SACW | 25 March 2004

[Harsh Kapoor]

South Asia Citizens Wire   |  25 March,  2004
via:  www.sacw.net


[1] Inter-Religious Relations in Pakistan: Interview with Rehman Faiz
[2] Pakistan: Response to Lala Rukh (A.H. Nayyar)
[3] V.M. Tarkunde: Father of Civil Liberties in India (Prashant Bhushan)
[4] India: Condolence  meeting in memory  of 
V.M. Tarkunde (New Delhi, March 27)
[5] India: Secularism under threat (Cover story in Goan Observer)
[6] India: appeal to support 'Meri Awaz Suno' - 
Youth Aman Karwan's proposed travel across India
[7] Canada: Remembering the Gujarat Genocide - 2 
upcoming events (Montreal, March 26 and April 2)
[8] USA: Themes of Identity and Conflict in South 
Asia, 1947 to Present": a Workshop for Educators 
(Chicago, March 27)


--------------

[1]

[24 March 2004]

Inter-Religious Relations in Pakistan: Interview with Rehman Faiz

Rehman Faiz is president of the Lahore unit of 
Amnesty International. He is active in promoting 
inter-faith dialogue in Pakistan, and is the 
editor of the recently launched inter-faith 
journal 'Insight'. In this online interview with 
Yoginder Sikand he discusses the work he is 
engaged in.

Q: Could you tell us something about yourself and your work?
A: By profession, I am a marketing manager in a 
healthcare organization. Besides, I am also 
associated with some groups working for peace and 
human rights, including the Religious Peace 
Research Organization (RPRO) and the Insight 
Forum.

Q: What sort of work does the PPRO do?
A: The RPRO is working towards combatting and 
eliminating religious intolerance and extremism 
in society. It draws its inspiration from what it 
sees as the core theme of the world 
religionsó-unconditional love for humanity, 
commitment to peace and willingness to sacrifice 
for the rights of others. It arranges 
inter-religious dialogue activities to foster 
understanding and better relations between 
diverse religious and spiritual communities in 
Pakistan. Through these activities, people of 
different communities visit each otherís places 
of worship and learn about their beliefs and 
observances. In this way they are able to explore 
their own religious and spiritual teachings that 
relate to respect for people of other faiths. The 
RPRO also organizes get-togethers on the occasion 
of religious festivals, such as Eid, Christmas 
and Diwali, where people from
  different walks of life and different 
communities come together and learn about each 
otherís religions, thereby helping promote a 
sense of harmony.

In order to spread this message, the RPRO has 
recently launched a quarterly English periodical 
called ëInsightí. It contains research-based 
articles and essays on inter-communal and 
inter-religious peace and critiques of extremism. 
We have also published similar literature, in the 
form of books, in Urdu.

Q: How did you get interested in the issue of inter-faith relations?

A: I guess this has much to do with my own 
childhood. I spent my early years in Multan, a 
city of Sufis
  and saints. The teachings of Sufis prohibit 
taking the life of any innocent human being. As 
the Sufis see it, the body is the residence of 
the soul, and so the body, too, is holy. Hence, 
every person must respect and protect the dignity 
and sanctity of his or her own body and mind as 
well as that of others. As a child, I grew up in 
what was then a fairly tolerant society. For 
instance, at that time in Multan most of the 
Tazias taken out on the 10th of Muharram or 
Ashura, commemorating the martyrdom of Imam 
Hussain, were led by Sunnis. However, as I grew 
older Pakistan began witnessing the rise of 
religious extremism and even terrorism. This, in 
turn, led me to develop an interest in studying 
about religion, to seek to understand how it was 
possible for religion to be interpreted in such 
diverse, and mutually contradictory, ways.

I then began reading
  about the various world religions, as well as
philosophy and psychology. I visited mosques, 
churches, Hindu, Buddhist and Jain temples and 
Sikh gurduwaras. The outcome of this exercise, as 
I saw it, was that I discovered what I believe to 
be the many amazingly similar teachings of all 
the religions, along with both positive as well 
as destructive approaches and interpretations of 
these religions by those who claim to be their 
followers. It struck me that the various 
religions appear to be different from the 
outside, in terms of their form, but that they 
all share a common inner essence or core. The 
outer shell consists of rites, rituals, 
ceremonies, beliefs, myths and doctrines. These 
vary from one religion to another. However, there 
is an inner core common to all religions: the 
universal teachings of morality and charity, the 
importance of a disciplined and pure mind full of
  love, compassion, good will and tolerance.

Q: How do you account for the growing Shia-Sunni conflict in Pakistan today?

A: This appears to be a simple question, but its 
answer is quite complex. As I said earlier, we 
have a long history of tolerance, compassion and 
sacrifice. In the years soon after the formation 
of Pakistan in 1947, religious and sectarian 
strife was hardly heard of. However, things began 
to change in the late 1970s, when general Zia ul- 
Haq come to power and used a particular sect for 
promoting his own goals. He was supported in this 
by the USA and Saudi Arabia, which shared common 
interests and objectives with the then Pakistani 
army establishment.

At exactly the same time, the Shia Islamic 
revolution took place in neighbouring Iran, which 
had a major influence on the Shia population of 
Pakistan as well. Meanwhile, the establishmentís 
support for the Deobandi sect as a sort of 
official Islam led, as a reaction, to the 
formation of the Tehrik-e Nifaz-e Fiqh-e 
Jaffria(TNFJ)in April 1979, by the Shias of 
Pakistan under the joint initiative of Mufti 
Jafar Hussain and Allama Syed Mohammad Rizvi. In 
order to display its strength, the TNFJ organised 
a massive demonstration of Shias in Islamabad in 
July 1980. It was the first demonstration of its 
type by the Shias in the history of the country. 
Following this, the Anjuman Sipah-e Sahaba (later 
called the Sipah-e Sahaba Pakistan or SSP) was 
set up in 1984, with the support of the then 
Pakistani establishment, in order to counter the 
rising force of certain Shia groups, who were 
said to have been backed by the
  Iranian intelligence. The sympathy of many Shias 
towards the Bhutto family helped set off alarm 
bells in the higher circles of the Pakistani 
government. Equally worried were forces like the 
USA and Saudi Arabia.

Haq Nawaz Jhangvi, a semi-educated khateeb who 
had received his religious education at the Darul 
Uloom, Kabirwala and the Khair-ul Madaris, 
Multan, was the founder of the SSP. To begin 
with, the SSP was not a violent organization, but 
within a few years it merged as a brutal outfit, 
leading to a major escalation of Shia-Sunni 
violence. Outside forces also supported and 
funded Shia-Sunni discord to achieve their goals. 
This has been recognized by several Pakistani 
scholars themselves. The daily "Nation", in a 
report published on 20 January, 1995,quoting a 
confidential report of the Home Department of 
Punjab, stating:
ì[Under Zia], the Saudi Government started 
backing the Deobandi school  of thought and, in 
the wake of the Afghan war, supplied funds and 
arms to the Deobandis. Indirectly, the USA and a 
few other Western countries also supported the 
SSP to counter the growing Shia and Iranian 
influence in this regionî.

In other words, sectarian violence in Pakistan is 
actually not a matter of some supposed innate 
intolerance among the Sunnis and Shiites. Rather, 
it is rooted in a complex web of social, 
political and economic factors, internal as well 
as external.

Q: What do you feel about do you feel about the 
way the government has handled the issue of 
Shia-Sunni
  strife?

A: Many governments have come and gone in 
Pakistan since the early 1980s, and one can 
discern somewhat different responses by different 
governments as far as this issue is concerned. On 
the whole, one could say that the governments 
have had little interest in seriously solving 
this question of burning concern. Rather, they 
seem to have been more interested in promoting 
their own interests in their handling of 
sectarian strife or similar sorts of problems. 
For instance, the Mohajir Qaumi Movement [later 
renamed as the Muttahida Qaumi Movement (MQM)] 
was set up in the 1980s by Altaf Hussain in order 
to counter the activities of the Sindu Desh 
movement under the late G.M. Syed, as well as to 
undermine the popularity of Benazir Bhutto and 
her Pakistan People's Party (PPP). When the MQM 
went out of the control of the establishment 
during the first term of
  Prime Minister Benazir Bhutto (1988-90), the 
establishment tried to weaken Altaf Hussain's 
popularity amongst the Mohajirs by trying to 
divide the Sunni and Shia migrants from UP and 
Bihar. But after failing to do this, a splinter 
group of the MQM was set up, the MQM 
Haqiqi(Real)in order to counter the MQM.

Q: What made the SSP and similar groups take to the path of violence?

A: The SSP was armed, and its activists were 
trained and then inducted into Afghanistan in 
order to fight against the Russians. Among other 
Deobandi jihadi organizations involved in the war 
against the Soviets in Afghanistan were the 
Harkat ul-Jihad al-Islami(HUJI) and the Harkat-ul 
Mujahideen (HUM), which are considered to be the 
offspring of the SSP. Likewise, the Jaish-e
  Mohammad (JEM), which was formed in 2000 through 
an apparent division in the HUM.

In 1988, the Iranian intelligence, it is said, 
encouraged the Shias of Gilgit in the Northern 
Areas to rise in revolt and demand the creation 
of a separate ëKarakoramí province for the Shias. 
General Zia inducted jihadi tribal hordes into 
Gilgit, where they carried out a large-scale 
massacre of the Shias. Moreover, the SSP of 
Punjab was allowed to open an office in Gilgit, 
to rally round the Sunnis in the area against the 
Shias. This resulted in the spread of sectarian 
terrorism to the Northern Areas, before which it 
had limited mainly to Punjab and the NWFP. Then, 
in 1994, Alaf Hussainís MQM re-organized itself 
in interior Sindh. To counter this, the SSP, 
which had been largely restricted to Punjab, was 
inducted into Sindh in order to reinforce the 
position of MQM (H). This
  resulted in the spread of sectarian terrorism to Sindh as well.

Q: What do you have to say about the role of the 
present Pakistani government in countering 
sectarian strife?

A: As far as the current government is concerned, 
it appears to have taken some solid steps in a 
positive direction, including proscription of 
violent sectarian groups and imprisonment of many 
of their activists. This is one of the outcomes 
of the decision of General Pervez Musharraf to 
take part in the US led ëwar against terrorismí. 
The decision has totally changed Pakistanís 
foreign policy, which has also impacted on the 
way in which Pakistan relates to Afghanistan and 
Iran, besides also having a positive influence on 
India-Pakistan
  relations.

The current upsurge of sectarian violence, 
especially in Balochistan, does not seem related 
to any ëinternal agendaí of the government. Such 
violence does not provide any strategic benefit 
to the government. On the contrary, it badly 
harms its own policy. To me it seems perhaps a 
result of the dejection that violent groups in 
Afghanistan and along the Pakistan-Afghan border 
are today facing. This may also be a reaction to 
what they see as Shia support to the USA, 
especially in Afghanistan and Iraq. Whatever the 
reason might be, it is the duty of the government 
of Pakistan to provide protection and security to 
all its citizens. Repeated violence of the same 
sort and at the same places clearly points to 
major loopholes in the governmental system and 
gross negligence, which need to be urgently 
addressed.

Q: How do you feel Shia-Sunni relations in 
Pakistan will unfold in the near future?

A: We are going through a very crucial period, 
when the world is undergoing major changes. The 
complex roots of Shia-Sunni sectarian violence, 
the influence of external Islamist groups, the 
new international agenda and a whole host of 
other internal and external factors do not 
suggest the possibility of an immediate peace 
being established in this regard. However, if we 
look at the other side of things, we do have a 
lot to be optimistic about, such as the positive 
intentions of the current government and the 
emerging support for peace among many young 
Pakistanis. People all over the world are now in 
closer contact with others. I hope this will 
provide people of different communities the 
chance to know
  the ideas, beliefs and approaches of others in a 
better way. We must have to struggle hard for 
this, however, for a world of religious peace, 
free from inter-sectarian and inter-religious 
extremism and hatred.

Q: What do you feel about the role of madrasas 
and the ulema in promoting Shia-Sunni conflict in 
Pakistan?

A: Madrasas have played a major role in the rise 
of Shia-Sunni sectarian intolerance in Pakistan. 
In 1947, there were around 245 madrasas in 
Pakistan. In April 2002, Dr. Mahmood Ahmed Ghazi, 
the Minister of Religious Affairs, put the number 
of madrasas in the country at 10,000, with some 
1.7 million students. In an analysis paper for 
the Brookings Institution in 2001, P.W. Singer 
estimated the number of madrasas in the country at
  45,000, although he did not cite any source for this.

Both Shias and Sunnis have their own separate 
madrasas. Since the Sunnis form the majority of 
the population of Pakistan, Sunni madrasas are 
far more numerous. Among the Sunnis, the three 
major maslaks (schools of thought), the 
Deobandis, the Barelvis and the Ahl-e Hadith 
(Salafis), as well as the Jamaíat-e Islami, have 
their own separate madrasas. The number of 
madrasas in the country increased rapidly during 
General Zia ul-Haqís rule (1977-1988). In the 
course of the war in Afghanistan against the 
Soviets, the United States sent in money, arms 
and ammunition to Afghan fighters, and much of 
this found its way to several madrasas. The Saudi 
organization, Harmain Islamic Foundation, is said 
to have generously helped the Ahl-e Hadith, 
because of which it emerged as a powerful force. 
The Lashkar-e Tayyaba, an
  organization that had been active in fighting in 
Afghanistan and Kashmir, is associated with the 
Ahl-e Hadith. In recent years, the influence of 
the Deobandis has also increased, as the Taliban 
were trained in their seminaries. It should be 
remembered that the number of Deobandi madrasas 
is the highest, and they are thought to be the 
basic source of manpower and resources for 
anti-Shia vehemence in Pakistan.

Q: How do ordinary Pakistanis, both Shias and 
Sunnis, see each other?  Is the Shia-Sunni 
conflict more at the level of the ulema or is it 
deeply rooted among the general populace?

A: As I have described earlier, Shias and Sunnis 
have been living together in considerable harmony 
for centuries,
  and this has also led to a considerable blurring 
of boundaries in terms of several shared 
religious practices. In many parts of Pakistan it 
is still a common practice for Sunnis to 
participate in the observances of Muharram, 
including tazia processions and majalis (lectures 
devoted to the theme of the martyrdom of Imam 
Hussain). Often, Sunnis set up sabils 
(water-stalls)for Shia mourners (azadaran) who 
participate in the mourning processions. 
Furthermore, many Sufi saints, whose shrines are 
found all over Pakistan, have worked in the area 
for centuries to preach the message of universal 
love and compassion.  Because of this, they have 
always enjoyed the love and respect of people of 
all religions and sects.

Except for a very small minority, there are no 
social differences between common Shias and 
Sunnis. Hence, one
  can confidently claim that Shia-Sunni conflict 
is limited to a fraction of the ulema and some of 
their followers, and that it is not widespread 
and deep-rooted among the common people.

Q: In which parts of Pakistan is the conflict more acute and why?

A: In the early 1980s incidents of sectarian 
violence occurred  primarily in the interior of 
Punjab, especially in the areas of Jhang, Multan, 
Bahawalpur, and Muzaffar Garh, etc.. However, 
with the passage of time it spread to other major 
cities such as Lahore, Rawalpindi, Faisalabad, 
Quetta and Sargodha. There have also been 
incidents of Shia-Sunni violence in Peshawar, 
Gilgit and Karachi. Today, the areas of acute 
sensitivity are Quetta, Jhang,
  Lahore, Faisalabad, Multan and Bahawalpur.

Q: How do you feel Shia-Sunni dialogue can be promoted?

A: There is an urgent need to promote the idea of 
Shia-Sunni dialogue and partnership at the level 
of the ulema. This should be based on the 
acceptance by both groups of each other, which, 
in turn, must be rooted in the recognition that 
there are no basic differences between among them 
on fundamental issues, including the basic 
principles of Islam. Shias and Sunnis share the 
same basic tenets, and most of the differences 
relate, in fact, to differences that naturally 
occur among mujtahids regarding some rules that 
they derive from the Quran or the Sunnah.

Being a major source of religious extremism and 
tolerance, it is vital that the ulema be won over 
to the idea of peaceful dialogue. For this, a 
forum must be formed to bring religious leaders 
from different sects and communities to promote 
bridges of understanding and mutual acceptance. 
It should work at both the inter-sectarian as 
well as the inter-religious levels. We at the 
RPRO are trying to do this in our own small way, 
with the recent launching of the ëInsight Forumí 
as a sister concern of the RPRO. The initiative 
has been appreciated and welcomed by 
representatives of different religions and 
schools of thought. Further, we plan to help form 
peace societies among students and youth that 
would arrange camps to promote peace and harmony 
on religious occasions like Eid, Christmas, 
Diwali, Muharram and the ëurs festivals of 
various Sufi saints. However, I think all of 
these initiatives are just a small drop in the 
ocean in the face of the intensity
  of the crisis that we are faced with at the 
global, regional and national levels.

Q: What plans do you have for your organization in the future?

A: As I have just described, despite our 
initiatives and all our plans, we are still a 
very weak and small organization. The most 
positive thing that we have achieved so far, 
however, is appreciation and recognition from 
many people. This gives us great hope and 
strength, for, after all, every great thing that 
has happened in the world started from just a 
single step. All our expenses have been met by 
contributions from our members themselves. This 
is, again, I believe, a very positive thing since 
we havenít established the RPRO as a routine 
project-based organization. However, with the 
increasing
  appreciation and acceptance of our work, we need 
to extend the canvass of our activities. We 
cordially invite groups and organizations to get 
in touch with us, to join hands for the promotion 
of inter-religious peace.

Readers who would like to get in touch with 
Rehman Faiz, may write to him on 
<rehmanfaiz2003 at yahoo.com> He offers to send any 
organization or individual working for 
inter-faith dialogue and peace a free copy of the 
current issue of the 'Insight' journal.


_____

[2]

Date: Wed, 24 Mar 2004 20:52:46 +0500

Dear [...],

I am writing this in reference to the letter below from Lalarukh circulated
[via SACW] on March 23.

As one of the compilers of the report The Subtle Subversion (TSS), let me
clarify a few things.

1. We never claimed that ours was the first ever or the only study pointing
out the malaise in the educational material.

2. We highly value the scholarship of Professor K. K. Aziz, Dr. Mubarak Ali
and Dr. Rubina Saigol, and hold them in high esteem. The latter two are
close friends.

3. TSS cites the works of Professor K. K. Aziz, Dr. Rubina Saigol and Dr.
Mubarak Ali at several places, giving a clear indication that their work
precedes TSS. It never tried to take credit for being the sole pointer to
the problems in the educational material.

4. Dr. Rubina Saigol was indeed a member of the team that conducted the
study for TSS. The collective contribution was eventually compiled in the
form of essays contributed by those who could. SDPI would have been honoured
if Dr. Rubina Saigol could spare some time to write a chapter.
Unfortunately, she was very busy and declined the offer.

5. The work of pointing out material from curriculum documents and textbooks
was indeed very original because we looked into the latest documents and
books, and all 30 of us in the project together did this exercise. Earlier
works had looked at earlier material.

6. That this compilation has caught more public attention than more
scholarly works done earlier can perhaps be explained by its timing. It came
out during the time when the particular phenomenon of religious extremism
was in focus.

7. A contributed volume appears only in the name of its editors and not in
the name of those also whose chapters it contains. Ahmed Salim and I do not
even claim to be the editors. On the cover of TSS, we mention ourselves as
compilers of the report, let alone authors.

I hope this clarifies the points raised by Lalarukh. While we are engaged in
a serious contest with obscurantism and militant fundamentalism, issues of
such fine details as raised by Lalarukh can only be distracting and
energy-sapping. Let us join hands in making a final push to oust the
orthodoxy, at least from the educational scene.

[A.H.] Nayyar


_____


[3]

[March 24, 2004]

V.M. Tarkunde: Father of Civil Liberties in India

By Prashant Bhushan

With the passing away of Mr Tarkunde, India has 
lost the father of the Civil Liberties movement 
in the country.  He died on March 21 after a 
brief illness at the ripe age of 94. Till the 
very end, despite his failing health, which had 
confined him virtually to his house for the last 
year or so, he worked and wrote tirelessly for 
the causes that he held dear, particularly the 
cause of Civil Liberties.

I first met Mr Tarkunde in 1976 during the 
Emergency, when Civil Liberties had been 
extinguished and the Habeas Corpus case was being 
heard by the Supreme Court, which would decide 
whether one could even approach the courts 
against illegal detention by the State, during 
the Emergency.  At a time when even four out of 
five judges of the Supreme Court succumbed and 
got intimidated into holding that fundamental 
rights and Civil Liberties got eclipsed during an 
Emergency, Mr Tarkunde with the blessings of JP 
founded the People's Union for Civil Liberties 
(PUCL). From then on, till he  died, he worked 
with exemplary courage, dedication and personal 
integrity, for the cause of Civil Liberties and 
human rights in the country, even when it was 
hazardous and not fashionable. The assault on 
Civil Liberties and human rights did not end with 
the end of the Emergency.  The assaults were 
relentless and resurfaced in different forms, in 
different parts of the country-in Kashmir, 
Punjab, the Northeast and indeed most other parts 
of the country-with various draconian laws like 
TADA, POTA, the Armed Forces Special Powers Act 
etc. And, he fought relentlessly against every 
form of human rights abuse, not hesitating to say 
what he believed in, even if that offended some 
of his friends.  He was one of the first 
outsiders to speak on behalf of the Kashmiri 
people, saying that they had the right of 
plebiscite.

When the anti-Sikh riots shook the country after 
Mrs Gandhi's assassination, he led a team of 
lawyers to the very heart of places where the 
carnage was taking place, in an attempt to stop 
the carnage. He refused to be cowed down even 
when he was threatened with arrest and his book 
exposing the human rights abuses in Punjab had 
been banned.

  What distressed him most however was the rise of 
communal fascism in India with the growth of the 
RSS/BJP and allied organisations of the Sangh 
Parivar.  He could clearly see what was coming 
with the demolition of the Babri Masjid. He told 
me at that very time that the BJP and the Sangh 
Parivar represented forces of fascism which would 
not tolerate Civil Liberties in this country.  He 
asked me to read "Escape from Freedom" by Erich 
Fromm which dealt with the psychological roots of 
fascism, in order to understand the psychology of 
members of the Sangh.  He was particularly 
disappointed with some of his erstwhile friends 
and colleagues from the Civil Liberties movement 
who had become the prominent intellectuals, 
rationalisers, and influential members of the 
government led by the Sangh Parivar.  It was 
difficult for him to get over the fact that he 
had once made Arun Shourie, a general secretary 
of the PUCL! Given his prescience and 
understanding of the methods and psychology of 
the Parivar, I'm sure that he foresaw the Gujarat 
carnage well before it took place.  With the 
increasing stranglehold on power of the BJP and 
its allied organisations, the manner in which 
communalism was being spread with State support, 
and the manner in which POTA had been used, he 
was deeply worried about the future of Civil 
Liberties and democracy in this country, at the 
time of his death.

As a founder member of the Committee on Judicial 
Accountability, he actively worked for the cause 
of judicial accountability till the end.  He had 
also founded the Centre for Public Interest 
Litigation, to take up public interest litigation 
in a systematic manner with proper research. 
Since I was looking after the Centre for several 
years, I recently wrote to him informing him of 
the recent activities of the Centre and seeking a 
small donation for the Centre.  He promptly sent 
a cheque of  Rs. 20,000, and said that though he 
had not been able to attend the meetings of the 
Centre because of his health recently, he was 
very happy with its activities.  I had decided to 
go and meet him immediately after I received this 
letter.  Unfortunately however, I kept putting 
off the meeting, not knowing that he was 
particularly unwell and in fact in the hospital, 
which I learnt about only when he passed away.  I 
will never be able to forgive myself for this 
procrastination. I hope that someday all the 
people in this country will realise the enormous 
debt that they owe to this one man.


_____

[4]

CONDOLENCE   MEETING

IN MEMORY  OF
COMRADE  V.M. TARKUNDE

(3rd July,1909 -22nd March,2004)

Saturday, the 27th March,2004

At  5.30 PM

At
Gandhi Peace Foundation,
223, Deen Dayal Upadhyay Marg,New Delhi [India]

    PUCL, Manav Ekta Abhiyan,Citizens For 
Dmocracy,  Champa-The Amiya & B.G.Rao 
Foundation,Forum For Democracy &   Communal 
Amity, Minorities Council,Human Rights Trust, 
Co-ordination Committee on Kashmir,Committee 
against Communalism  Indian Renaissance 
Institute, Indian Radical Humanist Association

_____

[5]

Goan Observer [India]
March 20-26, 2004

Utt Goenkara!
Secularism under threat

The choice before the people in the Parliamentary elections is between a
corrupt Congress and an equally corrupt and rabidly communal Bharatiya
Janata Party. Tragically it is the senior leaders of the minority
community who are colluding and conniving to further the designs of the
BJP. RAJAN NARAYAN warns that voting for the lotus will endanger the
unique tradition of communal harmony and fusion which is Goa's most
cherished and precious legacy.


THE BJP LOTUS has no doubt bloomed and blossomed in Goa because
successive Congress regimes have reduced the State to a cesspool of
corruption and political opportunism. But the BJP lotus in the State is
also tainted by the same brush. A party and a political leader who swore
by clean politics and good governance has made a mockery of both. The
BJP was not elected to power in the State, contrary to what the Chief
Minister Manohar Parrikar claims. The party grabbed power by cynically
engaging in the same kind of toppling games that it had accused the
Congress of indulging in.

The BJP and its fascist leader Manohar Parrikar swore by good
governance. During his first tenure in office, and even while he was
plotting and scheming to grab power, he wore the mask of being a
moderate among the hawks who dominated the BJP. The mask has fallen
apart and recently the highest Court in the State itself confirmed our
repeated charges that the BJP government in the State has been
systematically and consistently discriminating against the minorities in
recruitment to government jobs including the police force.

'Mr. Clean' Manohar Parrikar has displayed an infinite tolerance for
corruption engaged in by his ministerial colleagues. Instead of
responding to charges that his government has extended undue favors to
his kith and kin, the Chief Minister sought to silence the entire media
in the State. The man who professed humility and promised transparency
has turned into a despot. Who believes he knows best what is good for
the people as dramatized by his persistent refusal to take even elected
members of the Corporation of the City of Panjim, let alone citizens
into confidence about his grandiose plans for converting Panjim into a
Singapore. The fascist streak in him was exposed in his approach to the
High Court?s directives on the rehabilitation of the sex workers of
Baina. The Chief Minister has been talking of 'erasing Baina'.

The pond in which the lotus has flourished in the country and in Goa is
full of the blood of the victims of the holocaust unleashed by Narendra
Modi during the post-Godhra riots. The Supreme Court has concurred with
the perception of secularists that the Modi government in Gujarat has
connived in the intimidation of witnesses and the subversion of justice
to the victims of the post-Godhra riots. The road to the Modit-visation
of Gujarat and the country began in Goa at the meeting of the BJP
executive committee held in Goa in the year 2001. It was at this meeting
that the hardliners in the BJP, headed by L.K. Advani, demanded the
return of the party to the hardcore fundamentalist line.

MASTERS OF DECEPTION
THE BJP PARTY has proved to be masters of deception. For strategic
reasons, they downplayed controversial issues like Ayodhya during the
Assembly elections in Rajasthan, Madhya Pradesh and Delhi. But on
achieving power, the new BJP Chief Minister in Madhya Pradesh, Uma
Bharati, lost no time in pursuing the Hindutva agenda. Heading her list
of priorities has been the holy cow and the holding of a massive Kumbh
Mela type yagna in Ujjain. At a recent interview, during the course of
the rath yatra, the Union Home Minister L.K. Advani made no bones about
his close association with the RSS and his commitment to Hindutva.

The BJP in Goa has been engaged in systematically polarizing Goan
society on communal lines. It has been as assiduous in promoting
corruption as predecessor Congress regimes. It has been as ruthless and
manipulative as the Congress has been in the past. The myth of good
governance promised by Manohar Parrikar has long since been exploded.
There is no doubt in our minds that if the BJP wins both the
Parliamentary seats in Goa, it will redouble its efforts to impose its
not-so-hidden agenda on Goa as it is done in other parts of the country.
The first and immediate target of the saffron brigade will be the
minorities. That is why it is imperative that all secular forces in the
State should come together to stop the saffron plague.

BATTLE LINES DRAWN
THE CONGRESS IS no doubt mired in corruption and bitter inter-personal
rivalry in the State. The senior leaders of the Congress who have looted
and plundered the State are vulnerable and are being blackmailed by the
Chief Minister Manohar Parrikar. Regrettably, leaders of the minority
community belonging to other Opposition groups like the Nationalist
Congress and the UGDP have chosen to collaborate and collude with the
BJP in their own personal interests. We can understand the
disillusionment and the disenchantment of the people of Goa with the
Congress. But in the run up to the Parliamentary elections, the key
issue is what is more dangerous? A corrupt Congress or a fascist,
communal BJP? Goa?s USP has been its tradition of communal harmony and
fusion. If this is destroyed it will be the death knell of Goa.

The battle lines are drawn. The Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) has
announced its candidates for both the North Goa and the South Goa
Parliamentary seats. Shripad Naik, the sitting Member of Parliament from
North Goa and Ramakant Angle, his counterpart in South Goa, have both
been renominated. The BJP has already begun campaigning earnestly. Even
aggressively and vehemently. Mini-raths bearing larger than life
pictures of the candidates with the Prime Minister Vajpayee and the Home
Minister L.K. Advani have already started doing the rounds. Late on
Saturday evening, when I returned home, there was a huge mobile hoarding
parked right on the Dona Paula circle exhorting support for Shripad
Naik.

Long before the official announcement of the candidates, the BJP had
already begun the preparatory work. Scores of computer programmers from
Mumbai have been analyzing the electoral rolls. And interpreting them
with the help of the BJP and RSS cadres at the constituency and even the
booth level. The BJP has formed booth level committees which are
expected to play the most crucial role in the campaign. The booth level
committees are armed with detailed information. The community and
caste-wise break-up of the voters. In the case of minority community
voters, details have been provided as to how many are away in the Gulf,
how many are at sea and how many will actually exercise their franchise.
The few Muslim minority pockets in Margao and elsewhere have also been
identified. Digambar Kamat, in any case, has been wooing the Muslim
population of Margao for quite some time now.

The cadres of the BJP and the Sangh Parivar at the constituency level,
the taluka level and even the booth level, have precise data on the
number of migrant workers, the number of slums, the identity of the slum
lords. The number of Scheduled Caste and Scheduled Tribe workers. The
number of voters who have benefited from the Dayanand old age pension
scheme. The names of those who have been given jobs in the police and
other departments in the recruitments carried out since Manohar Parrikar
became the Chief Minister. The names of those who have completed their
pre-employment training and the others who are in the process of being
trained. No party in Goa has bothered to keep itself as well informed of
the minutest details of the electorate as the BJP has done in the run up
to the current election.

The information will be used efficiently and ruthlessly. The BJP
think-tank has it all worked out. How many votes need to be paid for?
How many voters can be intimidated into supporting the BJP candidates?
Who are the parish priests and the maulvis who are sympathetic or at
least neutral? How many of them can be induced to support the BJP
candidates by gifts in cash or kind. Just as importantly, how many of
the hostile voters can be kept away from the polling stations. How bogus
votes can be cast in the names of those who will not be able to exercise
their franchise because they are away on a ship or working abroad.
Nothing has been left to chance. Not even the responses of the
Opposition. In fact, it is becoming increasingly obvious that the BJP is
dictating and orchestrating the behaviour of its Trojan horses in the
Opposition.

I understand that the initial proposal that the Congress should abdicate
the North Goa seat and instead offer it to the MGP geminated from the
fertile and energetic imagination of Manohar Parrikar. It was Manohar
Parrikar?s agent in the Congress Party, the Leader of Opposition (LOO),
Pratapsing Raoji Rane who most vigorously promoted the suggestion that
the Congress should support an MGP candidate in North Goa. There was
considerable pressure on Pratapsing Raoji Rane to accept the Congress
nomination for the North Goa Parliamentary seat. Pratapsing Rane is
painfully aware of the consequences of entering into a confrontation
with Manohar Parrikar. As in the case of everyone else, Parrikar has a
detailed dossier on Rane?s family, particularly his son, Vish-wajit
Rane. Unfortunately for Rane, his rivals within the Congress Party
exposed the conspiracy. Sonia Gandhi, on being told why Rane was so
enthusiastic about sacrificing the seat to the MGP, apparently vetoed
the plan.

SOUTH FIASCO
IN THE SOUTH, the BJP is aware of the fact that it cannot hope to win
unless it splits the minority vote. And Radharao Gracias and Francisco
Montecruz were only too willing to oblige the saffron brigade. A deal
was struck with Radharao. Montecruz had no choice but to fall in with
the gang. He has too much at stake. He owes a lot of money to the EDC.
He has been more than a little remiss in paying his excise duties for
his Belo beer. So it was decided that Monte-cruz will aid and abet the
BJP in splitting the minority vote. But apparently in the wake of the
exposure of the conspiracy by the Goan Observer, Parrikar wants to make
doubly sure that the BJP candidate Ramakant Angle will win. Parrikar is
aware that Angle is a weak candidate. He has not bothered to keep in
touch with his constituents. His performance in Parliament has been
pathetic. So Parrikar has been trying to spread further confusion in the
opposition camp or rather the Congress camp. With the help of his other
Trojan horse Dr. Wilfred D'Souza. I understand that it was Parrikar who
has been instigating the senile NCP chief into making periodic
statements about the seat sharing arrangement with the Congress at the
national level. With the implied threat that Dr. Wilfred D'Souza will
stake his claim to the South Goa Parliamentary seat. Curiously, even
after the Congress Party made an official announcement on Churchill
Alemao?s candidature in South Goa, Willy continues to claim that the
issue is still open. Cleary the strategy is to confuse and demoralize
Churchill Alemao and the Congress Party.

In the South, the BJP strategy is to divide and rule. Split the minority
vote to attempt to ensure that a lacklustre candidate like Ramakant
Angle is able to retain his seat. The BJP will also put maximum pressure
on its other allies in the South. Micky Pacheco has already committed
himself to campaigning vigorously for the BJP candidate, not only in
Benaulim, but in Curtorim and Loutolim as well. Which has provoked an
uncharacteristically sharp response from Alex Sequeira, the sitting MLA
from Loutolim who has just stopped short of calling Micky a buffoon.
Mathany is being a little more discreet, but has been singing the
praises of Parrikar and will no doubt throw his weight behind Ramakant
Angle. So will Felipe Neri, the independent MLA from Velim who is a
member of the Parrikar cabinet. So the going seems a little tough for
the official Congress candidate Churchill Alemao. Made even tougher by
the fact that there are many within the Congress Party who are likely to
work against him.

A CAKEWALK
IN THE North, it would appear a cakewalk for Shripad Naik. The great
advantage that Shripad Naik has is that everyone, even people in the
Opposition, like him. In fact it is almost impossible to dislike Shripad
Naik. He is a simple person. And power has not gone to his head. He has
retained his humility. Shripad never throws his weight around. Even when
he was physically attacked by some young men close to his residence who
were angry with him for overtaking and the manner in which he was
driving his car, the Union minister did not press charges against them.
Even though he was quite badly battered and bruised. Shripad is as
popular and liked as Manohar Parrikar is unpopular and disliked. Shripad
always or almost always comes on time for the functions he is supposed
to preside over. When he is the host, he is there to greet even the
early bird. Unlike Manohar Parrikar who thinks nothing of coming two
hours later, even at functions where he is the host.

Shripad?s simplicity, genuine humility and good humor, makes up for his
other lapses. Shripad is not considered particularly efficient or
effective. He has been shuffled around like a pack of cards in the
Central cabinet. He began with agriculture, was shifted to shipping,
zoomed up into the skies as Minister of State for Aviation, came down
literally to earth as Minister of State for Surface Transport, and now
occupies the position of Minister of State for Finance. Shripad was
moved around, not because of his competence. On the contrary, he kept
getting moved from ministry to ministry because the Prime Minister was
aware that his presence or absence would make no difference to the
ministry. At the same time, nobody wanted to drop him from the ministry
altogether. He is too sweet a person to hurt.

Shripad has another major advantage when it comes to retaining the North
Goa seat. I understand that the Bhandari Samaj is fully behind him. He
apparently, even has the blessing of the Bhandari Swamy based in Marcel.
There was apparently a secret conclave of prominent leaders of the
Bhandari Samaj about a week ago. At which Ravi Naik, the prospective
Congress candidate, was told to lay off. It was apparently pointed out
to him that courtesy Shripad Naik, the Bhandari Samaj had representation
in the Central cabinet. And the probability being that the BJP coalition
will come back to power, the Bhandari Samaj would like Shripad to be
re-elected. It was pointed out to Ravi Naik that during the Assembly
elections, the Samaj had backed him against Shripad Naik. Ravi Naik?s
reluctance to contest is not because if his alleged medical problems.
Ravi does not want to be accused of splitting the Bhandari Samaj. He
will need their support when it comes to the Assembly polls. As far as
the Bhandaris are concerned, it suits them to have one leg in the BJP
and the other in the Congress.

As of now, all indications are that the BJP will have little or no
problem retaining the North Goa seat. And if all the good Christaos fail
to see through the selfish Judas games of all those who are seeking to
split the minority vote, the BJP may bag the South Goa seat as well.
Even if the Christaos in South Goa do not fall a prey to the
machinations of Radha, Monte and Willy, there is still a problem. It
takes money to win an election and a lot of it. The BJP is flush with
funds. Winning the two Goa Parliamentary seats is a matter of prestige,
not only for Manohar Parrikar but for his mentor, Pramod Mahajan. A lot
of the BJP top brass believes that it is Goa that led the way to the
resurgence of the Party. So even if industrialists and builders in Goa
are reluctant to part with money, Mahajan will ensure that there will be
no paucity of funds.

PAUCITY OF FUNDS
CONVERSELY, the Congress has a serious problem with money. Churchill is
virtually bankrupt. During his time, Churchill made a lot of money. But
he has also given away a lot of money. There are many senior Congress
leaders who made a lot of money. None of them however are willing to
part with any of it. As far as the Congress High Command is concerned,
it has never been very generous with money. At least in the case of Goa,
the High Command representatives have extorted money from prospective
candidates, but never brought in any money for ensuring the victory of
Congress candidates. Unlike the BJP High Command, the Congress High
Command does not take Goa seriously. The State has just two seats. So
why waste time and effort which could be more productively used in
neighboring Maharashtra or Karnataka for instance.

The Congress campaign is yet to get underway. So far, the campaign
comprises only of press conferences. And since senior Congress leaders
have very little new to say in every successive press conference, even
the media is losing interest. The Congress has set up a think tank
headed by Uday Bhembre, along with people like N. Shivdas and other
luminaries. The think-tank has yet to start thinking. If the BJP wins,
it will not be because the people want the BJP. Or that the BJP is the
stronger party. If the BJP wins, it will be because the Congress did not
even make a pretense of putting up a fight. And because the minorities
were taken on by Manohar Parrikar?s false claims of transparent and good
governance.


______

[6]

A venture which MUST be supported.

Best wishes

Ram Puniyani

(EKTA)

To: anhadinfo at yahoo.co.in
Subject: YOUTH AMAN KARWAN

'Meri Awaz Suno' - A Proposed Programme

Dear Friends,

We had circulated the first information about 
this programme on the net. It has not reached 
everyone.

This is an appeal to support the programme.

Youth for Peace (Anhad) is proposing to undertake 
the programme 'Meri Awaz Suno' - Youth Aman 
Karwan travels across India.

A group of 30-35 young students (15-20 yrs) 
propose to travel all over India, connect with 
other young people, address press conferences and 
emphasise that ìAs young people, as the future 
generation of India, we believe in love, communal 
harmony, justice and peace.  We have been pained 
at the systematic spreading of hatred in the 
society and we definitely want an India , where 
people live in peace with each other, they donot 
ëtolerateí each other but respect and love 
others. We appeal to the people of India to 
defeat the forces of hatred and communalism.î

Anhadís Youth for Peace group in Delhi and 
Ahmedabad would be taking part in this aman 
karwan but we are keen to have youth from other 
states, organizations participate in it. We 
definitely expect the young people who want to 
participate to be articulate, to be working 
against hatred. This is definitely an 
anti-communal platform and would not mince words 
about saying so.

We sincerely believe that we would be able to 
connect the young people across India during this 
process and form an all India network of youth, 
which would actively work for communal harmony.

We had worked out a route which was circulated 
earlier but we are reworking the route. The 
karwan would most probably start from Gujarat 
from the first week of April, 2004 and move on 
two or three different routes, covering almost 
all the states. The route would be ready by 30th 
of this month in consultation with local 
organisations.

The total approximate budget for the travel is 
about 5 lakhs. It would cover the cost of 4 
qualis vans, each covering 8,000kms each, cost of 
food on the way and any emergency situation. We 
wd be tying up with local groups for stay and 
local hospitality.

Anhad has only initiated this programme, we want 
others organizations to join in, both in terms of 
identifying the children as well as supporting 
the programme. It will be announced to the media 
as a collaborative project.

We are appealing to individuals to donate Rs. 
5000/- each (preferably or less) towards the 
project and participating organizations to 
contribute Rs. 10,000 towards it. We wd be happy 
if organizations who have more funds can 
contribute more from 50,000-1,00,000 each.

Anhad does not take foreign funds.

Sincerely
Shabnam Hashmi

______


[7]

GUJARAT Anniversary - 2 events

1) CERAS Forum
2)   Re-scheduled event from 5 March 04

1) CERAS (Centre sur l'asie du sud-South Asian Centre) Forum
"Godhra and Gujarat - silence, lies and genocide"

On 27 February 2002, a carriage of the Sabarmati 
Express carrying Hindu kar sevaks caught fire at 
Godhra station in Gujarat. 58 people died. A 
rumour spread that a Muslim mob set fire to the 
train. Starting the next day and continuing for 
two weeks, over 2,000 Muslims were massacred all 
over the state. A report by the Ahmedabad 
Forensic Science Laboratory, and evidence from 
other inquiries, all prove that the fire started 
inside the train. Yet till today the Indian 
government says that Muslims set fire to the 
train.

[L.K. Advani, Deputy Prime Minister (and Home 
Minister at the time of the massacre) "The BJP 
believes, Vajpayee-ji believes, I believe, if 
Godhra had not taken place, the subsequent riots 
would not have taken place." Bangalore, 13 March 
2004]

Why was the rumour started?
Why were thousands killed?
Why does the government of India STILL continue 
to state that the fire was started by a Muslim 
mob from outside the train?

- Screening of Subhradeep Bhattacharya's film "Godhra Tak".
- Dolores Chew, "Gujarat Visit".
  - Discussion

Friday 26 March 6-8pm, Centre for Developing-Area Studies, McGill University,
3715 Peel (just below Dr. Penfield; metro Peel). ALL WELCOME
Info: 346-9477; 485-9192
- - - -  - - - -  - - -  - - - -  - - - - -

2)Re-scheduled event from 5 March 2004. Due to a 
bomb scare the Hall Building of Concordia 
University was shut down and the event had to be 
re-scheduled.
The Gujarat Genocide Awareness Event
2 years later - We will never forget

Friday, April 2, 2004 at 7:00pm
McGill University, Leacock Building

Short movie, followed by comments by Dr.Dolores Chew.
Dr. Dolores Chew is a history teacher at 
Marianapolis College. She is a member and on the 
executive of the South Asian Women's Community 
Centre (SAWCC) and CERAS (South Asia Centre). 
Dr.Chew visited Gujarat in July 2003 and 
witnessed some of the damage first-hand. She also 
met with survivors of the carnage.

Organized by the United Muslim Students' Association (UMSA)
Endorsed by many other groups including Amnesty 
International (Concordia and John Abbott 
College), Pakistani Students' Association 
(Concordia), SAWCC, CERAS.
For More Information, Please Contact:
Syed Shujaat H. Wasty
<sshw at iname.com>

_____


[8]

"Themes of Identity and Conflict in South Asia, 
1947 to Present": a Workshop for Educators

  Most appropriate for Middle School, High School, 
and Community College Teachers.  Other Educators 
are also invited.

Saturday, March 27, 9:00 am - 2:00 pm

The Harris Center at Francis W. Parker School
330 W. Webster Ave., Chicago [USA}


_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/

Buzz on the perils of fundamentalist politics, on 
matters of peace and democratisation in South 
Asia. SACW is an independent & non-profit 
citizens wire service run since 1998 by South 
Asia Citizens Web: www.sacw.net/
The complete SACW archive is available at: 
bridget.jatol.com/pipermail/sacw_insaf.net/

South Asia Counter Information Project a sister 
initiative, provides a partial back -up and 
archive for SACW:  snipurl.com/sacip
See also associated site: www.s-asians-against-nukes.org

DISCLAIMER: Opinions expressed in materials carried in the posts do not
necessarily reflect the views of SACW compilers.

--