SACW | 24 Aug. 2003
Harsh Kapoor
aiindex at mnet.fr
Sun Aug 24 07:08:32 CDT 2003
South Asia Citizens Wire | 24 August, 2003
[1.] India - Pakistan Compilation:
- Animosity between neighbors may blow out candles of hope (Kuldip Nayar)
- The goodwill bonus (edit. Dawn)
- Upcoming Public Forum India and Pakistan: Fascism, Fundamentalism,
and the U.S. Agenda (New Westminster, BC, Canada)
- BBC World India-Pakistan Season
[2.] Sri Lanka: Tamil Democracy Follow-up Letter on Political Killings
[3.] Religious Merger Creates 900 Million Hinjews
[4.] India: Need for new politics (S.P. Udayakumar)
[5.] India: A New Emergency (Githa Hariharan)
[6.] India: Online Petition to Rehabilitate "Constitutional Rule Of
Law" at Marad [in Kerala]
[7.] India: Complaint regarding police harassment by Gujarat Police
(Richard Shapiro)
[8.] India: Everyday Politico-Religious Politics :
- Serving beef at Ayodhya
- Digvijay U-turn on cow kill ban
- Holy Cow back in politics
- [Politicisation of Religious Festivals] Ganesh up for grabs
- VHP singing Ram dhun in rural UP
--------------
[1.]
Gulf News [U.A.E.] , August 23 2003
Kuldip Nayar: ANIMOSITY BETWEEN NEIGHBOURS MAY BLOW OUT CANDLES OF HOPE
Will people-to-people contact succeed when it has yielded little
result in the past? This is the question which is increasingly being
asked both in India and Pakistan. The answer depends on what the
posers of the question are seeking. No, Kashmir may not be solved.
The contact will help evolve a solution.
People-to-people contact is, however, a misnomer. Visits of some
parliamentary members, journalists or their conclaves do not mean
that this kind of contact has taken place. There should be meetings
between different members of the society - lawyers, doctors,
academicians, entrepreneurs, industrialists and students - involving
the common man as well. Only then will the process become meaningful.
The wider the contact the lesser will be the mistrust - the mistrust
of the past 55 years. People will begin to realise how much they have
in common. They will come to develop a strong desire to accommodate
one another to live peacefully. Even obdurate governments will then
seek a compromise.
We have missed many opportunities. During the 1962 India-China war,
the Shah of Iran wrote to General Ayub Khan to send his forces to
fight by the side of India. The Shah sent the letter's copy to the
then Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru who, in turn, marked it to Home
Minister Lal Bahadur Shastri. I was then Shastri's press officer and
read the letter.
Long after the 1962 war, Shastri recalled the letter. If General Ayub
had sent his forces to fight by the side of Indian forces, he said,
the scenario would have changed. Shastri said had the blood of Indian
and Pakistani soldiers flowed together on the battlefield, it would
have been difficult to say "no" even if Pakistan had just asked for
Kashmir.
Shastri's observation was probably true. Instead, we have had three
wars and the Kargil engagements. They have increased the distance
further. The basic thing is to remove the animosity which has been
fostered and nurtured on both sides since day one after partition. It
means changing the thinking in the two countries. But fighting
religious prejudice, a legacy of hundreds of years, is not an easy
thing to do.
First the British and then some leaders pandered to communal elements
to keep the two communities apart. The bias they have planted is
deep. To uproot it, the idea of a pluralistic society would have to
be re-sown.
Straightaway, the official propaganda by one against another country
must stop. This was the agreement reached between Nehru and Liaquat
Ali when mistrust on both sides took the shape of killings.
There is no bar on the sale of newspapers and books of one country to
the other. But cussed bureaucrats have managed things in such a way
that no newspaper or book can cross the border. The Pakistan
government has now disallowed even the viewing of Indian TV channels.
Even after a modicum of contact, things are not moving because of the
cloistered thinking in the governments which do not look beyond
scoring points. How can there be people-to-people contact when visas
are not issued and police harassment continues?
Six months after Indian Prime Minister Atal Bihari Vajpayee spoke at
Srinagar for a dialogue and Pakistan Prime Minister Zafarullah Khan
Jamali's telephone call to congratulate him, there has been only one
bus plying daily each way carrying 37 passengers.
Islamabad may be blamed for not allowing more busses and air and
train contacts. It seems as if Islamabad is holding contacts hostage
to the Kashmir solution. But why doesn't New Delhi unilaterally open
its borders and set up a post at the Wagah border itself to issue
visas? Terrorists do not use this way to come in, if that is what
bothers the Indian government.
The media on both sides can help. But it is jingoistic in thinking
and cynical in approach. It looks for negative stories all the time.
No wonder, they scoff at the "candle wallahs" because they challenge
their biased views. What can you do about the bigoted writers who
distort the partition perspective and say that it was necessary for
"interrupting the old Islamisation process running across the
subcontinent?"
Because of their mindset, the media gave very little attention to the
history made at the Wagah border a few days ago. For the first time
since independence, 12 members of the National Assembly and Senate of
Pakistan crossed into India to join the candle-lighting ceremony at
the border on the August 14-15 midnight, the hour when India and
Pakistan became free.
By participating in the ceremony, the Pakistan MPs defied the
dictates of the military and the mullahs not to have any truck with
Indians. MPs did more than that. Aitizaz Hasan, one of Pakistan's
best minds, was their leader. He said: "Open the borders to let
people meet who are determined not to go to war ever."
Fawzia Wahab urged women on both sides to have a vested interest in
peace so that "the hatred and bitterness of the past is not forced
upon the future generations of Indians and Pakistanis". She said she
could see the mood of people in Pakistan changing after the recent
contacts. They should not stop.
MPs were not alone to project the message of amity. People were
behind them. When I went to the other side of the Wagah border to
bring the MPs to India, I found a milling crowd of at least 25,000
with white flags aloft, to see them off. Asma Jehangir, I.A. Rehman,
Jugnu Sethi and many more human rights activists were in the crowd.
Theirs has been an untiring effort to span the distance between the
two countries.
Not long ago the government had banned their visits to the Indian
border. The religious bodies had threatened to attack them. But the
mood seems to have changed. Officials were co-operative and followers
of religious bodies waved the Pakistan flags to express their
support. Indeed, a favourable wind is blowing in Pakistan. When I led
a parliamentary delegation to that country two months ago, even
religious formations said they wanted peace.
I wish I could say the same thing about India. Most 'experts' on this
side have a mindset. They do not want to believe that people in
Pakistan can change. However, the public in India is beginning to
distance itself from such people. There were at least a hundred and
fifty thousand people at Wagah to applaud the MPs from Pakistan.
Celebrations and songs to extol friendship between the two countries
continued till three in the morning.
How different was the scene this time from the one in 1995! That was
when only a few of us - former chief justice of the Delhi High Court
Rajinder Sacher, Outlook editor Vinod Mehta, former vice-chancellor
Amrik Singh, human rights activist Sayeeda, Sikh leader Manjit Singh
Calcutta, the late Nikhil Chakravarty of the Mainstream and myself -
lighted candles at the Wagah border. What was a small initiative then
is turning into a people's movement. Let it spread.
o o o
Dawn [Pakistan] August 24, 2003 | Editorial
http://www.dawn.com/2003/08/24/ed.htm#1
THE GOODWILL BONUS
It is unfortunate that while the people of Pakistan and India will
like to believe that the climate between the two countries has
improved somewhat in recent weeks, officials on both sides continue
to be oppressively belligerent in their statements. The old ding-dong
continues, as if the past six months since the Indian prime
minister's Srinagar speech and the Pakistani premier's warm response
to it had never happened. In a letter sent to the presidents of the
General Assembly and Security Council the other day by Pakistan's
permanent UN representative, a number of charges have been levelled
against India for dragging its feet on opening serious negotiations.
Indian foreign office spokesmen have talked in similarly negative
terms while commenting on proposals for re-establishing air and rail
links and the reported US sale of some C-130 aircraft to Pakistan. It
is perhaps not so much what is said during these bureaucratic
exchanges that is important as the tone, which continues to reflect a
mindset that many will now wish was changed or moderated.
Political leaders saying one thing and sounding extremely positive
and their officials striking an altogether different posture may be
considered sound strategy to keep options open and maintain pressure.
Its fallout at the public level, however, has a disconcerting effect,
and people are left guessing as to whom and what to believe. It is,
of course, impossible that habits formed over five decades of
intermittent hostility and bickering should disappear overnight. But
a conscious effort should, nevertheless, be made on both sides to
promote the atmosphere of popular goodwill that is slowly beginning
to take hold and to whose creation a number of peace delegations have
made a significant contribution. This would mean softening some of
the official rhetoric and commentaries on state-run media. We have
played to the gallery for far too long to continue to delude
ourselves that this has either a serious vote-catching potential or
helps promote patriotism and national solidarity. These attributes
are more constructively stimulated by following domestic policies
that increase popular participation in governance and further
people's welfare.
The governments of Pakistan and India should realize that the longer
steps essential to normalization are delayed, the greater the danger
both for disillusionment to set in and for hard-crust ideologues on
either side to again try to seize centrestage, making compromises
difficult. Islamabad at least has repeatedly said that it is prepared
to enter into an immediate bilateral dialogue with New Delhi. India
appears to hesitate and to link talks with a number of stipulations.
But to discuss these stipulations, it is also necessary that these
should be taken up at some level. It is not necessary that Mr Jamali
and Mr Vajpayee should rush into each other's arms, but contacts at
various official levels can at least be started without further loss
of time. The question of air and rail links and visa facilities, for
instance, should not be the subject of daily statements from either
side but form the agenda of a proper and structured negotiating
process. President Pervez Musharraf felt confident enough to go up to
shake Mr Vajpayee's hand at a Saarc summit despite the Agra debacle;
Mr Vajpayee should not fear a loss of face at home if he meets the
general when the two are in New York for the General Assembly session
next month. Even an exchange of pleasantries should help. The crucial
thing is that the present momentum for a rapprochement should not be
permitted to dissipate.
o o o
SANSAD
invites you to a Public Forum
INDIA AND PAKISTAN: FASCISM, FUNDAMENTALISM, AND THE U.S. AGENDA
Sunday, August 24, 2003
1:30 p.m.
Justice Institute of BC
715 McBride Blvd., New Westminster
(corner of 8th Ave., and McBride)
India and Pakistan are at a crossroads. India has been moving rapidly
toward fascism, with a Hindu chauvinist ideology dominating both the
state and civil society. Genocidal violence against Muslims and
atrocities against Christians take place without state intervention
and even with state support, while the voices of secularism and
minority rights are increasingly suppressed. In Pakistan a military
regime, wearing the costume of parliamentary democracy, continues its
attack on civil liberties, while an Islamist fundamentalism
increasingly suppresses democratic rights and the rights of women in
particular. Armed with nuclear weapons both countries are frequently
on the brink of war. Yet both countries are currently caught in the
U. S. agenda of global domination, Pakistan providing military bases,
India performing joint military exercises, and both being solicited
to act as America's colonial policemen in Iraq. Can this bring about
a genuine peace on the subcontinent? Will it consolidate the regimes
of repression?
SANSAD invites you to discuss these issues with
Ms. Teesta Setalvad, editor of Communalism Combat (published from
Bombay) and a recipient of many national and international awards for
journalism and for defending human rights.
Topic: Confronting the Two-headed Monster - Fascism and Imperialism in India
Mr. Tapan Bose, Secretary, South Asian Forum for Human Rights,
Kathmandu, author of many books, and publisher of the recently
released book: Reduced to Ashes : Insurgency and Human Rights in
Punjab.
Topic: Indo-Pak Relations and Imperialism in South Asia
Dr. Bilal Hashmi, Professor Emeritus, Eastern Washington University.
Topic: Fundamentalism in Pakistan - Causes and Consequences
*****************************************************
poetry recitals by well known poets in the Indo-Pak community
K.S. Parmar Nadeem, Zahid Laeeq, Narendra Bhagi, Mohammad Rafiq, Acharya Diwedi
*****************************************************
SANSAD
South Asian Network for Secularism and Democracy
For further information contact:
Chin Banerjee 421-6752, Nissar Dalal 431-6237, Harjap Grewal 852-8665,
Abid Pittalwala 325-5092, Abi Sharma 980-1365, Hari Sharma 420-2972
The Forum is supported by
Institute for the Humanities, Simon Fraser University
Chetna Association of Canada
Nepalis Abroad for a Just and Democratic Nepal
Pakistani Canada Association
Pakistani-Canadian Cultural Association
Public Awareness and Welfare Society
South Asian Cultural Association
Thamil Community Association of BC
o o o
BBC WORLD INDIA-PAKISTAN SEASON
Mullah Power
Friday 22nd August at 1930 GMT
Saturday 23rd August at 1030 GMT
Sunday 24th August at 0630 & 2030 GMT
Monday 25th August at 1330 GMT
Tuesday 26th August at 1630 GMT
Wednesday 27th August at 0030 & 0730 GMT
Last year in Pakistan, radical Islamic parties won major political
victories, bringing the country a step closer to government by the mullahs.
Presenter Zubeida Malek traces the way the influence of Islam and the
mullahs has grown over the past half-century. She examines how the
religious coalition that controls Northwest Frontier Province will now use
its power and asks whether the West should be concerned that Islamic parties
are now the second largest block in the national assembly.
Hindu Nation
Saturday 23rd August at 1410 & 2110 GMT
Sunday 24th August at 0910 & 1810 GMT
Sir Mark Tully investigates the rising tide of Hindu nationalism in India.
The Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) is adopting such a stance and its leaders
believe that, in a violently polarized election, they will gain the votes of
the vast majority of Hindus and leave their secular rivals behind. However,
the prospect of India becoming a Hindu state terrifies the country's
Muslims. Tully visits Gujarat, the state where the BJP's new policies of
Hindutva yielded good electoral results.
Pervez Musharraf: Profile
Friday 29th August at 1930 GMT
Saturday 30th August at 1030 GMT
Sunday 31st August at 0630 & 2030 GMT
Monday 1st September at 1330 GMT
Tuesday 2nd September at 1630 GMT
Wednesday 3rd September at 0030 & 0730 GMT
General Pervez Musharraf's role as the President of Pakistan has recently
faced serious international scrutiny. He has repeatedly pushed India to the
brink of nuclear war over the disputed territory of Kashmir, to the point
where each country now has a million soldiers massed on the mutual border.
Profile talks to friends, enemies and the man himself, examining the
contradiction that is Pervez Musharraf: democrat or dictator, peacemaker or
warmonger.
India & Pakistan: Partners or Rivals?
Saturday 30th August at 0810, 1210 & 1910 GMT
Sunday 31st August at 1510 GMT
Kirsty Lang presents a special debate involving five leading thinkers
including Benazir Bhutto, twice Prime Minister of Pakistan, and Krishnan
Srinivasan, the former head of India's diplomatic service. They discuss
politics, business and the arts in the two countries. Also on the panel are
the Pakistani human rights lawyer Asma Jehangir; Gurcharan Das, the author
of the economic book India Unbound; and the former US Ambassador and South
Asia expert in the State Department, Dennis Kux.
Kashmir: Paradise Lost
Saturday 30th August at 1410 & 2110 GMT
Sunday 31st August at 0910 & 1810 GMT
India and Pakistan have already fought two wars in the mountains of Kashmir,
a regional dispute until the two nations developed nuclear capabilities.
Now it's a global concern. Sir Mark Tully, who believes Kashmir has "become
the most dangerous flashpoint threatening humanity", looks at the
unsuccessful attempts at peace and asks why political leaders appear to be
at a standoff. He also hears from local people, many of whom tell him that
they are fed up and want some kind of resolution.
_____
[2.]
Date of Release: August 23, 2003
TAMIL DEMOCRACY FOLLOW-UP LETTER ON POLITICAL KILLINGS
We write to express our thanks for your support of Tamil Democracy's
Statement on the murder of T. Subathiran on June 14, 2003, which many
of you signed. This is a follow-up to what has happened since.
Within days of Subathiran's assassination, over one hundred people
signed the statement, in time for Subathiranís funeral on June 19th.
Many of you also wrote to Tamil Democracy expressing your outrage at
the ongoing political killings.
Since then, Amnesty International (AI) and Human Rights Watch (HRW)
have released three documents addressing the ongoing political
killings. While these documents were late in coming, they are useful
tools in continuing our campaign against the political killings.
A) The joint press release by AI and HRW released on August 7th.
Sri Lanka: Rights groups say LTTE-linked killings continue with impunity
<http://web.amnesty.org/library/Index/ENGASA370032003?open&of=ENG-LKA>http://web.amnesty.org/library/Index/ENGASA370032003?open&of=ENG-LKA
B) The Briefing by HRW released on August 7th.
Sri Lanka: Political Killings During the Ceasefire
<http://hrw.org/backgrounder/asia/srilanka080603.htm>http://hrw.org/backgrounder/asia/srilanka080603.htm
C) The Open Letter by AI released on August 12th.
Open letter to Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE), Sri Lanka
Monitoring Mission (SLMM) and Sri Lankan Police concerning recent
politically motivated killings and abductions in Sri Lanka.
<http://web.amnesty.org/library/Index/ENGASA370042003>http://web.amnesty.org/library/Index/ENGASA370042003
However, political killings have continued with impunity despite
these documents. We must remain vigilant in organizing our
communities and sustaining the pressure on the LTTE, the Sri Lanka
government, the Norwegians, international governments and human
rights organizations to bring about a real peace to the North and
East based on human rights, democracy, pluralism and economic justice.
As a way to focus our efforts, here are four points we should
emphasize and campaign for:
1. The creation of an International Human Rights Monitoring
Mission, which was dropped at the last peace talks. The continued
killings and the lack of action by the SLMM reflect the need for an
International Human Rights Monitoring Mission.
2. The necessity of a political solution to the ethnic conflict
based on devolution of power before the implementation of an Interim
Administration. Without a political solution based on principles of
democracy, minority rights and inter-ethnic justice, an Interim
Administration will not have any direction. It would only serve to
maintain the LTTEís hegemony, rather than build a new democratic
culture in the North and East.
3. Any Interim Administration should adhere to international
standards of human rights. This is in order to protect human rights
during the interim period and also to create a culture of respect for
human rights, so essential for our democratic future.
4. The democratic participation of all Tamils, Muslims and other
minorities living in the North and East within any Interim
Administration. This means all groups and parties, not just the LTTE.
This is all the more essential in the context of the political
killings, designed to kill democratic participation and dissent.
We must not be silent. Our efforts are essential to contributing to
the creation of a truly democratic future, the encouragement of
spaces for dissent and ending the culture of fear. It is the task of
the people of the North and East to ensure democracy.
Tamil Democracy
Contact: tamildemocracy at yahoo.com
_____
[3.]
http://www.satirewire.com/news/may02/hinjews.shtml
RELIGIOUS MERGER CREATES 900 MILLION HINJEWS
Attainment of Nirvana Still Goal, But Not So Important
That You Should Miss Cousin Vijay's Bar Mitzvah
New Delhi, India (SatireWire.com) - Hinjew leaders today conceded the merger
of Hinduism and Judaism has not worked out as planned, as instead of forming
a super-religion to fight off the common Islamic enemy, they have instead
created a race of 900 million people who, no matter how many times they are
reincarnated, can never please their mothers.
"On paper, this was a textbook alliance - two smaller competitors join
forces to take on a larger adversary," said New Delhi resident Chandra
Gopan. "But the synergies are just not there. For instance, I still believe
I must pursue my own dharmic path to ultimate happiness, but when I get
there, I just know my mother will find something wrong with it."
Military officers, in particular, have found assimilation difficult. "We
were all excited at first, especially about the Kama Sutra parts, but it's
not going to work," Israeli Col. Benyamin Telluk said at a joint press
conference with Indian officers. "I mean, just this morning, I was showing
Col. Bhadrak here pictures of my family, and he said my wife was a cow."
"I said his wife reminds me of a cow," Bhadrak explained.
"Oh, you've said it again!" screamed Telluk.
"It's a compliment!" answered Bhadrak.
Hinjews across the world, meanwhile, said they also were too busy dealing
with integration to worry about Pakistanis, Palestinians, or any other
opponents.
"Surprisingly, it's not the big issues, like is there one God or are there
many? It's the little things," said New York City Hinjew Nathan Feldman.
"Like my Hindu half acknowledges that this world is full of suffering, but
my Jewish half just goes on and on about it."
SO, WHAT'S WRONG WITH A NICE HINJEW GIRL?
However, most agreed that even if other issues could be overcome, maternal
obstacles to Hinjuism would always exist.
"Yesterday, my former self was killed in a car accident," said the late Gori
Bhupendra of Madras. "But I had good karma, so I was reincarnated this
morning into the Vaisya caste. To me, this is a step up, right?"
But then Bhupendra's former Sudras mother tracked him down.
"She says, 'Oh, Vaisya now, is it? Very nice. Of course, your former brother
is a Ksatriya, but he was always an overachiever.'"
Meanwhile, Muslim nations, citing the difficult Hinjew merger, said they
have discontinued talks with the world's largest religion to form Chrislam.
"It wouldn't have worked anyway," said Imam Satra Mohammed of Damascus. "The
first time we drank the communion wine, we would have all had to kill
ourselves."
Copyright © 2002, SatireWire.
_____
[4.]
Open Page @ The Hindu, Aug 19, 2003
http://www.thehindu.com/thehindu/op/2003/08/19/stories/2003081900030200.htm
Need for new politics
Scores of `East India Companies' are flooding our economic life. The
old-fashioned communalism and hatred is taking over our identity
politics and undermining social harmony. Worst of all, the
India-Pakistan nuclear arms race is hanging over our heads like the
sword of Damocles. In this situation, run-of-the-mill politics is not
going to help us get to our desired destinations.
WHAT DO you do when "all roads lead to doom" and not travelling is
not an option? The answer is, of course, pave a new road! A road that
avoids the pitfalls of the existing roads, a road that takes us to
bloom instead of doom!
This is how many Indians feel about the contemporary Indian politics
that comprises three major forces and a fourth offshoot: rightists,
leftists, centrists and opportunists. The communal elements with
their "back to the (medieval) future" politics have managed to occupy
the centre stage in Indian politics for the first time. Quite
thankfully, however, the future of the rightist politics in India is
not so bright.
Rendered clueless
On the other end of the spectrum are the Communists. Progressive and
well meaning as they may be, Indian Communists have been rendered
clueless by today's complex politics. Ever since the grand scheme of
Communist globalisation fell by the wayside, the Communists have
offered neither an alternative to the cut-throat global market nor a
credible programme to resist it forcefully. Their socioeconomic
salvation scheme is quite identical to the Western `Holy Trinity'
paradigm of nation-statism, scientism and developmentalism. Bereft of
the revolutionary fire and passion for justice, they try to survive
by "press release" politics.
The centrists, as their name suggests, are neither here nor there.
They are anything but centred. The major actor, Congress party, has
done enough damage to the secular fabric of our nation, its
governance, and its credibility as a world leader. With no vision or
mission, they are still wallowing in their dynastic buffoonery. While
the Congress scrapes along with occasional bouts of hopes here and
there, other centrists such as the Janata Dals, Lok Shakti, Samata
Party have little life in them.
The TDPs, the DMKs, the AIADMKs and the like bend leftwards or
rightwards depending on the political winds of the day. Even worse,
they adjust their principles and politics depending upon what their
arch-rival does.
When all is said and done, the bottom line of Indian politics today
is this: none of the existing political parties and leaders seems to
have a coherent vision and a credible programme for the
socioeconomic-political salvation of the country. None of them seems
to have the political will or moral strength to challenge the status
quo and change the nature of our polity.
The irony of the matter is that we cannot continue like this for too
long. Scores of "East India Companies" are flooding our economic
life. We still have some 400 million poor people among us who are
further oppressed by casteism, sexism, child servitude and so forth.
The unresolved partition as much as the protracted conflict in
Kashmir is taking a heavy toll on our scarce resources and creative
energies. The old-fashioned communalism and hatred is taking over our
identity politics and undermining social harmony. Worst of all, the
India-Pakistan nuclear arms race is hanging over our heads like the
sword of Damocles. Consequently, all our individual and collective
futures stand threatened. In this situation, run-of-the-mill politics
is not going to help us get to our desired destinations.
What is new?
When the political going gets tough, the politically tough go
shopping. For new roadmaps, new vehicles, new drivers, new dreams! To
travel the new roads and reach the new destinations! We, as a nation,
need new politics for the next century!
This "new" does not necessarily mean that we need to invent something
that has been unknown to us. All it means is that new people should
come together, dream new dreams, identify new ideology, assert new
morality, and assume new roles.
Even a cursory look beyond the ugly mainstream political façade that
we have erected at the national level would reveal a marvellous group
of individuals and organisations working tirelessly on their own
choice socioeconomic-political issues with such commitment and
results. They are injecting the much-needed hopes and dreams into the
minds and hearts of millions of Indians around the country. These
leaders are fighting out there for the greater common good and not
for personal aggrandisement, power, or popularity.
Some engage the global market, its development paradigms, its
discriminatory practices, and its future-blind attitude. Others fight
against communalism, hatred, casteism, sexism, and other human rights
violations. Yet others oppose destructive dams, other such
anti-environmental "development" projects, nuclear weapons, nuclear
power and so forth. There are women's groups, Dalit organisations,
student movements, employees' associations, Gandhians, journalists,
physicians, scientists and others who subscribe to similar political
causes and engage in serious struggles.
Despite their shared values, similar visions and programmes, and same
kind of will and commitment, most of them remain disjointed. They do
highly political work in their own respective spheres and localities
but carefully avoid the political hot seat. By doing so, they not
only fail to fill the huge political vacuum that exists out there in
the Indian society but aggravate it by squandering their own creative
political work and energies.
They want to play shy of electoral politics even though that often
neutralises all their good work. It is not hard to see why they scorn
electoral politics. But running away from decision-making roles and
responsibilities make their struggles harder, fulfil their missions
only partially, leave their constituencies politically helpless, and
render their own good work vulnerable to the vagaries of self-centred
politicos. It is high time these groups and leaders knitted their
struggles, achievements, failures, fears, frustrations, dreams and
hopes together and provided a national political alternative.
Such a national political alternative should be a platform for
environmental concerns, sustainable development, human rights issues,
subaltern struggles, coexistence ethos, good governance, and moral
high ground in public life. It has to be both peace-oriented and
futuristic. It should be guided by norms and values and not by
mindless dogmas and doctrines. That national political alternative
should be an intellectual movement directed by head and heart and
hand for the wellbeing of all Indians. It is all the more useful if
such a national political alternative can identify itself with
like-minded people in the neighbouring countries and also be part of
a global movement for peace and justice.
S.P. UDAYAKUMAR
Managing Trustee of South Asian Community Centre for Education and
Research Trust, Nagercoil, India.
_____
[5.]
The Telegraph [India] August 24, 2003
A NEW EMERGENCY - Increasing the burden of the already vulnerable
SECOND THOUGHTS GITHA HARIHARAN
In unequal measure
Remember the Emergency? Not just the arrests, or "the trains running
on time", but the sterilization and vasectomy targets, the use of
brute force, the reduction of people from citizens with rights to
cattle that must breed less? If we thought the "family planning"
fiasco of the Emergency was a grim but receding memory, we obviously
thought wrong. A recent report on the Andhra Pradesh state population
policy (The Hindu, July 27, 2003), described how a Dalit sarpanch in
a village has been disqualified from contesting panchayati raj
elections because he has more than two children. The sarpanch's case
is in the Andhra Pradesh high court. But meanwhile, all his children
are out of school because the state's population policy recommends
that government facilities for education be withheld from the third
child onward. What remains unanswered is how the man's having more
than two children disqualifies his children from their right to
education. Or how it disqualifies him from his citizen's right to be
a panchayat member.
As if to prove that this report fell on wilfully deaf ears, soon
after, the Supreme Court upheld a Haryana law prohibiting anyone who
has more than two children from contesting for, or holding, the post
of sarpanch or panch. The court declared: "Disqualification on the
right to contest an election for having more than two children does
not contravene any fundamental right, nor does it cross the limits of
reasonability. Rather, it is a disqualification conceptually devised
in the national interest."
Who are the people most affected by these developments? In a country
where women can hardly be said to be in control of their lives, to
penalize them for the age at which they were married, or the number
of children they have, is clearly to be grossly out of touch with
reality. In a country where we continue to have large numbers of
people - women, Dalits, adivasis, the poor - peripheral to the
mainstream of citizens with life choices, it must be a very peculiar
sort of "national interest" that devises new ways of keeping the
marginalized out of political participation, or the state benefits
supposedly devised for them. [...]
FULL TEXT AT:
http://www.telegraphindia.com/1030824/asp/opinion/story_2246349.asp
_____
[6.]
CHRO News, August 23, 2003, Saturday
http://www.petitiononline.com/chro0803/petition.html
To: Kerala Chief Minister and Opposition Leader
REHABILITATE "CONSTITUTIONAL RULE OF LAW" AT MARAD
After the widely condemned May 2, 2003, murder of nine persons at
Marad beach in Kozhicode district of Kerala, more than 1000 Muslims
belonging to about 250 families remain as refugees in three camps for
the past three-and-half months. All of them fled from their homes
fearing RSS retaliation soon after the May 2 criminal act of
vengeance against those involved in the January 3-4, 2002, communal
clash in which a total of five persons were killed. As admitted by
Chief Minister A. K. Antony, charge-sheets against the accused of the
2002 January killings, vast majority of whom belonging to RSS, were
NOT filed till the 2003 May 2 revenge killings took place.
The Special Investigation Team of Police Crime Branch had booked
about 150 persons as accused for the May 2, 2003, killings and
already filed charge-sheets. Denied bail, all of them still remain in
jail. The Kerala High Court also expressed satisfaction on the
progress of investigation conducted by the Crime Branch SIT. The
Crime Branch also informed the High Court that no organization, let
alone a terrorist body, is behind the killing, and there was no
inter-State link behind the plot.
However, Sangh Parivar affiliates have launched an orchestrated
campaign demanding CBI probe into the 2003 Marad killings. All the
attempts of authorities to rehabilitate the refugees were thwarted by
Sangh Parivar, especially its women's wing "Durga Vahini", by
wielding threats, extending unabashed use of muscle power and by
indulging in violence for days together in front of a mute police
force. Demanding CBI probe, the Sangh Parivar also boycotted the
peace meetings repeatedly called by the authorities, especially by
the Cabinet Sub-Committee on Marad.
Over the past three-and-half months, the Sangh Parivar had literally
converted Marad beach into their "liberated zone" and "a Muslim free
area", to where none can enter without their permission. Chief
Minister A. K. Antony had to take Sangh Parivar "permission" to visit
Marad soon after the May 2 killing, while a CPI-M delegation led by
its State Secretary, Pinarayi Vijayan, made a hasty retreat from
there due to stiff resistance from the Sangh Parivar.
Kerala Government is controlled by the Congress-led UDF coalition,
and the CPI(M)-led LDF remains the lone opposition. The Sangh Parivar
political outfit, BJP, nor its fore-runner Jan Sangh, has won a
single seat to Kerala Assembly so far. The BJP also does not control
any Panchayat in Kerala. Marad is a ward in Beypore Panchayat which
is controlled by CPI(M)-led LDF after winning the Panchayat elections
in October 2000 by raising the catchy slogan "Power To The People".
Yet, the Sangh Parivar is allowed to control Marad largely due to the
abetment and connivance of both the Congress-led State Government and
the CPI(M)-led Beypore Panchayat. This is a clear example as to how
the extra-constitutional Sangh Parivarites govern Kerala without any
democratic sanction whatsoever. Compared to Gujarat, where Narendra
Modi's fascist government at least enjoys the semblance of
Constitutional and democratic sanctity, such a situation in Kerala
deserves far wider condemnation.
The thousand odd inmates in the refugee camps presently lead a
miserable life of bare existence and meager survival. On the
contrary, their own houses at Marad, majority of which were looted
after they fled, still remain vacant since the past three-and-half
months. Living in one's own house is a fundamental right, and not out
of anybody's charity or benevolence. The State and all its wings are
duty-bound to safeguard and protect this Constitutional right of all
citizens. As far as the hapless refugees are concerned, Marad cries
for the rehabilitation of the already collapsed Constitutional Rule
of Law there. This petition demands only that.
Besides appending signature here, those who want to write directly to
the Chief Minister Mr. A. K. Antony and Opposition Leader Mr. V. S.
Achuthanandan in support of this petition can E-Mail and Fax to :
chiefminister at kerala.gov.in,cmkerala at vsnl.net (Fax : Fax 0471 -
2333489) ; vsachuthanandan at rediffmail.com (Fax : 0471-2315625)
Sincerely,
The Undersigned
http://www.petitiononline.com/chro0803/petition.html
______
[7.]
Richard Shapiro
Chair, Social and Cultural Anthropology Program
California Institute of Integral Studies
1453 Mission Street
San Francisco, California, 94103
To
The United States Embassy,
New Delhi
August 16, 2003
Dear Madam\Sir,
I am writing to inform you of my recent experiences with the Gujarat police
during a solidarity visit to the Narmada Valley. I chair a graduate
anthropology program in the United States and am a U.S. citizen. I went to
the Narmada Valley with three citizens of India to speak with people about
the current situation and see first hand the effects of the Sardar Sarovar
dam on the adivasi (indigenous) people of the Valley. I accompanied
Meenakshi Ganguly, journalist for Time magazine, Sanjay Kapoor,
cinematographer and photographer, and Dr. Angana Chatterji, professor and
Board Member of The International Rivers Network (IRN). IRN has been
involved in the struggle for justice in the Narmada Valley since the late
1980's.
Allow me to describe the events of the day. On our way out of the Valley on
August 9th, we got off the boat near Kadipani (about 4 hours from Baroda,
Gujarat), and were stopped by the police. The police had already threatened
our driver with bodily harm if he did not tell them who we were, what we
were doing, and where we were. To get us to come to the sub-police station
in Panvad near Chhota Udaipur, several miles out of our way, they had
already taken custody of the car papers of our driver, and instructed a
police constable to "escort" us to the police station. Mr. Bimrao Anandrao,
the constable at Kadipani outpost, accompanied us to the sub-police
station. At the station, sub-inspector, Mr. S. J. Vagashia, and his aid,
Mr. D. G. Parikh, questioned us. The drive to the station and the
questioning by the police at the station constituted illegal detention of
three Indian nationals and one U.S. citizen. The police justified their
actions by saying, among other things, that "as a foreigner, he [me] could
be a terrorist." They also justified the detainment by stating that we had
visited "restricted areas". In fact, as we had been informed, there are no
restrictions, and we were not in violation of any law.
Ironically, we would have uneventfully left Gujarat that evening had the
police not violated our rights. As we challenged their justifications, they
made clear their reasons for detaining and questioning us. On three
occasions they referred to Medha Patkar as "a problem for Gujarat". As you
know, Medha Patkar is internationally acclaimed for her ethical, committed
leadership to bring justice to dam affected people in the Narmada Valley.
Because we had come to visit Medha Patkar and the Narmada Bachao Andolan
(Save the Narmada Movement), the police alleged that our presence was
"suspicious" and that we had come to create "disturbances" in the Valley.
We were also categorically told that in "Modi's Gujarat" there were new
rules and that the police had the authority to detain and question anyone
they think is suspicious. Before we left, the police sub-inspector also
stated that they were taking our names down for the record and would
compile a report and forward it to the 'government'.
The police violated our rights as part of their allegiance to their state's
opposition to the Narmada Bachao Andolan and Medha Patkar. That the police
are used to harass people exercising their legal rights indicates the
dangerous liaison between government, the judiciary, and police that is
currently the norm in Gujarat. The National Human Rights Commission and
Supreme Court have recently recognized the impossibility for justice in
Gujarat in relation to the massacre of Muslim minorities in February-March
of 2002, through their intervention in the Best Bakery murder trial. The
current government of Gujarat is mobilizing and consolidating the resources
of the state to target minorities, activists, adivasis, powerful women, and
citizens seeking to redress injustice through peaceful means. The actions
of the Gujarat police on that day reflect the larger problematic of the
Gujarat government's mistreatment of the Narmada Andolan, and their
disregard of human rights, the rights of minorities to equal treatment
under the law, and the democratic rights in India to legally express
opposition.
It is my hope that by communicating to you my experiences with the Gujarat
police you will write to the Gujarat and Indian Government, as well as
inform U.S. citizens and international human rights organizations of the
intimidation and harassment that is practiced by the Gujarat police against
those they define as "suspicious." It is also my hope that the United
States Government and press will understand the injustices systematically
practiced by the government of Gujarat against the people of the Narmada
Valley, under the rule of Chief Minister Narendra Modi, and use diplomatic
and educational processes to request compliance with the constitution of
India and demand adherence to international human rights.
The people of the Narmada Valley have struggled to be heard by a government
intent on ignoring them. They have sought to maintain their culture and
continue to live sustainably on the land without obstruction from the
state. They have sought forms of resettlement and rehabilitation that
respect their rights to cultural survival and human dignity through
receiving arable land in exchange for the land they must vacate as their
homes and fields are submerged. Their just demands have been denied.
The quest for justice is always difficult and the history of cultural and
physical genocide of indigenous people must not be repeated in India.
India is home to diverse indigenous cultures and the fate of such peoples
in our world will be significantly determined by what happens in India. We
need to educate ourselves to the long term costs of destroying indigenous
cultures and the ecosystems that these cultures sustain. The continued
existence of cultural and biological diversity is a concern we all must
share. Global security is served by supporting the right to existance of
peoples and cultures being displaced and destroyed in the name of progress.
To impoverish people and destroy the identities and local knowledge that
allow their worlds to be, is to diminish the human imagination and create
conditions that promote cycles of despair and violence. The commitment to
cultural survival and ecological sustainability demands solidarity with the
struggle for justice in the Narmada Valley. The Narmada Bachao Andolan
deserves the support of people of conscience everywhere. The people of the
Narmada Valley continue to exhibit the spirit of life and care that tells
those of us who are listening that we must do what we can to support their
survival. I hope the U.S. Embassy in New Delhi will support the Narmada
Bachao Andolan in its fight to insure that the governments of Gujarat,
Maharashtra, and Madya Pradesh provide justice for the dam affected people
of the Narmada.
It is my greatest hope that all people wanting peace, security, and well
being will be attentive to the lessons of history so that the atrocities of
the past will not repeat themselves. It is in the spirit of faith in the
(ever deferred) promise of peace and justice that I write to you now.
Sincerely yours,
Richard Shapiro
Phone: 415.575.6275 (Work)
Fax: 415.575.1264 (Work)
E-mail: rshapiro at ciis.edu
______________________________
Cc: Narmada Bachao Andolan
_____
[8.] INDIA: Communal Politics Watch
The Times of India, August 24, 2003
SERVING BEEF AT AYODHYA (Swaminomics/Swaminathan S Anklesaria Aiyar)
Although the BJP and Congress Party both seem keen on banning cow
slaughter throughout India, it looks as though dissent from other
parties has blocked the move for the time being. Some critics protest
that cow worship is a strictly Hindu idea that must not be imposed on
others in a secular state. I agree.[...]
http://timesofindia.indiatimes.com:80/cms.dll/html/uncomp/articleshow?msid=144132
o o o
The Telegraph [India] August 24, 2003
Digvijay U-turn on cow kill ban (Rasheed Kidwai)
Bhopal, Aug. 23: A temple-hopping Digvijay Singh today sought to
underplay his love for cows, saying he had never advocated a
nation-wide ban on slaughtering the bovines.
http://www.telegraphindia.com/1030824/asp/nation/story_2294198.asp
o o o
Deccan Herald, August 24, 2003
Holy Cow back in politics
http://www.deccanherald.com/deccanherald/aug24/sl3.asp
o o o
The Indian Express, August 24, 2003
Ganesh up for grabs: Ganeshotsav, Maharashtra's biggest festival,
becomes a political carnival
(Haima Deshpande)
http://www.indianexpress.com/full_story.php?content_id=30169
o o o
The Times of India, August 22, 2003
VHP singing Ram dhun in rural UP (Ambikanand Sahay)
http://timesofindia.indiatimes.com:80/cms.dll/html/uncomp/articleshow?msid=141616
_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/
Buzz on the perils of fundamentalist politics, on matters of peace
and democratisation in South Asia. SACW is an independent &
non-profit citizens wire service run since 1998 by South Asia
Citizens Web (www.mnet.fr/aiindex).
The complete SACW archive is available at: http://sacw.insaf.net
DISCLAIMER: Opinions expressed in materials carried in the posts do not
necessarily reflect the views of SACW compilers.
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