SACW | 21 Sept. 2003
Harsh Kapoor
aiindex at mnet.fr
Sun Sep 21 05:09:02 CDT 2003
South Asia Citizens Wire | 21 September, 2003
[1] Pakistan: Lambs to the Slaughter (Tehmina Ahmed)
[2] Pakistan: Reform blasphemy law (Edit, The Daily times)
[3] [Dont let priests make your life hell] Angels
dancing on the point of a pin (Ishtiaq Ahmed)
[4] Nepal: 'Ring for Peace' 21 September
[5] India Pakistan Arms Race and Militarisation Watch Compilation # 136
[6] India: Belief in astrology is injurious to mental health (Khushwant Singh)
[7] India: Confession of a former karsevak: "If
we keep quiet today, there will be silence
tomorrow"
(Abhijit Deshpande)
[8] India / Gujarat: Modi Regime Does Not Need -
A Women's & Human Rights Commissions ! (Batuk
Vora)
[9] 'For most men, might against women right'
[10] India: TV Programme Transcript : Arundhati
Roy discusses dams with Mishal Husain
[11] India: Anjali Gopalan of the Naz Foundation
(India) Trust interviewed (Archana Jahagirdar)
--------------
[1.]
Newsline Pakistan
Film
Lambs to the Slaughter
Swara- A Bridge over Troubled Water is a
sensitive portrayal of the inhuman custom of
swara in which Pakhtun girls are given away in
marriage to make amends for crimes committed by
men.
By Tehmina Ahmed
Swara, a documentary written and directed by
anthropologist Samar Minallah, is a deeply
disturbing account of one of the traditional
customs still prevailing among the Pakhtuns of
the Frontier province.
The code of the Pakhtuns,
Pakhtunwali, has connotations of courage and
chivalry in popular understanding. While it
glorifies male notions of honour, it brings
nothing but misery to women, as researchers such
as Minallah have pointed out in their writing.
With Swara, Minallah takes to a
different medium. While the film conveys the
message in no uncertain terms, it is plain to see
that the transition from one medium to the other
is far from smooth. The film is text-heavy and
one sees the editor struggling with the job of
matching visual material to the commentary. As a
result, there is a fair amount of repetition of
visual material and, at times, the visual and
audio fail to relate.
That said, Minallah has done an
excellent job of putting the dilemma of the
Pakhtun woman across, in her own words. In the
custom of Swara, disputes arising from incidents
where a man is killed in a confrontation are
settled by presenting a girl to the aggrieved
family as compensation for the loss of life. The
decision is taken by an all-male jirga, which
does not consult the girl or any female member of
the family on the question.
This situation results in what is
described as nikah bil jibr by a judge of the
Federal Shariat Court interviewed by Minallah.
The girl is sent, often against her will, to a
hostile family, where she lives in disgrace,
paying for the sins of the men of her family. The
marriage takes place with no ceremony, and the
girl is not allowed to participate in any festive
occasions in her new family. Mothers pray that
their daughters should die before they leave
their homes, because this is truly a fate worse
than death.
Minallah has a poignant image of a man
leading his little girl across to a jirga to
offer her up for swara. The image is repeated
several times and it is as chilling the last time
as when it first appears. Although the aggrieved
family is asked to wait until the girl reaches
puberty, often even this wish is not respected,
and the girl is taken away to be wed to a man who
is old enough to be her father, and who usually
has another wife.
Victims of swara appear in the
documentary to speak first-hand of their
experience. Gul Bibi, who was not willing to go
through swara, was married to an old man against
her will. Noreena has been given away in swara
and her mother complains that she was forced to
agree to the arrangement at gunpoint. Noreena,
who should be enjoying what she has left of her
childhood, suffers from depression. Another woman
who was given away in swara runs away from home,
only to be tracked down. She has to earn 100,000
rupees through hard labour and give them to the
aggrieved family. Only then is she let off the
hook.
The film is an indictment of a
primitive society where only the law of the
jungle seems to prevail. Telling the story is the
first step towards a movement for change and
Minallah minces no words in telling it the way it
is.
______
[2.]
The Daily Times, September 21, 2003
EDITORIAL: Reform blasphemy law
The blasphemy law is back in the news. At a press
conference in Lahore, leaders of the
Majlis-e-Ulema Pakistan and the Badshahi Mosque
Khateeb Maualana Abdul Khabeer have stated that a
blasphemy case should be thoroughly investigated
before the registration of a case. They made this
statement with reference to a case being
investigated by the police in Lahore.
A few days ago a complaint had been registered
with the police that a local plastic footwear
business had manufactured shoes with a design
that somehow resembled the Arabic name of Allah.
Prior to this complaint, photocopied images of
the shoe had been distributed in a footwear
market at the Bhatti gate. However,
investigations by the police revealed that the
charges levelled against the accused had been
initiated by a group of blackmailers who had been
extorting money from the company owners Munir
Ahmed and Azeem Ahmed for some time by
threatening to accuse them of blasphemy. When the
owners finally refused to give them more money,
they carried out the threat and registered the
case with the police. Fortunately, however, this
time preliminary investigation proved the
innocence of the accused. However, the incident
highlights yet again the misuse of the blasphemy
law, which for once has been so acknowledged by
some religious circles.
The religious leaders mentioned above were
brought into the loop by the police to judge
whether the shoe design was actually blasphemous
or not; they made the statement absolving the
accused in response to a question during the
press conference.
Though this is an unusual admission on the part
of the clergy, who are averse to any change in
the law, critics of the blasphemy law have been
pointing out for years that the law is open to
abuse and is manipulated by people to register
false cases against rivals and adversaries. Once
a person is accused of blasphemy, the stigma of
the accusation and the fact that the burden of
proof lies on the accused makes the chances of an
acquittal bleak. It has also been pointed out
time and again that there is considerable
pressure on junior judges to give a verdict
against the accused.
In fact, a short while after General Pervez
Musharraf took over power, he suggested making a
procedural change in the registration of
blasphemy cases so that some care was taken
before the accused was hauled up. But he backed
down as the religious groups in the country
threatened to take to the streets and the issue
was buried once again. However, the misuse has
continued. In recent times, the case of the
sub-editor of Frontier Post who was sentenced to
death for blasphemy has already been in the
public eye locally and internationally. The
sentence was blasted quite vocally because it
condemned an addict to death, who at the most was
guilty of negligence in allowing the printing of
an unsuitable letter.
The shoe company case, even though it ended well
once again, highlights an issue that needs the
immediate attention of state and society for the
sake of those who fall victim to it and the bad
press it earns Pakistan internationally. If the
government cannot repeal the law, the least it
can do is introduce the changes it had suggested
earlier. Perhaps this time around the
conservative clergy can see reason and assist the
government rather than hinder its efforts. *
______
[3.]
The Daily Times, September 21, 2003
Op-ed: Angels dancing on the point of a pin
Ishtiaq Ahmed
The topic for this week's column is by no means
outlandish. It might be considered somewhat
quaint by modern educated people but in fact it
can easily be the subject of an intense
discussion among sincere, intelligent and
respectable Pakistanis in case someone brings it
to their notice.
The intellectual pedigree of this topic goes all
the way back to the medieval period when learned
men of both Christendom and Islam debated it and
other similar metaphysical questions. They
rarely, if ever, gave an answer which can be
considered plausible and admissible in modern
scientific discourse. On the contrary the art was
to prolong the discussion; some controversies
such as the one about angels dancing or standing
on the point of pins raged for generations.
The reason was that the intellectual frameworks
within which the discussions took place and the
tools and categories of analyses employed were
eminently suited for protracting rather than
resolving doctrinal matters. Such scholarship
came to be known as Scholasticism. Purely formal
Aristotelian logic was used to debate the issues
and the terms of reference were indeed doctrines
and dogmas. Sensory experience or testing of
various assertions and claims were not possible
in the case of metaphysical matters, but where
testing could be done it was rejected in
methodological terms: scholasticism relied
exclusively on the play of words and nothing more.
Thus for example one such matter debated was:
does a chicken have teeth? A German peasant, fed
up with debating assemblies that continued month
after month discussing the question of chicken's
teeth, barged in one day when the discussion was
in full swing. He opened the beak of the bird to
show that it had no teeth. I believe he was burnt
at the stakes for alleged heresy.
The most famous religious scholar to spend a
lifetime trying to determine how 'many angels
could dance on the point of a pin' was St Thomas
Aquinas (1225-74), the main architect of Roman
Catholic theology. During the late Abbasid period
similar controversies raged at the royal court in
Baghdad, and when the Mongols landed up at the
doors of Baghdad in 1258 the learned men were
completely engrossed in some such controversy.
I am sure that priests of all religions take
scholasticism seriously and such debates continue
even today within their restricted circles but
the lay community in the West is rarely involved
in them. This however is not the case with
contemporary Muslim societies. Scholastic truths
continue to inform public debate. The ulema are
routinely pontificating about metaphysical
matters reminding their terrified audiences many
times a day about the wrath of Allah that will
befall them in case they doubted for a moment any
of their rulings.
The situation becomes gravely compounded by the
fact that since Islam does not sanction a special
caste of priests who have an exclusive monopoly
over theology, in practice this can turn out to
be an invitation to anyone with enough leisure at
his disposal and passion to engage in theological
debate to enter the arena and display his/her
skills in mastering doctrines and dogmas. Some
very intelligent minds are engaged daily in
scholastic exchange of views. The amount of time
and energy invested is indeed impressive but
simultaneously a huge waste of time.
For example some topics that are currently being
debated on Internet are the following: if jinns
are made of fire, do they marry and have
children? Where does the spirit reside before
being sent to heaven or hell? Some of the topics
are of a practical nature but premised on
scholastic assumptions. For example: Can Muslims
use the Internet? Should a Muslim greet a
non-Muslim? Should a Muslim paint a picture of a
living creature? Is photography permitted in
Islam?
The last question is particularly significant
because in one of his famous works spread over
several volumes 'Rasail-o-Masail', Abul Ala
Maududi came up with a most original answer. He
ruled that photography, sketching or painting
were haram (forbidden) because the picture made
on a paper was an act of idolatry. However,
cinematography was not!
The very fine distinction he drew was that in the
latter case an image of a person is thrown on the
screen and not the actual picture. He furthered
ruled that in an Islamic state films with human
characters will be allowed. Men and women will
normally not act together but if it was necessary
to have a scene in which they were to come face
to face, then, men dressed up and painted to look
like women will play the role. Those who doubt
what I am saying can look up 'Rasail-o-Masail',
Vol. 2, Lahore: Idara Muarif Islamic, 1983, p.
262-7.
Obviously such scholastic rulings do not harm
anyone directly and we should accept them as very
serious concerns of some pious people. The
problem is that on closer inspection many such
rulings have a direct bearing on attitudes,
values and indeed behaviour.
Some months ago, a senior Pakistani, a long time
resident of Stockholm, died. According to the
Swedish procedure the dead body is taken directly
to the graveyard from the hospital after the
authorities have done the routine checks. His
wife wanted to see his face before burial so she
had to come to the graveyard. The maulvi, trained
in a famous seminary in Pakistan, overruled her
presence saying that it was un-Islamic. The
reason he gave was quite embarrassing. According
to him when women come to a graveyard all dead
men rise from their graves and see them stark
naked!
The wife defied the ruling and came along with
her daughters and saw his face before he was
lowered in the grave. Nobody among the mourners
objected; in fact they sympathised with the lady.
Now, weird as the fatwa might seem, I think it is
really a serious matter. Are we going to let
maulvis enforce narrow and restrictive moral
codes which can never be accepted as reasonable
in any sense of the word? I am sure this is done
routinely by priests of many other religions but
that should be no excuse to let the Muslim mind
remain a prisoner of patently ludicrous forms of
scholasticism.
______
[4.]
Nepal: 'Ring for Peace' 21 September
A coalition of groups working to declare Nepali
children a zone of peace is organising a
Nepal-wide campaign to ring bells for two minutes
at noon on Sunday, 21 September, which is
International Peace Day. Called 'Ring for Peace'
the organisers have asked all Nepalis to take
part, ringing temple bells, bells at home,
bicycle bells, car horns to call for an end to
conflict and violence. "Whoever wins or loses,
the most affected by conflict are children, we
want to draw the Nepali public's attention to the
plight of children," the coalition says in a
statement. Information about the bell-ringing
campaign is being broadcast on Radio Nepal,
television stations and a network of FM stations
throughout the country.
______
[5.]
India Pakistan Arms Race and Militarisation Watch Compilation # 136
(20-21 September 2003)
URL: groups.yahoo.com/group/IPARMW/message/147
______
[6.]
The Telegraph [ India], September 20, 2003
INJURIOUS TO THE MIND'S HEALTH
THIS ABOVE ALL KHUSHWANT SINGH
Some weeks ago, one of our leading national
dailies carried the findings of a group of
scientists who examined the claims made by
astrologers about their ability to forecast
future events. They scrutinized thousands of
biodatas of people born on the same day to find
out whether or not they had same traits in common
and whether people born under the same zodiac
signs - Leo, Virgo, Scorpio and so on, had
similar temperaments, as claimed by astrologers.
They came to the conclusion that there was no
truth whatsoever to substantiate them. In short,
astrology was total humbug. The same applies to
palmistry, vaastu, Feng Shui, numerology, bhrigu,
tarot cards - whatever.
However, this did not deter Murli Manohar Joshi,
once professor of physics and today a minister of
the Central cabinet, to preside over a function
to honour B.K. Madan, editor of Babaji, a
magazine devoted to astrology. Joshi believes
that Vedic jyotish, whatever that means, is a
science. Madan fully endorses his views, as do
millions of our countrymen. I have crossed swords
with Madan before, he used to send me Babaji. His
forecasts were coined in a vague, round-about
lingo used by all astrologers so you cannot pin
them down to anything specific. It was the same
kind of language as used by their patron saint,
Nostradamus, according to whom life on our planet
should have ended two years ago.
I caught out Madan once when he slipped up by
mentioning a specific date when there would be
some kind of violent eruption in Parliament.
Nothing whatsoever happened on that day. I wrote
about it in my column. Madan was understandably
very gussa with me, used angry words to denounce
me as an ignoramus and stopped sending his
magazine to me. At the function in his honour, he
claimed to have forecast the assassination of
Rajiv Gandhi. I challenged him to reproduce the
text of his forecast. He also predicted
earthquakes in the years to come. So can I. In
Japan there are tremors of different strengths
every week and round the globe, there are a few
earthquakes every year. His guesses will be as
good as mine for neither will be based on
scientific data.
Joshi has given astrology a new lease of life. It
has once again become a booming industry. Several
television channels are let out to astrologers at
high prices to advertise their claims to
forecasting the future. Without exception they
exploit religious sentiment to back their
spurious knowledge: saffron clothes, elaborate
caste-marks on their foreheads, halos of aums
behind their heads, pictures of gods and
goddesses on the background and beatific smiles
of know-alls on their smug faces. People lap up
the garbage they spill out as if it was their
mothers' milk. It is a free country; so I have no
right to say "Ban all this hocus-pocus and let
people plan out their own futures." But I can
suggest that as in the case of advertisements for
cigarettes, where the government requires
printing a warning: "Cigarette smoking is
injurious to health", so in the case of
programmes devoted to astrology, there should be
a warning "Belief in astrology is injurious to
mental health."
I do not know whether our prime minister or his
deputy believe in astrology but they should be
aware that its unchecked propaganda is unfair in
a country largely illiterate and prone to
superstition. It also makes India a laughing
stock in the modern world. [...].
______
[7.]
South Asia Citizens Web | 21 September 2003
URL: http://www.mnet.fr/aiindex/new/rajwade092003.html
o o o
Confession of a former karsevak:
IF WE KEEP QUIET TODAY, THERE WILL BE SILENCE TOMORROW *
(Translated by Ashok Rajwade from Daily Losatta (Marathi) dated 18.09.2003)
-Abhijit Deshpande
What if Zahira would have kept quiet..? The
'Ramarajya' (kingdom of Rama, often quoted as the
ideal reign by Hindus) would have continued
unblemished. It would not have caused extra
work-load to judiciary. Secular parties would not
have got one more point for fight. The media that
thrives on propaganda would not have one more
news item. 'The atmosphere of peace and amity'
would have continued unabated. This is one rare
episode in Indian democracy where a commoner -
and not a social activist or opposition leader -
spoke out against the powerful rulers. While
Gujarat government was celebrating the (virtual)
burial of Best Bakery issue ( a case where a
number of Muslims were killed by Hidutwa zealots
during Gujarat riots) , it got a new twist
because of Zahira's utterances.
With this issue still fresh, one more issue is
awaiting justice. The Rae Bareli court will
pronounce its verdict tomorrow. In this issue
too, as usual, CBI does not have sufficient
evidence to convict the three ministers. As
usual, these convicts will be let off for lack of
evidence. The opposition will get one more issue
for creating the scene. And as it generally
happens, curtain will come down on this issue
too. To quote a popular (Marathi) proverb: 'we do
not regret because the old lady has died, but
because, death has turned more arrogant'. And if
this happens, how long can we citizens keep
watching all this with folded hands?
At Ayodhya, Babri Masjid was demolished on 6th
December 1992. Thousands of Karsevaks demolished
it without any regard for conscience. In this
issue, three ministers are involved. While
refuting the charges against them, they have
taken a stand that the demolition of Babri Masjid
was a spontaneous outburst of Hindu minds. This
is true only partially. The reality, however, is
such that it reinforces the charges against them.
I was personally present in the Kar Seva on 6th
December. I have seen the Babri Masjid being
razed, but later, I joined those who caused the
demolition. Yet, after what followed the
demolition, I moved farther away from the
Hindutwa thought- and for ever - because of the
ensuing riots and atmosphere created. From
Ayodhya episode to the murder of Staines, all
events have made me restless. The Sangh Parivar
is trying to hold the nation into captivity on
Ayodhya issue. Against this background, I feel
that it is my moral responsibility to bring forth
certain facts before the verdict comes out.
Sixth December! I still remember the day clearly.
From 9 a.m. in the morning, the religious
programmes like Bhajans and Kirtans (religious
chants) began. Karsevaks began congregating in
hordes - numbering in lakhs (tens of thousands).
At bout 1030 am, the leaders of RSS, Bajarang Dal
and BJP began addressing the Karsevaks from the
dais. The speeches were instigating and
inflammatory. Advani and Joshi gave fiery
speeches telling 'how the Babri Masjid is a
blemish on Hindu culture'. Vinay Katiyar and
Sadhwi Ritambara went one step further and
started giving instigating slogans like 'Ek
dhakka aur do, Babri Masjid tod do' (give on more
blow and demolish Babri Masjid). The atmosphere
was getting charged as the time for the 'Karseva'
(literally meaning: offering service with
physical labour) was coming close. (Ninety per
cent of the persons assembled there did not know
what exactly 'Karseva' meant). The speeches were
made so as to charge those for some eruptive
action.
At 12 noon, some Karsevaks climbed atop the babri
Masjid dome. There was a wave of extreme joy
amongst the Kar Sevaks. They felt as if they were
living in historical times and had conquered
some fort. Before anyone realised what was
happening, the Masjid was being attacked and
there were outbursts of joy. Slogans like 'Ek
dhakka aur doŠ and Jai Shriram' filled the
atmosphere. >From the dais, Mr. Advani told the
sevaks to keep quiet once or twice, but in this
appeal for peace, there was no suggestion to the
Kar Sevaks to climb down. And in this peace
appeals, there was no hint indicating that
whatever was happening was condemnable. Joshi,
Advani left the dais in next few moments, but
Katiyar, Ritambara, Uma Bharati continued giving
instigating slogans. What happened next is known
to the world.
The mob psychology is different. Mobs sometimes
go out of control of leaders. Yet, contrary to
what Advani is telling us, whatever happened in
Ayodhya was not wholly spontaneous. The
atmosphere created by the leaders was consciously
instigating the mobs. The tone of all speeches
and slogans was such as to create this. The Kar
Sevaks were charged because of these. And those
Kar Sevaks who actually carried out the
demolition had spades and pickaxes in their
hands. But, it is clear that it was a pre-planned
action. The leaders created an atmosphere of
eruption in such a way that whatever happened
would appear to be spontaneous. The leaders
present are definitely guilty of this. And that
includes all the three above ministers.
The verdict from the Rae Bareli court is expected
tomorrow only. The judgement will depend upon how
the cases are actually presented in court. When
the state itself is indulging in the acts of
violence, we have to expect justice from the
courts. But we citizens have a larger
responsibility on our heads. We should learn to
distinguish between being religious and blind
religiosity. When the external extremist forces
have harassed the country, we should not
encourage the internal extremist forces. Even if
it requires some courage, we should take firm
view on these matters. Still there are some
conscientious persons amongst Hindus and Muslims.
It is a great force to count upon. We have to
fight the blind religious persons - even if they
are a part of government. Sometimes, even one
single person can change the scenario. Only, it
requires courage like Zahira. As Sahir
Ludhiyanvi has said in a verse, 'if we keep quiet
today, there will be silence tomorrow' and if, in
future, we have to face such a silence that
buries truth, we will be responsible for the same.
Notes: 1. The article was written one day before Rae Bareli verdict.
2. The explanations in italics inside
brackets are those of the translator.
--0-
A K Rajwade, B-302, Amisha, Laxman Mhatre Rd.
Navagaon, Dahisar West, Mumbai 400 068.
[Copyright for the original in Marathi is held by
Lok Satta the Marathi daily based in Mumbai
[Bombay], India. English translation copyright
is held by Mr Ashok Rajwade. It is being
reproduced here with the permission of the
Loksatta editor and the English translator. Any
requests for further reproduction will be
forwarded to to the translator and to Loksatta.]
______
[8.]
MODI REGIME DOES NOT NEED
A WOMEN'S & HUMAN RIGHTS COMMISSIONS !
-Commentary
by Batuk Vora
[September 20, 2003, Ahmedabad]
-Nine nights of dance, fun and frolic's raucous
festival in front of the idols of Goddesses is due
soon gripping the people all around in Gujarat. So
called 'Hindu Hriday Samrat' Narendra Modi and his
officials are also bracing for a mega-event to host
their expected number of around 100,000 NRI and
foreign investor guests during the festival. Purpose
is to synchronize and celebrate their own 'vibrant
Gujarat' programme to attract foreign capital in a
much down-turned economy of the state.
But various sections of people feel bereft of a humane
regime, while expressing their ire on different issues
through marches and demonstrations. For the first time
in history, perhaps, entire minority community
recently observed a total Bandh in Ahmedabad against
arbitrary arrests of not just alleged terrorist
accomplices but also some prestigious Muslim
businessmen under POTA by the police, creating a reign
of terror among this community.
Much more angry with the Modi administration here is
the mass of farmers, who are waging a long-drawn
agitation against heavy mark-up of electricity
charges. They are worked up because of a violent
police attempt to suppress this agitation recently at
Vadodara. One farmer died after police beating. They
are at present marching in thousands on foot from
South Gujarat town of Dandi to reach Sabarmati Ashram
by Oct. 2, reminiscent of Mahatma Gandhiís march in
the 20ís on the same route.
Look at the students of universities. They are talking
aloud to resume their old 'Navnirman' movement to oust
the Modi regime, as they did in 1974 kicking out the
then chief minister Chiman Patel. Students at the
Gujarat University are burning the effigies of their
Vice-chancellor demanding reduction in increased fees.
Professors and teachers of various colleges of the
same university are out on the streets against the
education departmentís ìcallous attitudeî in not
implementing their earlier assurance on demands.
Teachers and students have actually joined hands
against the government shouting such slogans as 'We
reject work-to-rule only for the teachers, but why is
there no rule for Modi government?'
All the fire directed against Modi hardly makes any
difference to him. But their time seems to be running
out, looking at a crushing defeat at the hands of the
Congress in the last weekís by-elections on 112 seats
of municipal and panchayat bodies, winning only two
seats. Their way of governance, which many critics
here call neo-fascist perpetrating a wide divide
between Hindus and Muslims engineered by them since
the bloody days of carnage in 2002. This is despite
the caustic remarks passed recently by the Supreme
Court asking Modi to quit if he couldnít facilitate
justice to the victims of carnage. Modi has chosen to
remain silent on this. If it was in his power, he
would have lambasted the chief justice also as a a
'hypocrite secularist.'
Leave alone a secular, but so far as the Gujaratís
dire need for a humane and democratic governance is
concerned, two issues draw much criticism here: state
governmentís failure to form a womenís commission and
equally its refusal to form a human rights commission,
proposal for which is pending since BJP came to power
five years back.
Even a deaf and dumb would realize how much a womenís
commission was needed in the state looking at the
report of atrocities on women. There were 262 rapes.
697 kidnapping, 269 murders, 35 deaths on account of
dowry and to cap it all ñ some 1,799 suicides by women
in 2001!
It was declared by the government that the ënewly to
be formedí womenís commission would work under social
justice department. Later they formed a separate
office of women and childrenís welfare but no chairman
or members of the commission were appointed. The
government even issued an ordinance for such a
formation but it never was followed up by actual
formation of commission!! Only woman minister in Modi
cabinet, education minister Anandi Patel, later told
the media that ìour government was new and many other
appointments were yet to be filled up in public sector
institutions also.
State government was reminded by various womenís
organizations two years back that Rajasthan, Madhya
Pradesh, Tamilnadu and such other states had already
formed their own commissions but why not in Gujarat?
Most shocking fact happening in the state was an
increase in child-marriages. There were 17 such
marriages registered in police record of 1998, but it
became 26 in 1999. Cases of mental tortures on women
registered were 2989 in 1998, which rose to 3365 in
1999.
Another even more shocking is the incidence of fetus
death has brought Gujarat as number two all over the
country in decreased number of girl child per a
thousand births- 878 girls for 1000 boys! Clearly, the
age old practice of killing girls before they are born
or even after they are born in a few cases is still
prevalent here, with slogans of 'new bright Hindutva'
dominating the socio-cultural landscape.
So far as the formation of human rights commission is
concerned, the state government has simply stayed any
action on this score. Some officials say in hush-hush
tones that the chief minister is not able to find out
a pliable chairman for the same and that is the
reason, while some other sources assert that the
ruling BJP is afraid of being trapped once they form
such a commission, which could be flooded with
complaints from various sections of society- from
Dalit victims of atrocities to members of minority
community who have been continuously making noise
against human right violations by the ruling party and
its police. THE END
______
[9.]
Delhi Newsline
Friday , September 19, 2003
'For most men, might against women right'
Express News Service
New Delhi, September 18: Fifty-six years after
Independence and despite some premier educational
institutions like IIMs and IITs, the so-called
sharp and educated young men of India believe in
the subjugation of women, a survey on domestic
violence has said.
Conducted by international NGO Oxfam, the summary
report of ''Unveiling the Silence on Domestic
Violence'' was today presented before women's
rights representatives from across the country.
The report said the young male (15-19 years) is
stuck with ''traditional attitudes and considers
girls inferior and deserving protection,
restriction and discipline, including violent
correction of their behaviour''.
Madhav of Quantum, the agency that conducted the
survey for Oxfam, said: ''Boys feel they have to
keep control over women, that freedom is a male
prerogative.'' Pramada Menon from NGO CREA added:
''In an online chat on domestic violence, I was
time and again asked 'what is the problem with
women?' The young kept saying that women
instigate the violence.''
The report says people across income-groups, age
groups and geographical areas consider domestic
violence acceptable. ''Domestic violence has
taken a form of social acceptance. It is only
when the violence is stretched to an atrocity
like rape that we condemn it,'' said Vasantha
Kannabiran from NGO Asmita.
The study was conducted over four months in rural
and urban centres. ''The study is qualitative
than quantitative, we were trying to determine
the attitudes of people,'' said Madhav. ''About
400 people were interviewed.''
The report said a section of women consider
violence as a legitimate right of husbands.
Others despise violence but do not stand up
against it. Some fight hostility but by
negotiation. Even the perpetrators of violence
have been categorised. There are those who think
domestic violence is a male privilege. Some
assault wives to vent frustration with their
lives. Others deplore violence on the outside but
attack their wives at home. And lastly, a section
of men derive pleasure from beating their wives.
Many in the audience questioned this
categorisation. Flavia Agnes, a lawyer running
NGO Majlis in Bombay, said: ''How were these
categories created? As a victim of domestic
violence, I can see myself in all of these. I see
my husband falling into all the categories for
perpetrators.''
______
[10.]
Wide Angle on PBS
Programme Transcript for 'The Dammed', broadcast on September 18, 2003
Arundhati Roy discusses the Sardar Sarovar dam with host Mishal Husain.
http://www.pbs.org/wnet/wideangle/shows/dammed/transcript.html
also available at:
http://www.outlookindia.com/full.asp?fodname=20030919&fname=arundhati&sid=1
______
[11.]
Interview, The Times of India, September 20, 2003
Minority Matters
Anjali Gopalan is the founding executive director
of the Naz Foundation (India) Trust, which has
worked extensively in the area of HIV/AIDS and
sexual health. In December 2001, the foundation
filed a PIL against Section 377 IPC which is
often used to harass homosexuals and criminalises
same-sex union. Ms Gopalan talks to Archana
Jahagirdar about why this law must be amended:
http://timesofindia.indiatimes.com:80/cms.dll/html/uncomp/articleshow?msid=191035
_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/
Buzz on the perils of fundamentalist politics, on
matters of peace and democratisation in South
Asia. SACW is an independent & non-profit
citizens wire service run since 1998 by South
Asia Citizens Web (www.mnet.fr/aiindex).
The complete SACW archive is available at: http://sacw.insaf.net
DISCLAIMER: Opinions expressed in materials carried in the posts do not
necessarily reflect the views of SACW compilers.
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