SACW | 28 Dec. 2003
Harsh Kapoor
aiindex at mnet.fr
Sun Dec 28 07:54:18 CST 2003
South Asia Citizens Wire | 28 December, 2003
via: www.sacw.net
[1] Pakistan: Asma Jahangir [Interview]
[2] [Interview] Former chairman of the Human
Rights Commission of Pakistan, Afrasiab Khattak
[3] Pakistan: Vigilante groups set to stop new year festivities
[4] India: 'The Making of India' -- A seminar on the 15th anniversary of SAHMAT
[5] Pakistan: Dr Mubarak Ali honoured
[6] India [Gujarat]: Remember this? (Kalpana Sharma)
[7] India [Waiting for Justice in Gujarat]:
- Retrial plea heads back to SC
- Best Bakery case: Ball in Gujarat government's court
-If these are the hard facts, then what other
outcome could have been expected (Gujarat rights
activists)
[8] India: Hindutva at work !:
- NGOs blame parties for riots in Hyderabad
- Following strong arm tactics by Shiv Sena
Scholar destroys own work on Shivaji
- Kerala : "Politics Of RSS Bomb Attack On BJP Leader's House
- Govt wants to shut us down, allege Liberhan panel officials
--------------
[1]
The News on Sunday
December 28, 2003
firstperson
Asma Jahangir
Striving for rights
First we need to set our own house in order. We
have a society where retrogressive, obscurantist,
extremist and sectarian elements are still
powerful. Ours is a society where women still do
not have fundamental rights and can be killed on
the pretext of honour. The question is, who will
raise a voice against these excesses?
By Abdul Sattar
Born to a politically active family in the 1950s
Pakistan, Asma Jahangir, grew up in a world
familiar with conflict, struggle and fight for
justice. Her father was himself imprisoned on
several occasions for his outspoken views, which
included denouncing the Pakistani government for
genocide during their military action in what is
now Bangladesh. Her mother--educated at a co-ed
college at a time when few Muslim women even
received higher education--also fought the
traditional system, pioneering her own clothes
business when the family's lands were confiscated
in 1967 as a result of her husband's opinions and
detention.
Given this background, it is perhaps not
surprising that Asma also embarked on a career
for justice and social change. For the past two
decades, she has been at the forefront of the
movement for women's rights, human rights and
peace in Pakistan.
Asma was not an outstanding student. She was
remembered for her strong political convictions,
her sense of justice, and her courage. In 1969,
she led a student protest against Pakistan's
military dictator Ayub Khan, risking gunfire to
climb the gate of the Governor's House to hoist a
symbolic black flag. The following year, she
risked further harassment petitioning for her
fathers' release, challenging the country's
martial law in the courts. In an unprecedented
judgment, Pakistan's courts declared military
rule unconstitutional--a landmark case in the
Sub-Continent.
It was the first of many successes that Asma was
to experience in the law courts. Having gained a
degree through private study, she later qualified
as a lawyer in 1978. Together with Hina, her
sister, who had qualified in law four years
earlier, the two sisters established the first
all-women's law firm in Pakistan in 1981. They
were also founders of the Women's Action Forum, a
pressure group campaigning against Pakistan's
discriminatory legislation, most notably against
the Evidence Law and Hudood Ordinances.
Asma became advocate of High Court in 1982 and
continued to campaign on behalf of the most
vulnerable members of society, successfully
fighting cases for victims of domestic,
fundamentalist and feudalistic violence, and the
victims of so-called 'honour killings'.
In 1986 Asma along with her sister Hina set up
AGHS Legal Aid, the first free legal aid centre
in Pakistan. In the same year, they were amongst
the founding members of the Human Rights
Commission of Pakistan, Asma serving first as
Secretary-General and later as Chair. Asma became
the Advocate of the Pakistan Supreme Court in
1992.
In 1998, United Nations Secretary-General Kofi
Annan appointed her as the UN Special Rapporteur
of the Commission on Human Rights on
extra-judicial, summary or arbitrary executions.
Since her appointment, Jahangir has visited
Albania, the former Yugoslav Republic of
Macedonia, Mexico, East Timor, Nepal, Turkey and
Honduras responding to the keenness of
Governments to improve the situation, while also
documenting human rights abuses.
In a recent interview with Political Economy, she
talked about various aspects of human rights
violations across the world, and particularly in
Pakistan. Excerpts follow:
PE: Despite the fact that many NGOs have been
actively working, especially for the last 15
years, there have been more flagrant violations
of human rights in the country than ever. Why?
AJ: Look, NGOs cannot replace the government and
state and if anybody thinks like that it would be
silly on his part. I think that all institutions
of the state have to be consolidated in the way
that they could deliver what they are supposed
to. At the moment, we do not have institutions,
which are independent and efficient.
The NGOs can create awareness and environment
whereby the government is forced to respect human
rights and ensure that they are not violated by
anyone in the country. I think that there has
been a lot of awareness among the masses owing to
the efforts made by the NGOs.
PE: NGOs are de-politicising our society. Please comment.
AJ: To some extent, it is true but it differs
from one NGO to another. It also depends upon the
type of work that an NGO is doing. I think that
some NGOs do not link social issues with those of
political ones. You cannot empower women
economically by giving them sewing machine only.
We should also take into consideration that ours
is a de-politicised society and many NGOs were
also created by dictators who did not want them
to politicise the society. Now you have the
people of state in NGOs.
PE: There is an impression about NGOs, including
the HRCP, that they are very mild towards the US
and the West. They criticise dictator Zia but do
not say a word against the democratic West and
the US who favoured him. What is your view?
AJ: It is incorrect to say that. In the war
against Iraq all peace-loving people came
together and opposed the US attack on the
country. The HRCP was also part of those
organisations opposing the war. We have had
people like Dr Mubashir Hasan and I A Rehman, who
strongly opposed the US policies towards
dictators. The HRCP carried out a procession
against the Zia regime on 12 February 1983 and it
also slammed the US policies aimed at supporting
Zia. It was the first procession against the
martial law regime of Zia.
Then the HRCP also criticised the measures taken
by the US government in the name of War on
Terrorism. The US supported many dictators across
the world but we cannot focus on each and every
country. We think that first we need to set our
own house in order. We have a society where
retrogressive, obscurantist, extremist and
sectarian elements are still powerful. Ours is a
society where women still do not have fundamental
rights and can be killed on the pretext of
honour. The question is, who will raise a voice
against these excesses. I think that we should
see our country first and try to resolve its
problems.
PE: You have studied the human rights record of
many states. Keeping that in view, which state do
you think is the greatest violator of human
rights?
AJ: It is difficult to say. Basically my work was
confined to extra-judicial killings, which were
more common in conflict areas like Columbia and
Chechnya. Rising crimes may also contribute to
human rights violations as it is happening in
Jamaica and Columbia. Lack of democracy may also
cause human rights violations, as is the case of
Pakistan and Myanmar (Burma); and I think that
lack of good governance in many parts of South
Asia is also responsible for rising human rights
violations.
PE: Who funds HRCP?
AJ: We receive funding from Norway, Unicef and ILO.
PE: Do the donors influence the policies of the organisation?
AJ: The HRCP is built on democratic principles.
Our agenda is set by our members. I am happy that
some of our members decided not to receive any
aid from the US.
PE: How do you view the raids in Pakistan by FBI and its arresting Pakistanis?
AJ: It is completely illegal. I think that
everything should be done in accordance with the
law.
PE: What would you say about the recently
concluded extradition treaty between the US and
Pakistan?
AJ: I have not seen it yet. So I cannot comment on it.
PE: Do you consider an extremist government a threat to human rights?
AJ: Yes, I think because by being extremist you
discriminate against those who are not like you.
PE: How can the record of human rights of the country be improved?
AJ: We as a nation should decide whether we want
a military government or democracy. If we want a
military government, there will be more human
rights violations.
PE: How do you view LFO?
AJ: It is contradictory to democratic principles
and what will the assembly do if the LFO is
accepted. Naturally the members are not there on
picnic.
PE: What difficulties did you have to face while
working with the Jeay Sindh Tarraqi Pasand Party
for the farmers jailed by the feudals in interior
Sindh?
AJ: Let me clarify that I was working with my own
people. We faced the resistance of feudals
because they always have political connections.
The democratic government would favour us
sometimes but it would also try to satisfy the
feudals. This is not the case of farmers in the
interior Sindh, the bhatta (kiln) workers in
Punjab are also leading a life of slavery. When
we liberated the farmers in interior Sindh, they
were very happy. Despite the fact that we could
not rehabilitate them, they were satisfied over
their release.
PE: What did you do for their rehabilitation?
AJ: We could not rehabilitate them because we have a breathing space.
PE: What do you say about the struggle of Okara's farmers for ownership rights?
AJ: The land does not belong to military or
Defence Ministry. Basically, it is owned by the
Punjab Government. When I went to Okara, the
administration did tried to stop me but they
could not succeed.
PE: How do you view the Industrial Relations Ordinance?
AJ: We had three meetings with the workers and
they have many reservations about many articles
of the IRO, especially the one related to hiring
and firing power.
PE: Do you see any improvement in the condition of the minorities?
AJ: I do not think it has changed.
_____
[2]
irin.org
PAKISTAN: Interview with leading activist on Human Rights Day
© IRIN
Former chairman of the Human Rights Commission of Pakistan, Afrasiab Khattak
PESHAWAR, 10 Dec 2003 (IRIN) - Human rights in
Pakistan has not fared well since General Pervez
Musharraf seized control of the government in a
bloodless coup on 12 October 1999. There has been
little improvement in the plight of the country's
impoverished population of 140 million. Civil
society remains weak and opposition to military
rule is quickly stifled.
As the world celebrates Human Rights Day on
Wednesday, IRIN interviewed Afrasiab Khattak, one
of the country's most outspoken activists in his
office in Perhawar, provincial capital of North
West Frontier province (NWFP). The articulate
former chairman of the Human Rights Commission of
Pakistan (HRCP), and now senior leader of the
opposition Awari National Party (ANP), painted a
bleak picture of rights in Musharraf's Pakistan.
QUESTION: It's been four years since General
Pervez Musharraf seized power. What impact has
that had on the state of human rights in Pakistan
today?
ANSWER: Like military governments in the past,
rule by the army in Pakistan has delayed the
country from its constitutional path. We are
heading in a direction that is creating more and
more distortions and deformations in our civilian
institutions, particularly those that defend
human rights. Judicially it [Pakistan] is very
weak and has a very low prestige, not only in the
eyes of lawyers and the legal community, but also
in the eyes of the general public. In the same
manner, the military generals have violated great
aspects of the constitution and have used their
political power. This so-called civilian
government does not have power to rule the
country. The real power still lies with the
generals.
Violence against women has risen. There have been
more cases of violence against women during this
year than in the past years. Poverty has
increased and the brunt of this development has
been taken by the weaker sectors of society. That
is women, children and disadvantaged people. We
have more children on the streets. Begging is on
the rise, and the government has in many cases,
not only tortured people in custody, police
atrocities have increased. A new police law has
left them [the police] unaccountable before
anyone. This so-called new police system has
brought a sort of change for the worse. And there
are no enquires into the cases of those officials
who violate human rights. They are not
accountable.
Q: If you were asked to summarise the state of
human rights in Pakistan in one word, what would
you say?
A: It [Pakistan] is a country without a
constitution and a country without human rights.
Q: Recently there were hundreds of Afghans who
were arrested and deported on the charges of
being terrorists. How do you view this event?
A: Our police everywhere mistreat Afghan
refugees, but the Islamabad [Pakistani capital]
police are notorious for such behavior. Afghan
refugees are never provided with due process of
law. They are denied these rights, not produced
before any court and they are deported by force.
But as I said, the complaints against the
Islamabad police are very strong. After the
tripartite agreement about Afghan refugees
between the governments of Afghanistan, Pakistan
and UNHCR [the Office for the United Nations High
Commission for Refugees], there is no
justification for arresting Afghans under this
Foreigners Act that requires foreign aliens to
have proper documents or be subject to arrest.
Although recognised as refugees as a group, they
are being harassed for not carrying proper
documents, which are not provided to them.
Q: What about the issue of torture? There have
been reports that political opponents, critical
journalists and former government officials are
on the receiving end of this. Is this issue on
the rise?
A: Yes. We have seven cases of parliamentarians
from the Punjab belonging to the Nawaz Sharif's
Muslim League being tortured, a member of
parliament from Faisalabad was tortured and
beaten, journalists were also tortured. But this
government is more sophisticated in using these
methods. They gradually create an atmosphere of
fear, which in turn forces some people
[journalists] to self-censorship. A method of
terror that keeps political workers or activists
to keep their mouths shut. They use these tactics
in a very sophisticated way, and they also do
arrest some people to make them an example.
Currently in prison now, Javed Hashma the leader
of the main opposition alliance and a member of
parliament was arrested from the parliament
building. For several days his whereabouts were
not known by anyone, including his relatives and
he was kept incommunicado before being produced
before a court.
Q: According to a Human Rights Watch (HRW), over
the past four years there has been a rise in
activity by extremists groups and an increase in
sectarian killings in Pakistan. Why is that?
A: The government of Pakistan has got a very
strange policy. On the one hand it cooperates
with the United States in arresting some elements
of Al Qaeda - particularly belonging to Arab
countries - who are spotted by the American
government or the government of Pakistan. But
they have not muttered the political will to take
on these Pakistani militant organisations, when
these organizations have been banned twice, but
these bans are very hollow. Senior officers
arrest some people who are not really involved in
the business of terror. They are intact. Not a
single person has been demobilised, disarmed or
sent for rehabilitation. I don't think the
government is serious about dealing with the
extremist Islamic militancy. That's why these
people are still around. And they do indulge in
violence and sectarian violence in particular.
Q: How would your describe the status of women in
your country under Musharraf? Has there been any
improvement?
A: The only thing that has improved has been the
representation of women in the electoral bodies
at local, district, provincial and central
levels. That is a good change because we have
been demanding an increase in representation and
now they have a particular percentage in election
parties.
Apart from that, however, there has been no
effort at creating conditions, enabling women to
play their role effectively in the social,
political and economic life of the country. [And]
as a result in the rise of women's rights, there
is a new cultural climate being created which
aims at creating conditions that really aim at
segregation on a gender basis. The religious
right is single mindedly pursuing the objective
of segregating women from men.
Examples of this can been seen by attacks on
separate education systems, exclusively female
sports, the pictures of women are not being
allowed on posters and billboards in the
country's North West Frontier Province (NWFP).
Not only is this being done by the government,
but also by vigilante action there - tearing
apart billboards where they see a photo of women.
Even during the festival of Eid [a celebration
marking the end of the holy month of Ramadan],
cards carrying a photo of women were declared
obscene and banned in the NWFP. Women's rights
have of course been affected by these
developments.
Q: In the past, you have been highly critical of
the government's road map to democracy and return
to civilian rule. Where are we on this road? Has
there been any significant change over the past
year?
A: It is very interesting that General Musharraf
used to claim that he was against a "sham"
democracy, and that he would restore "real"
democracy to Pakistan. We have seen his real
democracy, where he has declared dozens of
amendments over and above the parliament. And he
insists on being the president, along with being
the chief of army staff, and the judges are not
allowed to take fresh oaths, which they must
according to the mandatory provisions of the
constitution. The army has declared it has
restored the constitution from 23 March of this
year. But the judges have not taken an oath,
which is a mandatory thing.
You can see such violations of the constitution
and the undemocratic practices undertaken by this
government. The parliament is not discussing
government policy. The parliament is formulating
neither foreign nor internal policy. Resource
allocation is still decided by the generals. They
call the shots in determining allocation and
priorities. It is the worst example of a "sham"
democracy - even by Pakistani standards.
Q: Since 11 September, Pakistan has been viewed
as a staunch ally of Washington in its so-called
war on terror. How has this affected human rights
in the country?
A: As I said, the government of Pakistan has
collaborated with the government of the United
States in arresting some Al-Qaeda fugitives. In
most cases, the due process of law has not been
observed. People have been extradited without the
observation of legal procedures. And the
government has also strengthened internal laws -
making them more draconian - particularly when it
comes to terrorist activities. The laws are
further strengthened in the sense that the basic
principle of jurist prudence, in which a man is
considered innocent until proven guilty, has been
totally rejected. The new law here says that it
is for the accused person to prove himself
innocent.
The policies adapted by the government have led
to violations [of rights], but it is not only
that. By joining the coalition against terror,
the Pakistani generals have received support from
western countries - particularly the United
States. This had led to a promotion of the
generals' rule. The rule by the generals is a
problem. It is not a solution. Unfortunately, the
western countries have not taken notice of this
fact - that we are reaping today what was sowed
by Zia-ul-Haq, the military despot - and our
coming generations will be reaping what is sowed
today.
Q: Although an activist, you have now joined mainstream politics. Why is that?
A: I joined a political party because I feel that
political parties are very important for a strong
civil society. In Pakistan, unfortunately, during
the past 15 or 20 years, political parties were
undermined, particularly by the military. Of
course, political parties have had their own
weaknesses also. The mainstream political parties
that could be a challenge to the military, were
sidelined, discriminated against and demolished
by the army. I feel that if we don't have strong
secular democratic and liberal political
parties, we can't have democracy; we can't have a strong civil society.
Although I remain affiliated with the HRCP, there
are other capable people who can run it now. Some
of us should be in secular and liberal political
parties to strengthen them, in order to
strengthen democracy in the country.
_____
[3]
DAWN
28 December 2003
FAISALABAD: Vigilante groups set to stop new year festivities
By Our Staff Correspondent
FAISALABAD, Dec 27: A special force armed with
batons and clubs has been constituted by local
religious parties for forcibly preventing musical
programmes and cultural shows on New Year's Eve.
Mutahida Majlis-i-Amal district president Sardar
Zafar Husain, former MPA Malik Muhammad Din, Dr
Javed Akhtar, Maulana Yousaf Anwar, Syed Yawar
Hussain Shamsi and Abdul Islam announced in a
statement here on Saturday that a danda force
comprising young religious workers had been
constituted to sabotage New Year's Eve
programmes. The religious parties would not allow
anti-Islamic forces to convert the country into a
secular state, they added.
The Shabab-i-Milli Pakistan has also announced
that it would sabotage stage shows and musical
programmes on New Year's Eve. It also claims to
have constituted groups of boys for patrolling
the city.
[...].
_____
[4]
Date: Sun, 28 Dec 2003 04:09:31 -0800 (PST)
From: sahmat at vsnl.com
Subject: Sahmat Seminar/Tuesday 30th Dec
SAHMAT
8, Vithalbhai Patel House, Rafi Marg
New Delhi-110001
Telephone- 23711276/ 23351424
e-mail-sahmat at vsnl.com
PLEASE JOIN US
For a symposium:
THE MAKING OF INDIA
Tuesday, 30 December 2003
4.00 pm
Constitution Club, Vithal Bhai Patel House
Rafi Marg, New Delhi-110001
Addressed by Kapila Vatsyayan, Aijaz Ahmad, D.N.Jha.
As part of the 15 year anniversary of Sahmat, this is
a project to examine our cultural history as a
celebration of 'complimentary difference'. The project
seeks to counter rigidly narrow definitions of our
cultural traditions which are being aggressively
espoused in the recent past, and to reassert the
essentially complex and multi-layered sources of our
creativity.
Through seminars, an exhibition on history and a
collective exhibition of contemporary art from across
the country being specially made by artists, the
project will also be multi-dimensional and unfold over
the next few months.
Ram Rahman, MK Raina, Vivan Sundaram, Shamshad
for Sahmat
______
[5]
Dawn, December 28, 2003
Dr Mubarak Ali honoured
Activist and writer Dr Mubarak Ali is back in
Lahore after receiving the Ramkrishan Jaidayal
Harmony Award from the Dalai Lama in India. The
award is given by the Organization of
Understanding & Fraternity (OUF) with the noble
objective of promoting greater understanding
between communities.
Holding a Masters' degree in history from the
University of Sindh and a PhD from Ruhr
University, Germany, Dr Mubarak Ali taught at the
University of Sindh from 1963 to 1989. He was the
director of the Goethe-Institut, Lahore, in
1991-1994. At present he is visiting professor at
the National College of Arts, Lahore, and edits a
quarterly journal Tarikh. Dr Mubarak Ali has been
campaigning for ethnic, religious and communal
harmony and his writings have widely influenced
the younger generation.
The OUF presents awards under two categories:
writers/journalists/ artists and NGOs. The award
itself is worth Rs100,000 and is presented with a
silver plaque. The organization was set up in
1982 by people from the fields of art, culture,
industry and politics, who cared for universal
brotherhood, which evolves out of social
interaction and mutual understanding amongst
different religions, races and regions.
Maulana Abdul Sattar Edhi of the Edhi Wefare
Foundation was last year's recipient of the
organization's NGO award. Besides Dr Mubarak Ali,
this year's awardees include Vidya Mandir (NGO),
Brij Bedi and Master Ajit Singh.
______
[6]
Magazine / The Hindu
THE OTHER HALF
Remember this?
KALPANA SHARMA
Can we afford to bury and forget the terrifying
messages that the massacres in Gujarat carry?
THIS is the season when people are supposed to
pause, think and introspect about the year gone
by. And make resolutions about the coming year -
on how not to repeat the mistakes of the past.
But for some, introspection is preceded by
amnesia. Thus, when there is nothing to remember,
there is nothing to regret.
Gujarat Chief Minister Narendra Modi is convinced
that anyone who still speaks of the horrifying
events of February-March 2002 in Gujarat -
"five-star activists and pseudo-secularists" - is
"trying to tarnish the State's image". There is
not even a hint of acknowledgment, leave alone
regret, about the killings during those months
that scarred not just Gujarat but India. As far
as Modi is concerned, the "people have given them
(the pseudo-secularists) a fitting reply by
voting the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) back to
power and these five-star activists have no right
to question the collective wisdom of the people
of Gujarat."
Is it "collective wisdom" to endorse amnesia? Can
a sound future be built for a state, or a
country, on the unhealed gaping wounds of
thousands of its citizens? Can we as a country
afford to bury and forget the terrifying messages
that last year's massacres in Gujarat carry?
To ensure that the memory of the Gujarat carnage
is not erased, one more report by the people Modi
loves to hate has been released. "Threatened
existence: A feminist analysis of the genocide in
Gujarat" by the International Initiative for
Justice in Gujarat is an important addition to
the scores of documents that have recorded the
events of early 2002. The significance of the
report lies in several factors: one, the group
that put together this report visited it nine
months after the violence first began. As a
result, they had the advantage of looking at the
events afresh, at a time when things were
supposed to have become normal.
Second, the group consisted of women from six
countries including academics and activists. The
international panelists were Sunila Abeysekara,
Director of Inform, Sri Lanka, Rhonda Copelon,
Professor of Law, City University of New York,
Anissa Helie of Women Living Under Muslim Law
from Algeria/France, Gabriela Mischkowski,
historian and co-founder of Medica Mondiale,
Germany, and Nira Yuval-Davis, Professor of
Gender and Ethnic Studies, University of
Greenwich, U.K. From India there was Uma
Chakravarti, feminist historian from Delhi
University, Vahida Nainar, researcher of
international law, Farah Naqvi, independent
writer and co-founder of Nirantar and Meera
Velayudan, formerly with the Institute for
Environmental and Social Concerns, Coimbatore.
Together they brought their combined experience
of similar situations around the world to bear as
they listened to testimonies of the affected
women and men in Gujarat.
The report is worth more than a glance because it
illustrates how something that the Deputy Prime
Minister L.K. Advani prefers to dismiss as an
"aberration" has in fact systematised violence
and discrimination so that it has become part of
daily existence in Gujarat. Nine months after the
violence, the panelists found that the problems
for the Muslims, who had already lost almost
everything, had not stopped. They look at five
different aspects that arise from this situation:
"Fear - generated both by threat of violence and
actual attacks; displacement and
non-rehabilitation; continuing economic violence
including an economic boycott of Muslims;
long-term impact on Muslim women including the
impact on their physical, reproductive and
psycho-social health and the long-term impact on
children."
On the first point, for instance, they observe
that "fear is today the dominant emotion in the
lives of the Gujarati Muslims. They tread quietly
and try to keep a low profile because even small
altercations with members of the majority
community can easily become serious."
The report especially highlights the impact of
the sexual violence that was such a dominant
motif of the killings of last year. "For women
the fear of physical violence is heightened by
fear of sexual attacks. Having been subjected to
sexual violence themselves, having seen other
women from the community being violated, or
knowing the extent to which sexual crimes were
committed, has engendered a psychological threat
perception among all women from the community."
A woman survivor from Anand told the group,
"Nobody has asked for forgiveness or shown
regret. We cannot say anything. Rapists stop
women in the street to humiliate them: `Didn't we
have her, haven't we done this or that to her?'
We don't speak about this at home, because then
our men will get very agitated."
This combination of denial of justice and the
continuing threat has caused women, already
traumatised by the events of last year, even
greater stress. The unmarried women who were
raped do not speak about it. There are reports of
many of them being hurriedly married off for fear
that otherwise they would be unacceptable. Some
married women are prepared to speak about what
they saw or went through. But clearly, for every
one such recorded case, there must be dozens that
will never be acknowledged.
On top of this, women are burdened by suddenly
being forced to be the sole breadwinners for
their families. They also have to cope with
displacement and the problems this throws up such
as the difficulties their children face in new
schools and in a different environment. And all
the time, they have to deal with the open
intimidation by perpetrators of past crimes who
continue to move around unchecked. The team
concluded that "nine months after the pogrom,
(we) found overwhelming evidence of new and
continuing forms of violence against the Muslim
minority. They are unable to resume anything
resembling a normal life, unable to ensure basic
survival and to make free choices in the pursuit
of happiness and well being for themselves and
their families. The future holds dread".
But this is something Narendra Modi refuses to
accept. All such reports are defaming his state,
he blazes. On completion of one year in office,
he prefers to talk about the wells his government
has dug and the heightened attendance in schools.
But does this count for anything when thousands
of people who lost their families, whose women
were gang-raped, whose children were massacred,
whose houses were reduced to cinders, still have
no hope for justice, for real rehabilitation and
a promise of a peaceful future?
No, Mr. Modi and Mr. Advani. India and Gujarat
cannot "shine" - "India shining" is the new
slogan - as long as the dark stain of the Gujarat
carnage remains unacknowledged and unaddressed.
Indians who care must resolve that even in 2004,
they will not allow such shameful events to be
forgotten and erased from public memory.
______
[7]
The Telegraph
December 28, 2003
Retrial plea heads back to SC
OUR CORRESPONDENT
Ahmedabad, Dec. 27: Human rights activists will
approach the Supreme Court against Gujarat High
Court's dismissal of the state government's
appeal seeking retrial in the Best Bakery case.
The Citizens for Justice and Peace (CJP) said it
will move the apex court in the first week of
January when it reopens after winter vacation.
"We will point out legal loopholes in the
judgment. The cases which the CJP wants to be
transferred outside the state are listed for
hearing on January 30. We expect the court to
take up the matter that day," Teesta Setalvad,
the NGO's secretary, said over phone from Mumbai.
"By then," she added, "we will have the copy of
the high court judgment giving reasons for
dismissing the amended appeal."
The division bench of Justices B.J. Sethna and
J.R. Vora had yesterday said, while passing the
judgment, that "the reasons will follow later
(after the winter vacation)".
The Mumbai-based NGO had first moved the apex
court after a fast-track court in Vadodara
acquitted all 21 accused of charring 14 people at
the bakery on March 1, 2002, during post-Godhra
communal riots.
"The CJP had also assisted the victims to file an
application in the current high court proceedings
but Gujarat High Court thought it fit not to
entertain the revision," Setalvad's statement
said. "The dismissal is indeed shocking, but we
still have faith in the highest court in the
land," it added.
For riot victims such as Sayed Khan Pathan of
Gulbarg Society, which was set ablaze, the high
court judgement was not unexpected.
"We knew it was coming. We never expected that we
would get justice in Gujarat. Unless riots cases
are conducted outside the state, the Best Bakery
acquittal case will be repeated," he said.
Ahmedabad-based rights activist Cedric Prakash
said: "We will move the Supreme Court to
challenge the order dismissing the appeal." The
state had filed the amended appeal three months
ago after being pulled up by the apex court for
filing an "eyewash of an appeal" earlier.
Analyst Achut Yagnik said the case showcased the
"failure of (the) criminal justice system" and
the dismissal confirmed there was something wrong
either with the "investigation or prosecution".
High court advocate Mukul Sinha blamed the
government for its inability to convince the high
court of the necessity for a retrial.
"It is entirely the government's failure. It was
the government's own case. The fast-track court
judgment was bad and justice was denied to the
extent that the state government was forced to
seek retrial.'' So, he said, it was up to the
government to take the matter to the apex court.
"The Supreme Court has the power to direct a
retrial outside Gujarat," said a member of
Setalvad's organisation.
o o o
Best Bakery case: Ball in Gujarat government's court
Ahmedabad, Dec 27 (IANS) :
Rights activists are likely to pressurise the
Gujarat government to move the Supreme Court for
the retrial of a case relating to carnage at a
Vadodara bakery, in which 14 people died during
last year's sectarian violence.
On Friday, the Gujarat High Court turned down the
state government's appeal for a retrial of what
has come to be known as the Best Bakery case.
"The case is lost. That was only expected when
the state government was not intent on delivering
justice. Everything now depends on the Supreme
Court," advocate and rights activist Girish Patel
told IANS.
"It is unfortunate that the review appeal has
been dismissed by the high court. But the Supreme
Court can take care of the matter and I hope
ultimately justice will be delivered," said
Dwarika Nath Rath of the NGO, Movement for
Secular Democracy.
Gujarat Chief Minister Narendra Modi's government
has 30 days to appeal this and, while it might be
reluctant to do so, it might find itself cornered
- as had happened when a trial court acquitted
the 21 people charge-sheeted in the case.
As the Gujarat government soft-pedalled on the
appeal, the National Human Rights Commission
(NHRC) moved the Supreme Court, which asked the
Gujarat government to appeal the acquittal.
This the state government did in September.
For the moment, the government says it is
awaiting details of the high court verdict.
"For any further proceedings, we will have to
wait for the bench to cite the reasons for the
dismissal," said a law department official.
This will happen only after January 11, when the
court reopens after its winter vacation.
Legal experts opine the Supreme Court could rule
on the matter as the NHRC has filed a petition
urging that cases relating to the communal
carnage be transferred out of the state in the
interest of a fair trial.
A high court bench, consisting of judges B.J.
Sethna and J.R. Vora, Friday dismissed the state
government's amended appeal challenging the
acquittal of all 21 accused in the case.
The carnage had occurred in Vadodara, 110 km from
here on March 1, 2002. The victims were burnt to
death in a building that housed a bakery on the
outskirts of the city.
Eleven of the victims were Muslims and one was a
Hindu. Two bodies have yet to be identified.
A fast-track court in Vadodara acquitted all the
accused June 27 after a majority of witnesses
turned hostile and retracted their statements in
court.
Zahira Shaikh, a key witness, said later she had
retracted as she had been threatened.
o o o o
Date: 27-12-2003
· If these are the hard facts, then what other
outcome could have been expected in Best Bakery
Case?
The High Court of Gujarat has dismissed the
half-hearted demand of the Government of Gujarat
for retrial in the Best Bakery case. The High
Court of Gujarat has confirmed the order of the
trial court of Vadodara. This should not really
come as a surprise if we take into consideration
the way in which the Government of Gujarat has
filed, amended, argued and pleaded the case even
after Supreme Court intervention. Here is a case
where the main intention of the petitioner, the
Government of Gujarat, was and is to get the case
defeated. It will be very tough fight to get
justice in this and other such cases. It will be
interesting to read the whole judgment, because
to arrive at the conclusion it has, the judgment
will have analysed the role of the Government of
Gujarat. A striking aspect of the case is that
not only was the lawyer for the accused- Mr.
Rajendra Trivedi- a BJP Councillor, but the
lawyer representing the Government's case was
also representing the case of BJP Government. If
these are the hard facts, then what other out
come could have been expected?
Rohit Prajapati
Nandini Manjrekar
Trupti Shah
Johannes Manjrekar
Kiritbhai Bhatt
Chinu Srinivasan
Deeptha Achar
Renu Khanna
Rajkumar Hans
Human Rights Activists of Gujarat
______
[8] [HINDUTVA AT WORK ! ]
o o o
The Times of India
DECEMBER 28, 2003
NGOs blame parties for riots
TIMES NEWS NETWORK[ SUNDAY, DECEMBER 28, 2003 02:41:38 AM ]
HYDERABAD : Seven voluntary organisations in the
city, which formed a fact finding team to report
on the December 6 violence in the Old City have
blamed political parties for the riots.
Addressing a press conference here on Saturday,
the team comprising the members of Confederation
Of Voluntary Associations, Human Rights Forum,
Coalition for Peace and Harmony, Sakshi Human
Rights Watch, National Campaign on Dalit Human
Rights and Anveshi said while one party observed
a protest day the other celebrated it as a
'Showrya Divas'.
Police intelligence has failed to understand the
tense situation and the lurking fear that was
looming in Old City at least 15 days prior to the
Black Day., they said The police pickets should
not have been withdrawn at 6 pm on the Black Day
and firing without proper assessment, supervision
and guidance by a superior officer worsened the
situation, they said. It said neither the
district administration nor the police could
effectively negate the spreading rumours and
restore confidence in people.
The two earlier commissions Krishna Rao
commission and Ramana Chary commission, who made
suggestions to improve the situation in the Old
City should be examined and implemented, they
said.
The team also said the government should pay at
least Rs 2 lakh compensation each to the
dependents of the persons killed in the violence..
o o o
The Times of India
DECEMBER 28, 2003
Scholar destroys own work on Shivaji
MANJIRI DAMLE
TIMES NEWS NETWORK[ SATURDAY, DECEMBER 27, 2003 06:25:10 AM ]
PUNE: The Shiv Sena's strong-arm tactics have had
serious repercussions here, with a distinguished
scholar destroying 400 unpublished pages of his
biography of Chhattrapati Shivaji Maharaj.
The scholar, Gajanan Mehendale, who has
painstakingly authored an objective, unbiased and
most respected biography of Shivaji Maharaj,
after a research spanning over 30 years, was
driven to the extreme act on Thursday.
Mehendale decided to tear off his work after Shiv
Sena activists blackened the face of Sanskrit
scholar Shrikant Bahulkar on December 22, for
allegedly helping author James Lane, who has made
some highly objectionable statements about
Shivaji in his book, 'Shivaji: Hindu king in
Islamic India'.
Incidentally, the Oxford University Press that
published the book has apologised for the remarks
and has withdrawn the book from market after
history scholars like Ninad Bedekar, Mehendale
and city MP Pradeep Rawat sent strong letters
against the statements.
Shiv Sena activists jumped on to the bandwagon
after the book was withdrawn, and after reputed
institutions like the Bhandarkar Oriental
Research Institute condemned the book's content.
What angered Mehendale most was that not a single
scholar or professor in the University of Pune
condemned the attack on Bahulkar.
He personally went to the office of Shiv Sena MLA
Deepak Paigude on Thursday to demand that Shiv
Sena activists, led by city unit chief Rambhau
Parekh, tender an apology to Bahulkar.
When he received no response from Parekh,
Mehendale tore off over 400 pages of the
unpublished biography, 'Shri Raja
Shivchhatrapati'.
Speaking to TNN here on Friday, Mehendale
expressed his disgust over the behaviour of Sena
activists against a scholar of Bahulkar's repute,
who had nothing to do with Lane's remarks.
"There is a competition going on to prove who
loves Shivaji the most. Since Parekh has such
abundant love for Shivaji, he is an excellent
candidate to write the biography of Shivaji", he
remarked.
o o o
Kerala : "Politics Of RSS Bomb Attack On BJP Leader's House"
The Hindu, December 27, 2003, Saturday
Four RSS workers arrested
KANNUR, Dec. 26. Four Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh
(RSS) workers were arrested from Chendayad near
Panur late last night in connection with the bomb
attack on the house of a local leader of the
Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) on December 5.
The Panur police identified the arrested as Nachiyot
Balachandran (28), K. C. Ajesh (23), K. V.
Abhilash (22), and V. Shinoj (23), all hailing
from Chendayad. They were arrested at around 10
p.m.
on Thursday, the police said.
The arrested were produced before the Judicial
First Class Magistrate Court at Koothuparamba
today. They were remaded to police custody for 15
days. The four RSS workers were charged under the
Sections 143 (unlawful assembly), 147 (rioting),
148 (rioting with deadly weapons), 447 (criminal
trespass) and 427 (mischief causing damage) of
the IPC and Sections 3 and 5 of the Explosives
Substance Act.
According to the police, the motive behind the
attack was to create tension in the politically
volatile areas of Panur, which had remained
peaceful for the past few years. They thought
that the local workers of the Communist Party of
India (Marxist) would be suspected of carrying
out the attack.
o o o
The Statesman, December 28, 2003
Govt wants to shut us down, allege Liberhan panel officials
Our Legal Correspondent
NEW DELHI, Dec. 27. - The Central government is
expecting an "unfavourable" report from the
Liberhan Commission inquiring into the Babari
Masjid demolition and is therefore citing the
"delay" by the commission to wrap up its inquiry
as an "excuse" to close it down, commission
sources here
charged.
Reacting to reports that the commission would be
denied the usual six months extension it has
hitherto been getting and would possibly only get
a three-month extension to complete its
proceedings, commission sources said the Centre's
stand that the enquiry had taken too long to
complete work is an "excuse".
"The government is clearly unhappy with the way
the commission has been working. They are also
not expecting a favourable report. All this talk
of a delay in wrapping up work is just an excuse
to close us down," a commission official said.
However, the commission is yet to hear from the
government on the issue of extension. The
commission's current term lapses on December 31
and the Ministry of Home Affairs usually notifies
an extension if any on the last day of a
commission's working term.
A commission official said "although evidence has
been closed, arguments have not been completed.
These hearings cannot be dispensed with". "So
even if arguments were to begin tomorrow, they
cannot be completed within three months. Writing
the report would also take time in view of the
enormous mass of evidence that
has to be gone through and
analysed".
The official also argued that since the subject
is "sensitive and with obvious political
ramifications", compiling the report is a "task
of great responsibility". "We would not like to
approach it in a flippant manner."
Plus, arguments cannot be resumed till January 9,
when the Delhi High Court decides on Kalyan
Singh's plea against deposing before the Liberhan
commission. Counsel for the Central government
and Mr LK Advani have been strongly opposing any
move in the High Court to get Kalyan Singh to
depose before the commission.
Mr Advani, Mr MM Joshi and Ms Uma Bharati, three
senior BJP leaders, have been already cleared of
involvement in the Babari demolition case by a
special court.
_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/
Buzz on the perils of fundamentalist politics, on
matters of peace and democratisation in South
Asia. SACW is an independent & non-profit
citizens wire service run since 1998 by South
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