SACW #2 | 10 Oct. 2003
Harsh Kapoor
aiindex at mnet.fr
Fri Oct 10 18:09:35 CDT 2003
SOUTH ASIA CITIZENS WIRE #2 | 10 October, 2003
Announcements:
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are invited to use Google cache till further
notice.
b) 'South Asia Counter Information Project' a
back-up, archive area and sister site of SACW can
be accessed at: http://perso.wanadoo.fr/sacw/
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wanting to consult web sites at groups.yahoo.com
(that are still being blocked) should browse via:
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+++++
[1] Bangladesh: Of Faith and Deviation (Ahmede Hussain)
[2] Pakistan: Dr. Hoodbhoy awarded UNESCO's
Kalinga prize for 2003* for popularizing science
[3] India- Pakistan: Bus to Delhi (Mubashir Hasan)
[4] Kashmir: The Great Betrayal (Sajad Gani Lone)
[5] Bangladesh: Press Release on Bangladesh's
nominee for Secretary General of the Organization
of Islamic Conference [ War Criminal represents
Bangladesh at OIC]
[6] India: Raising a voice against `hate'
campaign (news Report on ANHAD's Work)
[7] India: In Defence of Habib Tanvir the veteran
theatre director: Ponga Pandit attack protest
[8] Indian Muslim Council-USA criticizes Imam Bukhari's statements
[9] India: Pie in the Sky . . . . height, weight, class, caste, colour, gotra,
[10] Calling for electronic civil disobedience to
resist Net Censorship in India
--------------
[1.]
The Daily Star Weekend Magazine [ Bangladesh]
October 10, 2003
OF FAITH AND DEVIATION
Ahmede Hussain
IN a village around 50 kilometres off the
capital, Anwar Miah has shot to fame for a unique
reason. This tiny Bangladeshi hamlet of about
2000 people named him 'Afghan baba', after his
second son, Sanu, died for the Talibans in the
late nineties. Sanu's mamu (maternal uncle),
Zoinal, accompanied him; first to Pakistan's
Northwest Frontier Province, then to Kandahar,
and saw Sanu die in the battle for Baghram with
General Rashid Dostam's forces.
Zoinal returned home a month after his nephew's
death, because he "couldn't bear it any more." He
hasn't taken back arms since then; but like him,
many have returned, and with them have brought
extremism to a country once known for religious
harmony and tolerance. In fact Maulana Abdur
Rauf, leader of Al-Jamiatul Islamia, who was
arrested on September 19, in Faridpur with 17
accomplices, told the police that about 500
Bangladeshis went to Afghanistan, of them 33 died.
Before the September 19 arrest, the government
was vigorous in denying the presence of religious
extremists on its soil. The BNP led Four-Party
Alliance had banned issues of some international
newspaper, including the Wall Street Journal,
Time magazine and the Far Eastern Economic
Review, for breaking this news to the rest of the
world. The reports, though extremely sloppy and
in some cases malicious, tried to portray
Bangladesh as a hotbed of religious extremism.
One went too far in exaggeration-- the article
published in the US weekly Time, quoting an
unnamed foreign embassy staff in Dhaka, alleged
that the country was playing host to Al Quiada's
second in command Ayman Al-Zawahiri. The time the
magazine had referred to, Al-Zawahiri was seen in
a town in Afghanistan. Time didn't apologise for
it.
The most publicised event in this saga happened
last year. After being refused by Bangladesh
mission in London, Zaiba Naz Malik and Bruno
Sorrentino, two British journalists from Channel
4, concealed their identity and applied for the
visa to the Bangladesh Embassy in Rome. Once they
were inside the country, however, they made no
secret of what they were doing. Police arrested
them, along with their two Bangladeshi fixers,
accusing them of trying to vilify the country by
portraying it as a fundamentalist state. The two
were later released, after both journalists,
according to their lawyer Ajmalul Hossain,
"Submitted statements expressing regret for the
situation arising since their arrival in
Bangladesh." The government, however, did not
release Selim Samad and Pricilla Raj, who had
been assisting them as translators. It was a High
Court order that ensured their release.
Such was the extent to which the government
rejected the presence of religious extremists
here.
That unwavering stand got a jolt last December
when several powerful bombs went off in
four-movie theatres in Mymensingh. Investigation
began, but it did not deter the prime minister
from guessing the identity of the perpetrators:
she blamed those "Who are making anti-Bangladesh
campaign at home and abroad." No one expected a
price for the right guess--it was the leader of
the opposition who told a European audience, only
a few days ago, in Brussels, that sympathisers of
Al-Qaiada were ruling Bangladesh. That has been
Sheikh Hasina and her party, Awami League's (AL)
staunch line of thinking since the first such
incident ripped off a cultural function in
Jessore.
Like the Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP) in
power, AL, then in the helm, was quick to
discover the perpetrators-- even before the
primary investigation had begun, it blamed the
religious zealots, "under the shelter of the
opposition" for the incident. BNP, then the main
opposition, was quick to condemn the incident,
and bizarrely, it fed several conspiracy
theories, amongst them, one accusing the AL of
planting bombs in public places to reap political
dividend.
Interestingly, during its five-year tenure, the
AL had done nothing to nab those they believed
were behind the blasts. "How come the Awami
League didn't crack down on these Jihadi outfits
during its term in office," asks Mahmadul Islam,
a student of Political Science at Dhaka
University. AL's inability, Islam thinks, can be
explained in one way. "Though the party wasn't
sure about the perpetrators, the AL wanted to use
these blasts as a tool to win the next general
election."
Though the bomb blasts' investigation has so far
failed to make significant breakthrough, many
here believe the presence of religious extremists
in the country; but they think, unlike its Asian
counterparts, it is a home grown phenomenon. "We
don't have Al-Qaiada in Bangladesh," says Afsan
Chowdhury, an independent media analyst and
former correspondent of the BBC. But Chowdhury
believes, "We have people who think and work like
them." In fact Jane's Intelligence Review (JIR)
in its May 2002 issue says, "Osama Bin Laden's
February 23, 1998 fatwa urging Jihad against the
USA was co-signed by two Egyptian clerics, a
Pakistani and Fazlur Rahaman, leader of the Jihad
Movement in Bangladesh." The Movement is not
believed to be a separate organisation, the
report continues, "But a common name for several
Islamic groups in Bangladesh, of which a Harkat
Ul Jihad Islami Bangladesh (HUJIB) is considered
the biggest and most important."
HUJIB hit the headlines of local and
international dailies when the group was charged
with planting two bombs at a meeting that was to
be attended by the then prime minister Sheikh
Hasina in her home district Gopalganj. "The
mission of HUJIB, led by Shauqat Osman, is to
establish Islamic rule in Bangladesh," says a US
State Department report. It has an estimated
cadre strength of more than several thousand
members and it operates and trains in at least
six camps," says the State Department, which has
already listed HUJIB as a terrorist organisation.
So far, little has been known about the group and
its elusive commander Shauqat Osman, who is also
known as Sheikh Farid. According to reports on
the western media, HUJIB was formed in 1992 in
Afghanistan to fight the Soviets. Ironically the
US administration actively supported the
Mujahidins, fighting the Russians in Afghanistan,
with arms and military logistics. "Originally, it
(HUJIB) consisted of Bangladeshis who had fought
as volunteers in the war against the Soviets in
Afghanistan," JIR says.
But, the country is in no way a fertile ground
for religious intolerance. "Bangladesh is far
from becoming another Pakistan, and the rise of
extremism should be seen in the context of the
country's turbulent politics since breaking away
from Pakistan in 1971. Bangladesh was formed in
opposition to the notion that all Muslim areas of
former British India should unite in one country.
Bangladesh is the only state in the subcontinent
with one language group and very few ethnic and
religious minorities," Jane's Intelligence Review
says.
The country's biggest religious party, the
Jamaat-e-Islami Bangladesh was banned immediately
after independence for actively supporting the
Pakistani occupation forces by forming several
armed militia groups during the liberation war;
the ban was lifted later on, and it was allowed
to operate as a political party. During the
eighties, under a military dictatorship, Jamaat's
appeal to establish Islamic law and good
governance received a lukewarm response from
general people.
In fact it was during that period Jamaat managed
to get a significant number of recruits by luring
them into the path of Islamic revolution. In
1991, in the first general election, the party
had managed to get 18 seats in the national
parliament. But once they were in democratic
politics, the leadership begun to lose its charm
offensive. Jamaat's coalition with the AL, then
seen as a moderate left and a staunch secular,
irked many of its radical supporters.
The AL ditched Jamaat before the general
election, but it couldn't stop several
disgruntled mid and lower ranking Jamaatis to
openly voice their opposition against the party
leadership. "There is a huge gap between the
ideology Jamaat wants to establish and the way
they are doing it," says Mahmudul Islam. "No one
in the Jamaat leadership has sent their children
to Maadrassahs (Religious schools)," he
continues. "On the other hand," Mahmud believes,
"they led a lifestyle that is an antithesis to
everything true Islam stands for." Extremists
groups have quickly filled up the ideological
vacuum; these parties cannot be called Jamaat's
natural offshoots, but they definitely constitute
an ultimate by-product of its ideological
failure. "It has happened before; in the sixties,
the failure of a relatively moderate Communist
Party had given birth to several Marxist
extremist factions," Mahmud says.
Meanwhile the extremists, as elsewhere in the
world, have been receiving an otherwise unusual
assistance from an unwitting foreign
administration. "George W Bush's foreign policy
and his so-called war on terrorism have been
helping the mullahs to allure a nation, already
angered by the US occupation of Iraq and its
regular assistance to the Israelis," says Mahmud.
"The whole situation is chaotic. BNP doesn't
believe the terrorists exist, because the Awami
League is pointing fingers at Jamaat, which is
the BNP's main political partner in the coalition
government. The AL is creating a hoopla out of
all this because they want to undermine the
government. The US, on the other hand, is busy
with its own war, driven more by oil than
anything else. Religious fanatics are microscopic
minorities here, true. But then, so were the
Talibans before they took over power in
Afghanistan" Mahmud says.
____
[2.]
Dr. Pervez Hoodbhoy is a world class physicist
associated with the Quaid-e-Azam University in
Islamabad since since the 1970's. Apart from
matters of high energy physics, he has widely
written and spoken on issues such as
Fundamentalism, Islam and Science: Religious
Orthodoxy and the Battle for Rationality and he
is an outspoken proponent for the elimination of
nuclear capabilities, in Pakistan and India and
elsewhere.
Dr. Hoodbhoy has just been awarded UNESCO's
Kalinga prize for 2003* for popularizing science
in Pakistan. He has over the years produced TV
programmes on Science. They have been an
extraordinary success in terms of public
response. The ratings have been so high that they
were telecast several times on the state-run
Pakistan Television. The news is that they are
also being shown on long distance Pakistan
International Airlines flights.
Pervez will receive the award at the annual Word
Science Day celebration in Budapest, Hungary, on
10 November 2003. Besides a cash award he will
receive an Albert Einstein Silver Medal.
* Kalinga Prize for the Popularization of Science 2003
is administered by the Section for International
Partnership in Science (IPS) within UNESCO
______
[3.]
The Nation [ Pakistan] October 8, 2003
Bus to Delhi
Dr Mubashir Hasan
Nothing exists in the world like Lahore-Delhi bus
service. It is not an economic proposition but a
political triumph of sorts. Prime Minister of
India, Atal Bihari Vajpayee, had inaugurated it
some years ago when he came to Lahore for his
famous summit meeting with Prime Minister of
Pakistan, Muhammad Nawaz Sharif.
The service operates in the most extraordinary,
even weird manner. Through crowded towns and
highways, the bus to Delhi hurtles like the VIP
cavalcade which is late for its appointment. On
every road crossing of its 530 km journey, police
ensures its passage without a stop. One for each
district administration en route, a relay of
police vehicles, two in front, flying red flags
and one carrying an armed guard in the rear roar
to guarantee the safety and unhindered passage of
the bus.
With sirens blowing all the way, men in pilot
vehicles clear the way for the bus with merciless
zeal, waving battens in the air, sometimes
hitting drivers of scooters, scooter rickshaws
and their vehicles which are slow in yielding the
way. All red lights are violated with impunity.
It is an ugly sight. The aggressive behaviour of
the police in the two Punjabs, Haryana and Delhi
is identical in this respect. At Lahore and Delhi
and at five stops on the way, there is heavy
presence of police and security men and women in
plain clothes guard the passengers and the bus.
I experienced the journey on Friday, 26
September, 2003. The passengers started arriving
at the Falettis Hotel at 4 am to board the 6 am
bus. No proper bus station, even a make-shift
one, has yet been constructed in Lahore. Two
rooms, the veranda in front of the rooms and the
outside tarmac serve as a bus station for the
next 2-3 hours. The entire perimeter is cordoned
off by police personnel serving as a fence to
enclose the passengers. The difficult duty often
resulted in unpleasant exchanges. There were no
proper arrangements to check the passengers and
their baggage for disallowed items, to seat all
the passengers in a comfortable lounge, to put
the checked-in baggage in safety, to issue
boarding passes in an organised way as at
airports. The loading of the baggage on the bus
remained the responsibility of the passengers.
They had to pay for it. The porters fleeced the
passengers left and right. All told, the
arrangements at the Falletis boarding station are
quite unsatisfactory.
The bus had a seating capacity for thirty-nine
passengers. We were fifty on that Friday morning.
The extra eleven passengers were accommodated on
small fragile folding chairs in between the two
regular rows of seats and at the back in the
space meant for luggage. A heavy set man
requiring a seat of more than two feet base had
to be precariously perched on a chair with a seat
hardly a foot wide. The eleven additional
passengers meant 220 kgs of extra luggage which
necessitated special arrangement to tie it on top
of the bus. Some had to be placed inside the bus.
The overloading also meant extra time at the two
immigration and customs checkpoints on both sides
of the border. Because of the overloading, we
reached Delhi almost four hours late.
Overloading the bus was irregular. Someone defied
the operational orders and took huge risks with
the passenger's lives and PTDC's liability. The
bus got delayed. The two bus drivers who were on
duty from 4 am to 10 pm and were to bring back
the bus to Lahore the next day were left no time
for rest. In case of an accident, which is bound
to take place some day for sneaking the bus
through densely populated route at high speeds
with overworked drivers, the damage claims by the
passengers on account of injuries and deaths
would bankrupt the PTDC as the insurers would not
accept the liability when the regulations are
broken. The way the bus plies now carries heavy
risks.
At Wagah all luggage had to be unloaded for
customs check and passengers had to go through
immigration formalities. It was a slow and
primitive process - carrying luggage on heads and
shoulders. Once again the porters fleeced the
passengers. For immigration formalities, there
were three windows, one for foreigners, one for
Indians and one for Pakistanis. The passengers
had to stand almost on roadside to get their
passports stamped for exit. The procedure in
place at Wagah makes a mockery of the procedure
followed at our international exit and entry
points where computers record data as well as
images. This is a weak link in our security watch.
Wagah urgently needs a proper building for
customs and immigration clearance. I inspected a
building that was built three years ago for the
customs. It was used by other agencies and never
handed over to the department it was made for.
All fittings and fixtures, electrical,
mechanical, plumbing were ripped off and
vandalised. Any way, the building is
architecturally unpleasant, too small for its
task with no space provided for immigration
formalities.
Crossing the border was eye opening. The bus
stopped at a modern spacious building which had
polished floors, glass doors and shining
chromium. There were chairs for passengers and
tables to fill the disembarkation forms. The
immigration staffs were courteous and helped the
passengers in filling the forms. The inspectors
fed their data on computers which were linked on
the national network of India. Unlike the
Pakistani side, the customs staffs were in full
uniform and in large numbers. Discipline and
efficiency was in the air. No less than six
counters were operating. In the compound the
trees, shrubs and hedges were well looked after.
Border formalities on both sides over, the run to
Delhi started in right earnest. Much needs to be
done to improve the sound system and the quality
of audio and video players and cassettes. Since
tastes differ, it would be desirable to fit the
seats with headphones for passengers to avoid the
discomfort of seeing and listening what one may
not like. All seats also need to be provided with
seat belts.
At Delhi the bus enters a proper international
terminal having all the facilities which Lahore
lacks - screening devices, lounges etc.
The biggest challenge of the bus service is
non-availability of seats. The outward journey is
solidly booked for the next six to eight weeks
and when you do travel there is no way to book
the return journey. If you are lucky to be among
the first thirty-four (as five seats are reserved
for government nominees) in the queue at Delhi,
you can buy a ticket for the bus leaving after 30
days. As a result a stay in India for a minimum
of 30 days becomes mandatory.
A Pakistani gentleman, who was visiting a town
more than 2500 km south of Delhi, related his
ordeal of travelling to Delhi to buy a ticket for
Lahore. He was told that none was available for a
month. As his visa was due to expire before the
end of the one month period, he had to travel all
the way back to get the visa extended. He
travelled to Delhi once again to buy the ticket,
then returned to the place he had come to visit
and then finally travelled once again to catch
the bus to Lahore. One extra month stay was an
oppressive burden.
The present procedure of selling tickets is
nothing short of madness. It is an invitation to
corrupt practices. The booking office at Lahore
should have the authority to book some Delhi -
Lahore seats, say 10 to 15 per bus. In the same
way the Delhi booking office should be able to
book an equal number of Lahore- Delhi seats.
All said and done, a bus is better than no bus, no train, no plane.
______
[4.]
[Reproduced exclusively with permission from 'Kashmir Images']
SACW, October 10, 2003
THE GREAT BETRAYAL
SAJAD GANI LONE
A split in the Hurriet conference, scream aloud
the various sections of the media. There seems to
be a tearing hurry to write the obituary of the
Hurriet Conference. Has the irrelevant, reviled,
abused, detested Hurriet conference actually
split? Is there a meeting ground for India and
Pakistan _ a unique occasion to celebrate the
demise of a Kashmiri political platform? The
issue of the split needs deep and sincere
analysis. If there is a split, the nation need
not be kept in the dark. However if there is no
split and yet a perception of a split is created,
it assumes greater significance. Why is this
perception being created? Who benefits from this
perception? Who are players interested in
creating this perception? Who are the tools used
in creating this perception? And most important,
who has betrayed the nation and the martyrs? Who
is a traitor?
CONSTITUTIONAL ASPECT
The constitution of the APHC is exhaustive enough
to identify the true APHC. The confusion arises
either out of deliberate, flawed, interpretation
of the Constitution or ignoring the existence of
a constitution.
The APHC was formed in the year 1993. It was a
coalition of different political parties
subscribing to diverse ideologies, bound together
by a unified objective. Legal luminaries sat
together and devised a constitution for the
alliance. Right from the outset, it was
explicitly a coalition of political parties and
not of individuals. Every party in turn nominated
a person to represent their respective party in
the coalition. The executive council comprised of
seven parties and the general Council comprised
of twenty-five parties. There was a clear
demarcation of power and the executive council
was all-powerful and the general council had an
advisory role. If my basic interpretation of the
constitution is correct and if APHC is indeed a
coalition of political parties, I have a simple
question. In my very humble capacity, I would
like to ask Geelani Sahib _ What party does he
represent? About thirty parties were initially a
part of the APHC alliance. Among these parties,
which party has nominated him to represent it in
the APHC? Or has he formed or joined a new party?
Is it Jamaat Islami or PDP or does he represent
an invisible agency? What is the role of an
individual devoid of any party, in a coalition of
parties and how can he lay claim on the title of
the coalition?
Geelani Sahib played an active and an important
role in the formulation of the present
constitution of the APHC. Morally, ethically and
politically he is committed to this constitution.
A newcomer like me could raise queries. But he is
one of the creators of constitution of APHC. Can
the creator of the constitution literally rape
the same constitution if it ceases to serve his
interests?
Till date the General council had no say in the
election of the Chairman. Suddenly they acquire a
status bigger than the constitution and a group
of parties in the general council bring a
so-called motion of no confidence against the
chairman. If a group does not have the right to
elect how can they have the right to recall? The
actions of these individuals have no
constitutional validity.
ROLE OF MEDIA
Some newspapers are bending their back backwards
by trying to add suffixes to APHC, thereby
actually endorsing a split. Is it ethical? All
the newspapers published in the valley have to
register with registering authorities in order to
get a title for the newspaper. Every newspaper in
the valley accepts the Indian constitution. Only
Indian nationals are allowed to publish
newspapers. I do not intend to hold this against
them. But let us assume a situation, where the
newspapers refused to accept the Indian
Constitution and refused to get registered or say
that there is no registering authority. Bashir
Manzar of the Kashmir Images was earlier working
with the Greater Kashmir. In the absence of the
registering authority, he could have printed a
newspaper under the name and style of Greater
Kashmir. We would get two versions of Greater
Kashmir in the morning. Everybody ever associated
with any newspaper would print another version
under the same name. Imagine the confusion. APHC
is not registered with the registering authority
i.e. the election commission of India, because it
does not accept the Indian Constitution. Had it
been registered, it could have legally barred
anybody from misusing the name of APHC. So we
have a situation where adherents of the Indian
constitution are able to confuse the people,
because the APHC does not accept the Indian
Constitution. I leave it to the conscience of the
group in question to decide that if legality
would be the deciding factor, would they have
been able to confuse the people about the real
and the true APHC headed by Maulvi Abbass Ansari.
PTV has gone some steps ahead and blatantly
recognized the deserters as the true APHC. In
case of PTV, I have a rather difficult choice to
make. Which fiction is better in PTV- the one
depicted in their famed drama serials or the one
so shamelessly depicted in the newsroom? I think
the newsroom fiction is better any day.
NITTY GRITTY OF THE DESERTERS; THE EIGHT WONDER
The servile group of people collected by Geelani
sahib does not really constitute the " who is who
" of Kashmir. Who are these unknown wonders and
why are some quarters keen to thrust them on the
people of Kashmir. There is a single individual
who calls himself the Muslim Conference. There
are two individuals who call themselves Peoples
Conference. Geelani Sahib is yet to decide what
to call himself. Thousands or hundreds of
thousands of cadres of these parties do not
matter. What matters is whether Geelani Sahib
endorses any party or not. The assassination of
Shaheed e Hurriet made Peoples Conference sacred
to its adherents. Today two isolated and lonely
individuals want to create a nuisance in the name
of peoples Conference at the behest of those
people suspected of creating the vicious
environment, which ultimately led to the
assassination of their leader. This is Geelani
Sahib_s petty way of getting back at Lone Sahib.
If the rank and file of Peoples Conference or for
that matter Muslim Conference is willing to
accept these individuals as their leaders, how
can one possibly dispute their claim? By the same
token if these individuals cannot garner the
support of even one person of any prominence or
stature in the party or among the cadres, how can
any sane person even suspect them of representing
the parties they purport to represent? In the
seven- member Executive Council, three parties
including the Jamaat are undecided and not a
single party has crossed over to the deserters.
Still the deserters insist on calling themselves
the APHC. These unknown entities headed by a
notorious entity are the tools of a larger plan.
The objective is not to highjack APHC. The
objective is to discredit APHC and create
suspicions about the credibility of APHC as the
advocate of the overwhelming sentiment of Azadi.
The evil strategy of the perpetrators of this
crime against the Kashmiri nation, is to collect
a group of political eunuchs raised on a diet
comprising of nuisance and lung power and coerce
the Kashmiri population to accept them. In a
shameful incident in Gujarat, Zahira an
eyewitness of the killing of her relatives
refused to testify against the rioting thugs. The
refusal to testify does not mean that she
endorses Narender Modi's concept of hindutva. The
refusal is a testimony of the fear among the
Muslims of Gujarat instilled by Narender Modi and
his thugs. Similarly if people in Kashmir are
keeping mum over the attempted desecration of a
politically pious Kashmiri platform, it does not
mean that they endorse the actions of the
desecrators. Narender Modi's Muslim counterparts
are present in Kashmir and the Muslims of Kashmir
are as terrified as the Muslims of Gujarat. The
dividing line between respect and fear is very
thin. Only conscience can answer whether people
are quiet out of respect or fear. And only
conscience can answer whether somebody should be
proud or ashamed, that after fifty years in
politics, he has to resort to fear and threat of
violence in order to get political acceptance.
The thin crowds attracted by these Friday special
leaders should have been an eye- opener. But do
people really matter in the scheme of things of
these leaders?
THE SENTIMENT
Let us analyze the broader, macro dynamics of the
situation. The Kashmiri nation is pursuing the
sacred objective of achieving the right to
self-determination. Despite fifty five years of
physical union, the Indian state has failed to
convince or coerce the Kashmiri nation to stay on
as a part of India. The struggle of the Kashmiri
nation largely political in nature manifested
itself in the form of a violent outburst and has
continued in this form for the last thirteen
years. The journey to liberation especially the
last thirteen years has cost the Kashmiri nation
thousands of lives, unimaginable collateral
damage, handicapped young men, violence related
social upheavals. This forms the core bank of
sacrifices. Every household has contributed to
the bank of sacrifices and is a sacred national
treasure.
Maybe it is time to look at the whole situation
from a psychologist's perspective. What is it
that motivates an entire nation to render
sacrifices of such a heroic scale and endure an
unending tale of suffering and pain? Answer lies
in the overwhelming sentiment prevalent in the
population i.e. the sentiment of Azadi. More
important is the question - if the sentiment
motivates people to render sacrifices, what is
the guarantee that these sacrifices will actually
translate into liberation? The answer lies in the
strength, conviction and vitality of the
sentiment. Sentiment is the sole guarantor of the
sacrifices rendered. As long as the sentiment of
Azadi is strong, the sacrifices rendered are
relevant. The day the sentiment weakens, the
sacrifices will grow stale and lose relevance.
Anybody weakening the sentiment truly conforms to
the standard definition of a traitor.
What is APHC? APHC is not the sentiment. It is
the advocate of the sentiment _ a political mode
of communication, symbolizing the existence and
strength and vitality of the sentiment. If
somebody is trying to discredit or weaken the
APHC, he is weakening the sentiment by diluting
the strength of the argument put forward by the
APHC by projecting it as a feeble voice as a
result of division. The argument will be the
same, the sacrifices will be the same, the
anguish and pain of losing loved ones will be the
same, but the credibility could be diluted. There
will be a difference between the perceived
strength and the actual strength of the
sentiment. People behind the creation of the
perception of the split are responsible for the
dilution in the credibility of the argument.
Internally there could be a more vicious fallout
at the source of the sentiment. The people could
be dejected at the internal wrangling, which
could in turn have a negative impact on the
sentiment. Imagine going to the mother of a
martyr and soliciting her support for the real
faction of the APHC. What do you tell her? I am
the real one and not the other one or does she or
thousands like her really matter. The perception
of a split or a split translates into fatal
danger to the spirit of the sentiment. And I
repeat _ if the sentiment is lost, the sacrifices
rendered lose their relevance. Thousands of
Geelanis and similar hirelings will be rendered
irrelevant and their rabble-rousing antics and
emotional theatrics will have no employers.
The power behind the argument we all put forward
is derived from the people of Kashmir, not from
any individual or country. The most famous
example is that of Sheikh Sahib. He was
undoubtedly the most popular Kashmiri leader and
advocated Azadi at a certain stage and abandoned
the advocacy at a later stage. Even Sheikh
Sahib's charisma and popularity could not finish
the sentiment. The sentiment in fact thrived and
prospered. Yet if somebody is suffering from
delusions and feels that he is the monopolized
creator and coordinator of the concept of
liberation, one could only offer sympathy towards
the deluded person and pray that his psychiatric
condition and sense of delusions show signs of
recovery. However if the sense of delusion
exhibited is intentional, the intentionally
deluded person needs to have mercy at the people
of Kashmir.
The struggle and sentiment of Azadi predates the
participation of almost all the present actors in
the Azadi industry. Nobody can take credit for
creating the sentiment. The struggle, the pain,
the suffering and the defiance exhibited by the
Kashmiri nation, defines the creation of the five
- decade old sentiment. Maybe it is time to ask
what have the Azadi Robin Hoods have contributed
towards the sentiment and the struggle for Azadi
and what has the sentiment contributed towards
the personal and political fortunes of the Azadi
brand of leaders? IS AZADI RESPONSIBLE FOR THE
CREATION OF THESE LEADERS OR ARE THESE LEADERS
RESPONSIBLE FOR THE CREATION OF THE CONCEPT OF
AZADI? The people of Kashmir are the best judge.
Desperation is mounting to make a historical
distinction between people who EXPLOIT the
sentiment and people who ADVOCATE the sentiment.
THE CLOUT FACTOR
Tripartite talks signify the politically logical
culminating stage of the present struggle in
Kashmir. Talks will start and have to start. Will
the talks be a repetition of the historical
ritual of involving India and Pakistan and
talking for the sake of talks? OR precisely_will
there be a third seat at the negotiating table
for the Kashmiris. Who among the Kashmiris will
sit on that seat? The present desertion of some
individuals in the Hurriet has to be correlated
with issue of Kashmiri representation.
If political pressure within Kashmir increases
and at the same time external pressure is applied
by the international community emphasizing the
need for Kashmiri participation, who will
represent the Kashmiris. Irrespective of the
public posturing, absence of Kashmiris at the
table suits both the countries. The net political
clout at the negotiating table at the moment is
divided between India and Pakistan. Inclusion of
the Kashmiris will mean an increase in the clout
of the Kashmiris at the cost of India and
Pakistan. None of the two countries exactly
relishes such a situation. The first part of the
strategy is to impede efforts of involving the
Kashmiris. The second part is to create confusion
about the political definition of Kashmiri
leadership. The Indian definition of Kashmiri
leadership will mean individuals like Mufti Sahib
and Farooq Sahib, while the Pakistani definition
of Kashmiri leadership will mean individuals like
Geelani Sahib. Where does that leave the Kashmiri
definition of Kashmiri leadership? The two
countries will fight each other about the
definition of Kashmiri leadership and in the
process crowd out the true Kashmiri leadership
and as per plan end up creating enough confusion
to get the Kashmiri leadership labeled and sealed
as DISPUTED. While India and Pakistan will talk
about our future, we will be relegated to
religiously playing the role of the eternal
sufferer in the Kashmiri dance of death and
additionally we will be fighting each other out
to lay claim to the coveted title of Kashmiri
leadership. At least we should know that in the
absence of a split in the Hurriet, why is
desertion by some individuals being given the
perception of a split.
CHALLENGES AHEAD
In spite of the betrayal, the changed scenario in
the separatist leadership has come up with new
opportunities. It has provided a historical
opportunity for institutionalizing the Pro
Kashmiri forces. Sheikh Sahib was a pro Kashmiri
leader with a truly mass following. However he
could not translate his Pro Kashmiri slogans into
practice and finally gave up midway. Thereafter
the institution of a pro Kashmiri platform has
not been able to realize its full potential and
emerge as a strong force. Time has come for a
rethink. Let there be no confusion in our slogan-
no, ambivalence. Let us take pride in saying it
loud and clear _ Kashmir first Kashmiri first.
The onus of providing the pro Kashmiri political
thrust, falls on the APHC. They will have to rise
to the occasion and deliver on behalf of the
people of Kashmir. The political distinction
between the various shades of political
leadership in Kashmir should no longer stay
blurred. If Mufti Sahib and Farroq Sahib are the
Indian face of Kashmir; if Geelani Sahib is the
Pakistani face of Kashmir, APHC is the Kashmiri
face of Kashmir. APHC owes it to the people of
Kashmir. The portents are good and the political
sagacity and resilience demonstrated by Abbass
Sahib and Professor Ghani Sahib in particular is
a matter of Kashmiri pride. Their utterances and
political postures at perhaps the most demanding
times have been exceptional and will form a part
of history. In a vicious environment, overwhelmed
by violence, fearless policy decisions by
political elements is indeed an outstanding
trait, so scarce in a nation where majority of
the so called leaders are busy bartering dead
bodies in exchange for personal favors and self
glorification. Only a sustained replication of
such selfless behavior can clear the confusion
created by various covert agencies. The APHC will
have to demonstrate a behavior, which is
palatable and acceptable to the international
community. They will have to take care that they
do not start competing with the radicals. In a
worst-case scenario of destructive competition,
we could end up with a moderate Geelani and a
hard-line APHC. APHC represents the people of
Kashmir and they have to compete with India and
Pakistan in presenting their case before the
international community. There is no need to give
credibility to the set of Kashmiri hirelings
employed by both the countries. And even India
and Pakistan need to understand that individuals
who betray their own nation should never be
expected to be loyal to alien nations, whatever
the size of perks.
The people of Kashmir are perhaps facing an even
bigger challenge than the leadership. They will
have to make a distinction between demagogues and
sincere political leaders. It is easy to raise an
emotional pitch in the name of the martyrs. Even
the most sane person could get swayed by
professional rabble rousing actors and
professional mourners in circulation in Kashmir.
But a nation crippled under the burden and debt
of thousands of martyrs cannot afford the luxury
of getting swayed. Should the people allow
themselves to be lectured in the name of martyrs
OR should they be asking questions in the name of
martyrs. We are living in the twenty first
century. Thousands of societies exist to prevent
cruelty against dogs and other animals. We as a
nation sacrificed thousands of lives in this
twenty first century and yet we seem to be
nowhere near our objective. Is the enemy cruel
and brutal and unmoved by these sacrifices or are
our leaders incapable of properly portraying the
scale and magnitude of sacrifices. The answer is,
a bit of the both. Apart from ruthless enemies we
have to put up with even more ruthless leaders.
They are asking for more and more and yet
assigning no yardstick to monitor their own
performance. One thing really amuses me. When
some of our leaders talk about the nation they
are idealistic to the core. However when they
confront their day to day personal problems they
are hardcore realists. It is the nation that will
have to remind these leaders to maintain a
consistent approach of realism both for the
nation and their personal lives. Until the people
rise and revolt, the Kashmiri children and youth
are destined to die and the enemies of Kashmir
will prosper at the cost of Kashmiris.
The writer is the Chairman of Peoples Conference
and had written this write-up for Daily Kashmir
Images, Srinagar, India.. The views expressed in
this article are his personal views and do not
partly or wholly constitute the policy statement
of Peoples Conference. [...].
______
[5]
Tanweer Akram
Email: tanweer_akram at hotmail.com
Press Release on Bangladesh's nominee for
Secretary General of the Organization of Islamic
Conference (OIC)
The following statement was published online and
signed by a number of Bangladeshis. The
Bangladeshi community is alarmed at their
governments decision to nominate Mr. Salauddin
Quader Chowdhury, a controversial figure and
alleged war criminal, for the position of the
Secretary General of the Organization of Islamic
Conference (OIC). The petition is available
online at: www.petitiononline.com/saka.
********
STATEMENT ON BANGLADESHS NOMINATION OF SALAUDDIN
QUADER CHOWDHURY AS SECRETARY GENERAL OF THE
ISLAMIC CONFERENCE (OIC)
We, the concerned citizens of Bangladesh, express
our grave anxiety and deep shock over the
nomination of Mr. Salauddin Quader Chowdhury for
the position of Secretary-General of the
Organization of Islamic Conference (OIC). We call
upon the Government of the Peoples Republic of
Bangladesh to immediately withdraw the
regrettable nomination of Mr. Chowdhury.
We believe that it is highly inappropriate and
deeply irresponsible to nominate Mr. Chowdhury to
such a position for a variety of reasons. Mr.
Chowdhury is tainted with the widespread
allegation that he had supported the Pakistani
occupation forces during Bangladeshs War of
National Liberation in 1971. He was active then
as an ignominious ally of the invading Pakistani
army, which committed war crimes, crimes against
humanity, and brutal terrorism against the people
of Bangladesh.
The Pakistani occupation army and its local
collaborators targeted countless unarmed
civilians in violation of Geneva Conventions,
international law, and morality. They ruthlessly
and indiscriminately killed and tortured men,
women, children, minorities, intellectuals,
students and teachers, writers and artists,
artisans and peasants, workers and vendors, and
other Bengalis in the name of Islam, presumably
to uphold the territorial integrity of Pakistan.
The devastating actions of the Pakistan army
while making Bangladesh rubble and a big
graveyard were sadistically inhumane, barbaric,
and genocidal and invited worldwide condemnation.
Mr. Chowdhury, it has been widely reputed,
actively participated in, or had knowledge of,
gruesome activities in and around his native
Chittagong district in these wanton acts of
murder, torture and in the illegal abductions and
arrests of freedom fighters and members of
Bangladeshs minority community, and innocent
civilians.
Given Mr. Chowdhurys questionable antecedents,
it is certainly inappropriate, to say the least,
for the Government of Bangladesh to nominate him
to the position of the Secretary-General of the
OIC. Mr.Chowdhury also has an ugly and unenviable
reputation of misogyny, calling people names,
indulging in hate speech against minorities and
is reputed to have sinister connections with
criminal and gangster organizations.
At a time when Bangladeshs people are trying to
project a positive image of our country, when we
are trying to construct sustainable institutions
of democracy and foster a pluralist society based
on the principles of tolerance and freedom, when
we are trying to accelerate the pace of the
nations economic growth and progress, and when
we want to attract more investment from foreign
investors and put to more efficient use our
natural and human resources, the authorities
should not wreck the reputation of the country by
nominating a person like Mr. Chowdhury to a
position that requires humane qualities of
compassion and generosity, compromise and
concession towards noble goals. It ruinously
militates against the national interest of the
country besides being wildly contrary to all
notions of morality. As Bangladeshis we urge our
compatriots and fellow- citizens to join us in
condemning this nomination and in urging the
government immediately to rescind this national
infamy.
While we do not like to embarrass the Government
of Bangladesh, we feel strongly about this
matter. Thus we believe it is our duty also to
inform the citizens of member states of the OIC
of Dhakas malapropos nomination of Mr. Chowdhury
an alleged war criminal and terrorist to such an
important and internationally eminent position in
which he will represent the member states in
various international forums. The OIC is
critically situated in the affairs of the states
concerned and in international relations between
the North and the South in which it plays a
constructive role via mediation towards dispute
resolution, via promoting trade and cooperation,
and via providing official development assistance
among member states.
Given the current high-voltage propaganda against
Muslim-majority and Arab countries, against
Muslims, other non-Western religions, and various
other ethnic communities living in the West, as
evinced in the recent events relating to Iraq, it
would be a profound mistake, a morally shameful
move, and a strategic failure to have a person of
Mr. Chowdhurys dubious reputation elevated to
the position of the Secretary-General of OIC.
We believe that the OIC ought to uphold and
practice the principles of Universal Declaration
of Human Rights and its member states should
establish democratic institutions. It would be a
disgrace if ill advisedly the OIC took a
retrograde step and elected a controversial
individual, such as Mr. Chowdhury, to its highest
office. We cannot permit this to happen. We will,
thus, collectively speak out against this
nomination and intend in due course to publish
this statement in the leading journals of the
member states of OIC and call upon all civil and
human rights organizations at home and abroad to
resolutely oppose Mr. Chowdhurys nomination as
Secretary General of the OIC.
Additional information and links:
[1] The complete list of signatories is available at:
http://www.petitiononline.com/mod_perl/signed.cgi?saka
[2] Background material on Mr. Chowdhurys
alleged role in war crimes is available in an
article by Mr. Naeem Mohaiemen, War Criminal to
Head Islamic Conference? Bangladeshis Oppose
Chowdhury Nomination, published by
Muslimwakeup.com.
http://www.muslimwakeup.com/mainarchive/000149.html#more
[3] Further material on court cases filed against
Mr. Chowdhury can be found in an article by Dr.
A. Momen, Should a Mafia Don Lead World Muslims?
Salahuddin Quader Chowdhurys Nomination to Head
the OIC, published by Muslimwakeup.com.
http://www.muslimwakeup.com/mainarchive/000188.html#more
[4] An article by Abdullah Al Madani, OIC does
not need a tarnished politician from Bangladesh
appeared in Gulf News Dubai, a leading newspaper
in the Middle East.
http://www.gulf-news.com/Articles/opinion.asp?ArticleID=98774
[5] This petition has been cited in Meghbarta.org:
http://www.meghbarta.org/2003/june/contemp.html#statement
[6] This press release is also available at:
http://www.prweb.com/releases/2003/8/prweb76364.htm
______
[6]
[New Report on the Anhad Workshops in India]
The Hindu, Oct 09, 2003
Raising a voice against `hate' campaign
http://www.thehindu.com/2003/10/09/stories/2003100905260400.htm
______
[7]
http://www.telegraphindia.com/1031010/asp/nation/story_2446513.asp
The Telegraph, October 10, 2003
PONGA PANDIT ATTACK PROTEST
OUR SPECIAL CORRESPONDENT
New Delhi, Oct. 9: Theatre director Habib Tanvir,
who has faced a series of attacks from the Sangh
parivar, today brought his protests to the heart
of the capital.
"They disrupted my play, saying I was
anti-Hindu," said Tanvir at a protest meeting
attended by hundreds of artists and cultural
activists.
"We as artists, writers and fellow citizens must
take on Habib Tanvir's attackers in our work, on
the stage, in the media and on the streets. And
we must do this in a voice as bold and powerful
as Habib Tanvir's plays," said the artists.
Tanvir and his theatre group, Natya Theatre, ran
into trouble repeatedly in the last one month
while performing the play Ponga Pandit in Madhya
Pradesh, with the Sangh parivar trying to stop
the performances, claiming that the play was
against Hindus.
"After performing in six towns of Madhya Pradesh
we arrived in Gwalior for our performance. The
moment there was a reference to the Babri Masjid
as a turning point to communalism, there was
trouble," said Tanvir.
When BJP leader Uma Bharti was mentioned, a youth
came running and snatched the microphone from
Tanvir. "Then there was slogan shouting, which
threw the performance out of gear," said the
director. Police had to resort to a lathicharge
to disperse the mob.
A similar incident took place in Hoshangabad.
"They came and threw eggs and water bottles at
us. Finally, the superintendent of police and
district collector intervened and threw everyone
out," said Tanvir.
Tanvir alleged that a section of the Hindi press
had also attacked the play. "A four-column
article threatened that it will not allow the
play to take place."
"The RSS-VHP-Bajrang Dal-BJP ilk have displayed
their love for Indian culture by throwing rotten
eggs and chairs on the stage, by cutting power to
the auditorium, by forcing audiences to leave and
getting performances cancelled. The attackers
have not even seen the play," said the artists at
today's meeting.
______
[8]
Indian Muslim Council-USA criticizes Imam Bukhari's statements
Contact:
Rasheed Ahmed
(708) 466-0244
For Immediate Release
Chicago, I.L., 10/09/03 Indian Muslim
Council-USA, an advocacy group working toward
safeguarding Indian society's pluralist and
tolerant ethos, expresses its disagreement with
and disapproval of Imam Bukharis recent
statements.
Indian Muslims and Indian Muslim Scholars joined
other Muslim Scholars throughout the world in
condemning the 9/11 terrorist attacks. Rasheed
Ahmed, Vice-president of IMC-USA said "We
strongly disagree with the recent statement made
by Ahmed Bukhari, the Imam of Delhis Jamia
Masjid, in which he had favorably described the
9/11 terrorist attacks on the World Trade Center.
As Muslim Americans we unequivocally condemn
those attacks."
Mr. Ahmed further added that "The Imam has made
an irresponsible remark at a time when the
community needs clarity and cohesion, on the one
hand, and peace, amity and reconciliation with
the rest of the world, on the other. These goals
can never be achieved without moral integrity and
civic responsibility."
Since it was founded over a year ago, IMC-USA has
been actively promoting values of pluralism and
tolerance amongst the Indian Diaspora in the
United States.
Read More:
<http://cities.expressindia.com/fullstory.php?newsid=65165>http://cities.expressindia.com/fullstory.php?newsid=65165
<http://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/cms.dll/html/uncomp/articleshow?msid=216124>http://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/cms.dll/html/uncomp/articleshow?msid=216124
______
[9]
The Times of India, October 10, 2003 | EDITORIAL
PIE IN THE SKY
Politicians are offering reserved jobs that are not there
Want a sarkari naukri? Just queue up, and if you
can give details of height, weight, class, caste,
colour, gotra, so much the better. The
reservation farce has touched an absurd low with
the forward castes now formally and
enthusiastically joining the ranks of the
backward.
Next, it could be the vertically challenged
lamenting their lack of inches and demanding
compensation in the form of a special quota. The
irony cannot have been greater, for historically
reservation has been recognised as flowing from
institutionalised, descent-based discrimination;
in the Indian context, discrimination suffered by
generations of lower castes at the hands of the
upper castes.
Affirmative action is not a right equally
available to everyone; nor is it a subsidy for
the poor. It is a mechanism to correct the
under-representation in the public sphere of
those who have been victims of inequality based
on social hierarchies. Which is what makes the
idea of upper caste reservation something of an
oxymoron. Curiously, none of this quota passion
is visible when it comes to women who have been
fighting a hopeless battle for better
representation in Parliament.
There is unarguably no other category of
population that has withstood as much prejudice,
discrimination and violence as women. Even today,
their collective status in society, barring
individual exceptions, remains abysmally low. If
this does not make a strong enough case on their
behalf, there is also the constitutional
requirement to provide for their advancement
under Article 15(3).
So what explains the double standards? One for
women and quite another for the many caste
groups? For a start, parliamentary quota is a
bitter reality unlike job quota which is largely
illusory.
If a third of Lok Sabha seats have to go to
women, a third of sitting male MPs would need to
give up their membership, which is easier
committed to on paper than implemented in
reality. In contrast, there are simply no jobs to
be given. For some years now, labour force growth
has far outstripped employment growth rate, and
there is a virtual recruitment freeze in most
government departments.
This is besides the fact that organised labour
constitutes less than 10 per cent of the total.
Sixty per cent of India's workforce is
self-employed and very poor, and another 30 per
cent are casual workers.
As for the economically poor upper castes, they
need to be below the poverty line to qualify for
reservation, and when last heard, enumerators
were finding it difficult to locate this elusive
group. Little wonder the reservation pie is
getting larger and larger without anyone being
able to help herself to it.
_____
10.
Calling For Electronic Civil Disobedience To
Resist The Blocking of groups.yahoo.com in India:
Users should speak up for unfettered communications rights
This current move to block internet content for
thousands off users, is a blatant violation of
freedom of expression and sets a very dangerous
precedent of censorship and control of the
internet in India. It is very unfortunate that
human rights groups in India, have still not
taken note.
All in India wanting to bypass the illegal
blocking of groups.yahoo.com are advised go via:
http://anon.free.anonymizer.com/http://groups.yahoo.com
1. Advertise this among other users.
2. All users are invited to send at least 10
e-mail messages a day @ each of these e-mail
addresses a, b, c and d. [see addresses below] If
only a few hundred people repeatedly send them 10
blank messages a day, that would help jam their
pipes and slow down their mail servers.
All moderators running lists on groups.yahoo.com
with subscribers in India are invited to join and
invite their users to send blank messages and or
Protest letters to people listed under a, b, c,d.
3. Internet users abroad are invited to join in solidarity
4. Call a 'Flash mob' in Delhi at Electronic
Niketan on Lodi Road in Delhi. Or in other
cities in solidarity with ..... users get in
touch with http://www.mumbaimobs.org/
http://bloremobs.rediffblogs.com/
http://www.delhimobs.com/
In solidarity
Harsh Kapoor
(South Asia Citizens Web)
N.B.: Feel free to send copies of your protest
letters to <aiindex at mnet.fr> for a compilation of
letters being prepared
o o o
Addresses of the officials and bodies to whom
people should actively write to protest Internet
censorship in India:
(a) Arun Shourie
Minister (Communications & Information Technology & Disinvestment)
Ist Floor, Electronics Niketan,
Lodhi Road,New Delhi , India
Email : ashourie at nic.in
(b) Shri Ravi Shankar Prasad
(Minister of Information and Broadcasting)
E-Mail: ravis at sansad.nic.in
Phone: (91) 23384340, 23384782 Fax : (91) 23782118
(c) Computer Emergency Response Team (CERT-In)
http://www.mit.gov.in/cert/
(d) India's Department of Telecom
http://www.dotindia.com/
E-mail: ddgir at sancharnet.in
e) The Internet Service Providers Association of India (ISPAI)
http://www.ispai.com/
[* India's Official Human rights watch dog]
National Human Rights Commission(NHRC)
http://nhrc.nic.in/contact.htm
_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/
Buzz on the perils of fundamentalist politics, on
matters of peace and democratisation in South
Asia. SACW is an independent & non-profit
citizens wire service run since 1998 by South
Asia Citizens Web (www.mnet.fr/aiindex). [Please
note the SACW web site has gone down, you will
have to for the time being search google cache
for materials]
The complete SACW archive is available at: http://sacw.insaf.net
DISCLAIMER: Opinions expressed in materials carried in the posts do not
necessarily reflect the views of SACW compilers.
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