
is a welcome departure from the sickening India
Shining syndrome that had pushed these sections
right off the national agenda in the six years
rule of the NDA combine. The Finance Minister's
emphasis on education, housing, water, employment
would in any gender budgeting exercise merit plus
points. The two per cent cess on education in
addition to the increase in funds for elementary
education will help to expand the mid-day meal
scheme, to retain more girl children in schools
and strengthen access to education. The
redesigning of health insurance schemes including
those for self-help groups will help women if
properly implemented. The thrust given to rural
infrastructure and increased credit for farmers
is necessary to reverse the anti-farmer policies
of the previous regime which equally affected
women farmers.
However, even given that the budget was framed
within the constraints of just the six remaining
months of the year, there are several disquieting
aspects as far as women are concerned. The basic
problem is that the Finance Minister has retained
the general framework of the World Bank-IMF
blueprint of economic reform that is committed to
bringing down Government's public expenditure. So
while the speech is full of good intentions
reflective of the CMP, it is not backed up by the
necessary funds thus impacting also on women
specific schemes. Secondly, there is a wholly
inadequate appreciation of the depth of the
agrarian crisis gripping India and the terrible
conditions of distress of the rural poor
particularly poor women. Thus while the supposed
financial restrictions have been used to explain
the meager allocations say for the food for work
schemes, such restrictions have not prevented the
huge increase in defence expenditures. The stark
contrast with the rest of the allocations raise
disturbing questions of the Government's
priorities. Indeed in some cases they are
directly discriminatory towards women.
The previous regime had shown its utter
indifference if not contempt towards the issues
of poor women by leaving unutilised over 300
crores rupees of funds allocated for these
sections in the 2002-2003 budget. This became the
basis of a cut of Rs. 200 crores in the interim
budget presented by Jaswant Singh in February
this year. Instead of reversing this trend,
shockingly the Chidambram budget retains the
reduction in all the schemes related to women and
children under the HRD Ministry. In the
Integrated Child Development Scheme (ICDS) and
child care schemes, those meant for the most
vulnerable sections of society, children of the
rural poor, there is a cruel reduction of 58
crores. At present about 23 million children are
covered under the ICDS anganwadi projects whereas
close to sixty million children need the service.
There is an urgent need for redesigning and
expanding ICDS and child care services, which
require more funds not less. Women's welfare
schemes which in any case had a meager allocation
of just 212 crore rupees in the 2002-2003 budget
have been further reduced by 37 crores. There is
no rationale for doing so. On the contrary,
widows and female-headed families in low-income
groups require urgent help.
The concept of gender budgeting relates not only
to disaggregated gender based data or to
increased allocations. It also relates to the
design and focus of programmes, for example how
far do budgetary allocations help advance the
economic independence of women say through better
training programmes, easy credit facilities,
working women's hostels, child care and crèche
facilities, maternity benefits and so on. In this
respect there is hardly any difference between
the previous budgets and the present one except
for an increase in maternity benefits. Those
schemes designed to help improve women's skills
through training have received no attention. Even
the Rashtriya Mahila Kosh created as the premier
agency to provide self-employed women and groups
credit, has got just one crore rupees. The only
welcome addition however is allocations for the
rehabilitation of trafficked women, though the
concept of rehabilitation needs to be designed
keeping in view the demands and needs of the
women. Clearly women's organizations have their
job cut out for them in so far as educating the
Finance Ministry on these issues.
Another important area is that of Health. The
Health Ministry is divided into two departments,
one for general health, the second for family
welfare a euphemism for population policy related
matters. Even the design of the reproductive and
health services is more geared to the control of
women's fertility rather than concern for her low
health profile. Fortunately the emphasis this
time is not on reproductive health programmes.
The 500 crore rupees increase to the department
is partly for polio eradication, and a welcome
one third increase in maternity benefit schemes.
However the general health department gets only
an added 200 crore rupees, which is far from the
increase in health expenditure promised in the
CMP. There are around 1.37 lakh sub-centres in
rural India to provide primary health care
services. If access to minimum health care is to
be made a universal right under the commitment
"health for all" then it is these primary health
care centers that need to be strengthened, that
need trained medical personnel and medicines
rather than being used only for family planning
programmes as they are today. The Chidambram
budget has no fresh planning for these centers
and on the contrary actually reduces the
allocation by 30 lakhs.
There is an ominous message in the crucial area
of food security firmly embedded in the wholly
misconceived concept of targeting first
introduced by Mr. Chidambram in 1997 which has
virtually killed the PDS. Thus the budget instead
of moving towards universalizing the public
distribution system recommended by an earlier
Government committee and endorsed by the CMP
suggests a pilot project of further targeted
"food stamp schemes". Given the extent of
malnutrition reflected in the starvation deaths
across the country such schemes are "pilots" for
disaster. One of the most important issues before
women when they voted in the last elections was
the denial of minimum food rights by policies
followed by the NDA regime. Mr. Chidambram would
do well to hear that message.
Even as the Finance Minister has not been bold
enough either in resource allocation or in gender
affirmative action, he has raised the FDI levels
in crucial sectors which is certainly not in the
national interest and which should be reversed.
_____
[6]
Date: Sun, 18 Jul 2004 09:11:58 +0530
Subject: DETOXIFICATION OF HISTORY BOOKS
Dear friends,
The Paschim Banga Itihas Samsad and the West
Bengal College and University Teachers'
Association are jointly organising a seminar on
Rectifying Communalisation of History Textbooks:
The Urgent Tasks Ahead on 22nd July 2004 at
Darbhanga Hall, Calcutta University, at 4-30 PM.
Listed speakers include Irfan Habib, Sabyasachi
Bhattacharyya, Tapan Roychaudhuri, Shireen
Moosvi, Barun De, Amiyo Kumar Bagchi, Gautam
Chattopadhyay, Suranjan Das.
You are cordially invited to this programme.
_____
[7]
SOILED HANDS: THE PAKISTAN ARMY'S REPRESSION OF THE PUNJAB FARMERS' MOVEMENT
Report, July 21, 2004 (A 54 page report by Human Rights Watch)
URL: hrw.org/reports/2004/pakistan0704/pakistan0704.pdf
_____
[8]
Three Essays Collective has brought out a new title:
'VIEWS ON DEVELOPMENT: THE LOCAL AND THE GLOBAL IN INDIA AND PAKISTAN'
by Kristoffel Lieten.
In his eloquent style, and with an enormous
reservoir of empirical data collected from long
duration stays in villages of northern India and
Pakistan, Kristoffel Lieten gives voice to the
under-privileged. He has produced three poignant
essays, which directly address core issues in the
development discourse: the impact of the various
routes of rural development on the village
population, the attitude of men and women towards
population growth and family planning, and the
very meaning of development. He does this while
simultaneously addressing the theoretical issues
and carefully presenting the views, hopes and
dilemmas of people in rural India and Pakistan.
The essays combine academic rigour and real life
experience and will be useful for anybody
interested in development issues.
The essays are titled as follows:
1. Faltering Development and the Post-modernist Discourse
2. State and People: Village Views on Development in India and Pakistan
3. High Fertility, Education and Child Labour in Pakistan
Kristoffel Lieten is a professor at the
University of Amsterdam, where he teaches
development sociology, and where he holds the
chair of Child Labour Studies on behalf of the
International Institute of Social History. He has
been engaged in studying various aspects of South
Asian societies since the early 1970s. He has
written and edited several books on India. His
recent works deal with land reforms in West
Bengal, the functioning of panchayats in Uttar
Pradesh, child labour in South Asia and child
labour issues worldwide.
Hardcover ISBN 81-88789-17-8 Rs350 (India) Elsewhere: $25
Paperback ISBN 81-88789-16-X Rs150 (India) Elsewhere: $15
For further enquires please e-mail to info at threeessays.com
Three Essays Collective,
57-C, LIG, Motia Khan,
New Delhi 110 055 India
www.threeessays.com
---------------------------
From the flap of the book:
Kristoffel Lieten's book on the development
debate is a timely intervention that takes into
account what people themselves conceive of as
development. In an era when Third World policy
makers and ideologues are obsessed with abstract
notions of 'growth' and 'information revolutions'
under pressure from liberalizing policies of the
Western world, or the politics of 'cultural
difference' which argue for 'different needs' of
the Third world, Lieten argues that the only
viable model of development for these countries
is one that stands on the strength of democracy
and social justice.
His field studies on population growth and family
planning, fertility, child labour and schooling
are a rich source of information on what people
themselves want of their governments, and the
very important conclusion that people still look
up to the State and governments for their well
being, and are least impressed with the markets
and NGOism that today's developmentists are
obsessed with. He also underlines how much there
is in common between India and Pakistan in terms
of popular aspirations and development issues.
______
[8]
Public forum (simultaneous English/French )
TOWARDS A LASTING PEACE BETWEEN INDIA AND PAKISTAN:
Speakers:
Beena Sarwar (Senior Journalist, Karachi Pakistan)
Anuradha Bhasin Jamwal (Editor, Kashmir Times)
Daya Varma/Minoo Gundevia (Montreal CERAS)
Sponsors:
South Asia Center (CERAS), South Asia Women's Community Center (SAWCC)
and McGill Center for Research and Teaching on Women (MCRTW)
Place: Room 232 Leacock, McGill University (Corner, McTavish and
Penfield West) [Montreal]
Time: Sunday, August 1, 15.00 h (3 pm)
All welcome, Admission free
(Entrance from McTavish St. or 855 Sherbrooke West (McGill Main gate)
Bus 144 (Penfield and Peel) or 24 Sherbrooke and Peel)
Info: Daya Varma (346-9477) or Dolores Chew (485-9192) MCRTW (398-3911
press 6)
_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/
Buzz on the perils of fundamentalist politics, on
matters of peace and democratisation in South
Asia. SACW is an independent & non-profit
citizens wire service run since 1998 by South
Asia Citizens Web: www.sacw.net/
The complete SACW archive is available at:
bridget.jatol.com/pipermail/sacw_insaf.net/
South Asia Counter Information Project a sister
initiative, provides a partial back -up and
archive for SACW: snipurl.com/sacip
See also associated site: www.s-asians-against-nukes.org
DISCLAIMER: Opinions expressed in materials carried in the posts do not
necessarily reflect the views of SACW compilers.
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