SACW | 25 July, 2003
Harsh Kapoor
aiindex at mnet.fr
Fri Jul 25 02:16:20 CDT 2003
South Asia Citizens Wire | 25 July, 2003
[1.] "Culture Police" at work in Pakistan and Bangladesh:
- Lahore bans 'obscene' dancing (Shahid Malik)
- Bangladesh: Government contemplating to reintroduce the Drama Control Act
- Move to reintroduce drama control act protested in Bangladesh (The
Daily Star)
[2.] Pakistan: Khadeeja Ali Gauhar the prominent social worker and
human rights activist passes away
[3.] Peace is their daily bread (Maitreyi Chatterjee)
[4.] Kashmiris dream of bus links
[5.] Letter from America - Hindutva threatens secular India (Fakhruddin Ahmed)
[6.] India: Celebrate Ayodhya's Cultural Heritage (V B Rawat)
[7.] India: No democracy can survive if minorities have to live under
a perpetual threat (Hosbet Suresh)
[8.] India Pakistan Arms Race and Militarisation Watch (IPARMW) # 126
[9.] India: Film screening of the documentary Naata (The Bond) on
peace committees in Dharavi (Bombay, August 1)
--------------
[1.]
BBC News 23 July, 2003
Lahore bans 'obscene' dancing
By Shahid Malik
BBC correspondent in Lahore
Events like fashion shows are frowned upon by some Islamic
practitioners in Lahore
City authorities in the capital of Pakistan's Punjab region, Lahore,
have imposed an indefinite ban on what they describe as "obscene
dancing" in theatres.
The ban, which has been put in place with immediate effect, follows
Tuesday's police raids on half-a-dozen theatres in the town, which
authorities said were promoting "vulgarity".
The decision to ban stage dances was taken at a meeting presided over
by Mr Khalid Sultan, a senior civil servant heading the city
administration, and attended by theatre owners and senior stage
artists.
It was on Mr Sultan's orders, on Tuesday, that police invoked a law
on stage entertainment to stop performances in five theatres, all
belonging to the private sector.
If the order was to be interpreted to imply a blanket ban on all
stage dancing, artists would protest and resist the move
Naheed Khanum
playwright
Their reason: operating without a license and showing "vulgar dances".
All the theatres included under Tuesday's ban have been allowed to
resume their performances on condition that they will not allow
"obscene dances" by professional stage dancers or use of "vulgar
language" in their dialogue.
The owners, who had mostly converted their cinemas into theatres -
when film shows gradually lost popularity to VCRs - have also been
asked to obtain operating licenses.
Morality or taste?
Outside Pakistan, steps announced by Lahore's city administration are
likely to be seen as part of a pattern to rid society of un-Islamic
ingredients.
There have been demonstrations against pictures of female models on
billboards and demands to alter the university curriculum.
However, whether religion or issues of taste are the real motive
behind the latest ban is not yet clear.
Pakistani theatre generally thrives on practically unscripted plays
without storyline, and interspersed with songs and dances.
Audiences are often treated to impromptu humour on the part of the
cast - usually with sexual overtones.
Vague wording
Speaking to the BBC after the meeting on Wednesday, the District
Co-ordination Officer, Mr Sultan, said the aim of the ban was to
restore the status of theatre as "a means of genuine entertainment".
"For this reason, the ban will extend only to obscene dances and
vulgar use of language," he said.
But a senior playwright and director, Naheed Khanum, has reservations.
"Of course, everybody should appreciate official efforts to curb
vulgarity on stage. But if the order was to be interpreted to imply a
blanket ban on all stage dancing, artists would protest and resist
the move," she said.
The city authorities have not defined what constitutes "vulgar
dialogue" or "obscene dancing".
In the absence of an objective test, the power to interpret the new
directions will naturally fall into the hands of the police.
o o o
Bangladesh
Matamat.com, Bangladesh - 15 Jul 2003
Government contemplating to reintroduce the Drama Control Act
Sangsad Bhaban, July 15 - The government is contemplating to
reintroduce the Drama Control Act to check obscenity in cinema and
drama, Parliament was told today.
To preserve the national culture, task forces have been formed in all
districts to monitor the screening of any obscene films, Information
Minister Tariqul Islam said, replying to a supplementary from Delwar
Hossain Sayeedi (Jamaat-Pirojpur). [...].
o o o
The Daily Star [Bangladesh] - July 18, 2003
Move to reintroduce drama control act protested
Staff Correspondent
Theatre and cultural personalities have protested the move to
reintroduce drama control act.
In a statement yesterday, they said the information minister told the
parliament recently that the act would be reintroduced to check
vulgarity in films.
But there is no link between drama control act and the film, they pointed out.
And there is a censor board that can take actions against vulgar
scenes in the films, they said.
The drama control act was repealed in 2000 after a long struggle by
the cultural activists, they said.
They also warned that the cultural activists along with the people
will resist any move to reintroduce the act.
The statement was issued by Sammilita Sangskritik Jote President
Nasiruddin Yusuf and General Secretary Golam Kuddus, Bangladesh
Centre of the International Theater Institute President Ramendu
Majumder and General Secretary Ataur Rahman, Bangladesh Group Theatre
Federation Chairman Mamunur Rashid and Secretary General Liakat Ali
Laki, and Bangladesh Street Drama Parishad President Mannan Hira and
Genaral Secretary Mizanur Rahman.
_____
[2.]
Daily Times [Pakistan], July 23, 2003
Khadeeja Gauhar's funeral tomorrow
Staff Report
LAHORE: Funeral prayers for Khadeeja Ali Gauhar, a prominent social
worker and human rights activist who died of heart failure in Skardu
on Sunday night, will be held at 9am on Thursday at 24-Sarwar Road,
Cantt, Lahore.
Her body reached Lahore yesterday at around 4pm, accompanied by her
daughter Madeeha and Madeeha's husband Shahid Mehmood Nadeem. Her
body is in cold storage at a private hospital in Defence.
Madeeha told Daily Times the funeral would be on Thursday so her
sister Faryal and her brother Aamir's family could attend. They are
currently abroad and are scheduled to reach Lahore today. "We got
here from Skardu after a hectic, tiring 27-hour journey. There was
bad weather at Skardu so no flights could be operated," a teary-eyed
Madeeha said. "A night before my mother's death I was depressed and
restless without reason".
ASR condolence: The ASR resource centre and the Institute of Women's
Studies Lahore (IWS) said in a condolence message on Tuesday it was
"deeply shocked and shaken by the sudden and tragic demise of a
well-loved and prominent figure of Pakistan, Khadeeja, who has been
an inspiration for ASR/IWSL for many years. She was a courageous
woman.
It pays tribute to her work as a peace activist. "She was one of the
few Pakistanis who raised their voice for peace and against
militarisation and war. Experiencing the tensions between India and
Pakistan, she was adamant about wanting to work for peace and got
involved in peace campaigns. It is ironic that she should die on the
day Indian Prime Minister Atal Behari Vajpayee has agreed to visit
Pakistan, in January 2004, and the extremists in both countries - the
BJP and MMA - have come to terms with the issue of peace," says the
message..
It added that the Indian prime minister's decision to come to
Pakistan "would have delighted her" and was "a tribute to her for
raising her voice for peace throughout her life and never faltering
even for a moment".
"ASR/IWSL feels her loss has created an enormous gap never to be
filled again. Although it is an irreparable loss, ASR/IWSL is proud
of the fact that she was a beacon of knowledge and commitment which
inspired ASR/IWSL."
[Related Report]
Khadeeja Ali Gauhar passes away
http://www.dailytimes.com.pk/default.asp?page=story_22-7-2003_pg7_16
_____
[3.]
The Statesman (India) 24 July 2003
Peace is their daily bread
When it comes to peace, women are all for it, irrespective of the
official stand. But gestures like running a 'peace-bus' between
nations, which at best are reluctant neighbours, do not always
address the darker realities, says MAITREYI CHATTERJEE
AMONG the few areas in which women's affirmative action has not been
trampled by government opinion is the movement to promote peace. And
women have always stood firm on this question, in contrast to the
position adopted by their respective governments.
"It is because women hate the masculinity of militarism that makes
profit out of violence," Women's Initiative for Peace in South Asia
member Kamala Bhasin said, quoting a couplet to underline the role of
women in promoting peace: "Main sarhad par padi dewaar nahin
hoon/Main oos dewaar par padi daraar hoon (I'm not the wall that
demarcates a border/Rather I'm the crack that wall)".
After the Kargil conflict, when relations between India and Pakistan
were at their lowest ebb, WIPSA was set up to demolish the wall of
hatred and mistrust that had risen between the two neighbours.
"The naked aggression and untold suffering on both sides was
unnerving. Through the lens of TV cameras, they saw it all: smoking
guns, bodybags, grieving mothers and wives." A few women came
together with their shared yet unspoken grief. From this event was
born the Women's Initiative for Peace in South Asia."
Not content with mouthing platitudes, WIPSA organised peace events.
On 6 August, Hiroshima Day, simultaneous peace meetings were held all
over South Asia. A seminar on Women's Vision: A Culture for Peace,
inspired the idea of a peace bus to Lahore. On 19 December 1999, men
and women across South Asia joined hands to form human chains to
promote peace, chanting the slogan, "Peace for empowerment and
empowerment for peace".
The bus to Lahore with 41 women passengers was flagged off on on 25
March 2000, and it was the logical culmination of months of peace
efforts. "Many questioned our timing. Why now? We said 'now' is the
right time to provide the healing touch," said Syeda Hamid, a member
of WIPSA which counts Mohini Giri, Meera Khanna, Padma Seth, Kamla
Bhasin and Nirmala Deshpande among its trustees.
Sixty-four women from Pakistan later visited Delhi, Agra and Jaipur
and interacted with women's educational institutes, the Women's Study
Centre, minority groups and members of the government. WIPSA, India,
members visited Kashmir for an insight into the ground realities of
the situation there. Both countries were aware that the Jammu and
Kashmir problem was the biggest obstacle to establishing peace
between India and Pakistan.
After Begum Khaleda Zia took assumed office in Bangladesh in October
2001, relations between Dhaka and New Delhi have soured considerably.
The Bangladeshi government's lukewarm response to attacks on minority
communities by its supporters, sent the wrong signals to Hindu
fundamentalists in India. Writer-activist Shahriyar Kabir was
arrested and jailed without trial for probing the atrocities on the
minorities. It took no less than a Supreme Court judgment to release
him.
Against this backdrop of mutual hostility, WIPSA planned a weeklong
bus trip to Bangladesh with the South Asian Network of Gender
Activities and Trainers (Sangat). Four Kolkata-based NGOs - Sanhita,
Swayam, Sanlaap and Gana Unayan Parishad - joined them. Thirty-six
women visited Dhaka in May 2003.
The Lahore and Dhaka trips were self-funded - the participants paying
for their expenses. In Lahore, New Delhi and Dhaka, women's groups
hosted the visitors. They welcomed the guests into their homes. Since
officialdom didn't have any role to play, the peace initiative gained
in credibility.
The experiences of the women in Lahore, Islamabad and Dhaka were
similar. Said a WIPSA member after the group returned from Lahore:
"The spontaneity with which Indians and Pakistanis responded to the
people-to-people contact, has charted the course for an
action-oriented strategy." It has laid the foundations for
"channelising political sensitivities in both the countries".
The interaction with women in Lahore and Islamabad led to several
resolutions. Of primary importance was the one concerning measures to
build trust between the governments and the peoples of the two
countries. The steps agreed upon were:
n Fundamentalist forces in India and Pakistan have to be marginalised
by urging the governments to withdraw their support to them.
n The arms race and acquisition of nuclear weapons is unnecessary in
a region where the primary issues - injustice, illiteracy, hunger,
disease, child and maternal mortality - ought to prioritised.
n Educational curricula should be purged of inaccuracies, biases and
prejudices and future generations ought to be taught to recognise
their role as citizens of the world in order to promote peace among
all human beings, regardless of nationality, religion, caste, class
or sex.
The Dhaka trip had a number of interesting components, including
interaction among different groups of people.
Jasodhara bagchi, a member of the delegation, said: "Trade unions
usually bypass such delegations. But the Bangladeshi organisers
arranged for us to meet Karmarata Nari (whose members are) addressing
the problems of working-class women. Another was Nijera Kari (an
organisation of landless workers started by Khuse Kabir)."
Another enriching experience was the interaction with rural women of
Doorbar, a network of 450 organisations from 64 districts. Ruma
Sarkar, another delegate, said: "For me the high point of this trip
was the photographic exhibition mounted for this occasion by
Sammilito Nari Samaj. It graphically documented women's roles in
important political struggles since the language movement of 1952
(when four youths were martyred on 21 February while protesting
against the imposition of Urdu on erstwhile East Pakistan by then
West Pakistani rulers)."
The delegates confessed to have learnt a great deal from their
interactions with rural woman members of Nijera Kari. Had their
families tried to impose restrictions on their activities? One woman
jauntily tossed her head and said: "Badha dibo ke (Who's going to
stop me)?" Another said: "Amar khasem bolechhe 'Jao, jao, meeting-e.
Bhaat ami phulaiya nibo (My husband said go to your meeting. I'll
cook the rice)."
One woman said: "We used to cover our faces, but now we work with our
heads held high." Two women who were part of the village
administration sought clarifications on the difference between the
peace proposals put forward by the two governments and those
presented by the delegations. Their queries "helped us realise that
the stereotypical image of the Bangladeshi village woman was
changing".
Significant among the series of resolutions was the one on
cross-border movements. The delegates believed that "movement of
people across borders in South Asia needs to be addressed" with an
"understanding of economic compulsions". It's for the governments of
India and Bangladesh to find rational solutions, based on
international human rights standards, to the problem of cross-border
movements. Witchhunts and forced "push-backs" and "push-ins" could be
only counter-productive.
But are people-to-people peace movements sustainable? It's important
to look beyond the euphoria and optimism underlying the belief that
such contracts are "the surest way of building the pressure of public
opinion for peace which no government can ignore". When communalism
is peddled as nationalism for political gains, people become pawns -
and victims. The Indian delegation to Dhaka avoided such contentious
issues as the persecution of Taslima Nasreen by religious
fundamentalists, the rape of minority women in Bangladesh and the
incarceration of Shahriyar Kabir. If efforts at fostering goodwill
between these countries bypass the darker realities hindering the
path to peace, no peace movement, however sincere and inspired, can
yield lasting results.
(The author is a social activist and freelance contributor.)
_____
[4.]
BBC - July 23, 2003
Kashmiris dream of bus links
http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/south_asia/3087105.stm
_____
[5.]
The Daily Star (Bangladesh) July 24, 2003
Editorial
Letter from America
Hindutva threatens secular India
Dr. Fakhruddin Ahmed, writes from Princeton
On July 5, the writer attended a conference in downtown
Philadelphia's sprawling Pennsylvania Convention Centre, organised by
the Islamic Circle of North America (ICNA) and Muslim American
Society (MAS). One session was devoted to "Hindutva in India and
America," with two guest speakers from India, Father Cedric Prakash,
a Christian from Ahmedabad, Gujarat, and an eminent syndicated
columnist whose columns appear in The Daily Star, Mr. Praful Bidwai,
a Hindu from New Delhi. It was truly a privilege and an honour to
listen to and talk with the two fiercely patriotic Indians. If I were
to list their accomplishments, that will take up the remainder of
this column!
Father Prakash, who is the Director of "Prashant," "A Centre for
Human Rights, Justice and Peace," spoke first. A soft-spoken and
diminutive man, with the stature of a giant and the courage of a
lion, Father Prakash recounted the twin horrors his home city
Ahmedabad, and his home state Gujarat had become under the BJP and
Mr. Narinder Modi. In February of 2002, exacting vengeance for the
death of 59 Hindu pilgrims in a railway carriage set on fire by a
Muslim mob, the BJP goons "raped Muslim women and girls, massacred
Muslim men, women and children and burnt them alive in Ahmedabad --
and I am not exaggerating!" Father Prakash stressed. For protesting
the killings in Ahmedabad "I was almost killed myself and asked to go
to Pakistan. Yet, I hold no brief for anyone, Pakistan or not. We are
only standing up for the truth," the Father added.
Father Prakash displayed the symbol of the city of Ahmedabad, the
Tree of Life. "We want to preserve the Tree of Life. The BJP wants to
replace it (with an overtly Hindu symbol). They know that cutting a
tree produces a lot of noise. Therefore (symbolically) they are
cutting the tree by poisoning its roots." Even Hindus are horrified
to find that as of June 2003 the school text books of Gujarat blame
the minority "foreigners" -- Muslims, Christians, Parsis and Jews --
for all of India's problems. Indian history has been revised; it now
starts with the Vedic period. Also in the Gujarat textbooks Hitler is
number one among world heroes "because he gave the German race a
sense of identity and pride." The books barely acknowledge that
Hitler showed "some hostility" towards the Jews!
Father Prakash related that on March 25, 2003 former police chief of
Ahmedabad, Mr. Krishnan, gave a blow-by-blow account of the
complicity of Mr. Modi's government in the killing of Muslims in
February 2002. The next day, Mr. Krishnan was shot dead by assailants
in broad daylight! Father Prakash also recounted how his friend, a
former Muslim Member of the Indian Parliament was killed. The MP
knew, and had appealed to the highest authorities in Ahmedabad to
save his life. No police was sent, and the MP was first stabbed to
death and then his body burnt! Earlier this month, all 21 Hindus
accused of burning Muslims alive were acquitted. The New York Times
correspondent Hari Kumar reported on July 8: "A Muslim woman who
recanted her testimony that Hindu neighbours burned members of her
family said threats from Hindu nationalist politicians in Gujarat
caused her and her family to change their testimony...
The woman, Zahira Sheikh, 20, was the key witness in a trial of 21
Hindus accused of burning 14 people alive in March 2002... After the
recantations, all 21 were acquitted." So much for justice under the
BJP!
Father Prakash added that anyone wishing to change their religion in
Gujarat is now required to seek the permission of the civil
authorities, failing which they are liable for imprisonment. The
punishment is double for women, Dalits and the tribals, "who cannot
think for themselves." For Hindutva, Gujarat was a "laboratory.' Now
that the experiment has been deemed a success, it will be repeated
all over India, the BJP says. Father Prakash pleaded: "We are
fighting to preserve the secular character of India. I am not
speaking to you as a Muslim, Hindu, Christian, nor as a Pakistani,
Bangladeshi or Indian. I speak to you from my heart to respect as
human beings our brothers and sisters. In many places in Gujarat and
Ahmedabad, Muslims cannot buy a house, own a shop, get a job, attend
a good school or hold their heads high and say, 'I am a Muslim.'"
"We cannot discriminate against any religion. The police can arrest
any Muslim or Christian on charges of terrorism any time. We don't
want Gujarat in every part of India. The world cannot remain silent.
We have had a patient hearing in the US. American citizens should
pressure the US government. Recently, an American Judge awarded 116
million dollars to the families of two Jews killed by the
Palestinians in the Middle East. Two thousand people were massacred
in Gujarat in 2002. Will the Judge award 116,000 million dollars to
the families of those killed in Gujarat? If not, why not?" the priest
posed.
In his talk, Mr. Praful Bidwai said that four recent events have
shaped India negatively: The 1975 emergency rule, (which had more to
do with Indira than India,) the 1992 demolition of the Babri mosque
(people's revenge on a holy place), the 1998 detonation of the
nuclear bomb (which degraded India's secular ethos), and most
disturbing the carnage of 2000 people, mostly Muslims (which visited
darkness upon 50 million people of Gujarat.) The last was instigated
by a political agenda to undermine the plural and secular character
of India. Mr. Bidwai painted the true pictures of India: "India's
richness lies in the fact that India has always been multicultural,
multireligious, multilingual, multiethnic, with different cuisines,
modes of dressing and social interactions. India boasts of not only
of Hindus, Buddhists, Muslims, Christians, Jains and animists among
its population, but also of Jews in Maharashtra and Kerala. Islam in
India is as old as in the Middle East. It was introduced in India not
through force, but by the Arab traders in the middle of the 7th
century. Christianity came to India in 52 AD along with St. Thomas."
According to the people in power today in India, Mr. Bidwai said,
India is a Hindu country, which was repeatedly invaded by foreigners,
who must now be destroyed. They argued that the Babri mosque was
built on the birthplace of Rama. When archeological excavations
revealed that what lies beneath the Babri mosque is an OLDER mosque,
the BJP, VHP (Vishwa Hindu Parishad) and RSS said, "it is a matter of
faith." Mr. Bidwai pointed out "there is no text book that says so.
It is a fabricated faith, a negative faith bent on destruction." (The
bottom line is, Indian court's ruling notwithstanding, a small Hindu
temple has been operating on the site of Babri mosque since 1992, and
it is now clear that the BJP will demolish two more mosques at Kashi
and Mathura, as was reported by Mr. Kuldip Nayar in the Daily Star on
July 13.) The plan of the ruling party, which has no respect for
people of other faiths, is to transform secular India into Hindu
India, so that all non-Hindus are disenfranchised. The idea is to
drive Muslims out of the political process, commented Mr. Bidwai.
Dalits listening to Vedic verses have been threatened with the
pouring of molten brass into their ears!
Before the 10th century, Hinduism was more complex, Mr. Bidwai said.
The hierarchy in Hinduism, with privileges for a few Hindus, not the
masses, dates back to the 10th century. The European fascists of the
1930s inspired the Indian fascists. The RSS, modeled after Hitler and
Mussolini's parties, was founded in 1925. Now Jews in Israel, Indians
and neoCons in America support them. As the prime force behind
non-alignment and multilaterism, impoverished India used to exude
moral superiority. BJP's India has formed a strategic partnership
with the worst aspect of American policy. Eightyfive per cent of
Indians opposed the Iraq war; there were 500 demonstrations against
it. Both countries have a stake in demonising a community (Muslims)
with the label "terrorists," with arrest without warrants, and
killing them as "terrorists," Mr. Bidwai added.
"Hindutva is hegemonial, not Hinduism," Mr. Bidwai stressed, while
exhorting the audience not to despair but to act: "Let us not accept
BJP's version that India is a Hindu state, and that all Muslims are
terrorists and agents of Pakistan. Majority of Indians are not
fundamentalist. They have a stake in this. They want India to remain
multi-religious, they want to normalise relations with Pakistan, and
they share a tradition of human rights, dignity, tolerance and
respect for each other." With the instigation of Hindutva forces,
there have been 15,000 communal riots in India. Hindus in the UK, and
most notably in the USA fund them. The conference quoted from some
Hindutva leaders: "If Muslims behave like Jews in Germany, there is
nothing wrong with their being treated that way," (Bal Thackery,
1992). "Gujarat was a successful experiment and will be repeated all
over India" (Ashok Singhal of VHP). The Sangh Parivar and RSS have
established 125,000 schools all over India. Bajrang Dal, BJP's
military wing advocates suicide bombing.
Although the BJP government has presided over the ethnic cleansing of
Muslims in parts of India, it has suffered no consequences. On the
contrary, BJP's main fundraising wing in the America, VHP, has opened
73 chapters in the US and enjoys tax-exempt status! VHP is a very
powerful presence in the US. When the US Senate attempted to pass a
resolution criticizing the Gujarat massacres, the VHP went into
overdrive, and the US Senators backed off!
The BJP and the Sangh Parivar are upper class Hindu-led movements.
Even former actress turned politician, Miss Jayalalitha, defended
1992 and 2002 Gujarat. BJP draws support even from the most modern
and highly educated Indians of the Indian Silicon Valley. Mr. Bidwai
lamented that in Mahatma Gandhi's own Gujarat, now polarized, the
Mahatma, whom the world idolizes, is "hated;" the real hero is
"tough" Sardar Patel! Mr. Bidwai cautioned that the BJP is succeeding
in tainting the minds of the young. During interviews for admission
into one of New Delhi's most selective and prestigious colleges, 65
per cent of the applicants named Hitler as their number one hero! Mr.
Bidwai also warned of the BJP's hidden agenda against the Muslims.
"In Utter Pradesh and West Bengal no party can win an election
without some degree of Muslim support. By attempting to
disenfranchise the Muslim voters through intimidation, the BJP wants
to deny them political power." Stripped of political power, Indian
Muslims will be really at the mercy of the BJP!
_____
[6.]
The Times of India - JULY 24, 2003
Celebrate Ayodhya's Cultural Heritage
V B RAWAT
http://timesofindia.indiatimes.com:80/cms.dll/html/uncomp/articleshow?msid=92105
______
[7.]
The Little Magazine [India]
Vol IV : issue 1 [2003]
And justice for all - 1
Hosbet Suresh
Bombay, 1993. As the riots following the destruction of the Babri
Masjid spread, Fathima, 30, a widow, feared for her two little
children and sent them for safety to Parel. At about midnight, a
group of men - including policemen - broke into her house. She was
violently assaulted, beaten mercilessly, kicked about and gang-raped.
They then scribbled something in Marathi on a piece of paper and
pinned it to her chest. Naked and traumatised, she was finally thrown
out of her own house. Fathima grabbed a bedsheet to cover herself and
somehow managed to reach the police station. The policemen at the
station threw her out as well, and also snatched the bedsheet away.
On the streets, Fathima could get no help, as people shied away from
the naked, hysterical woman, assuming her to be mad. Finally, a Sikh
taxi driver came along, took off his own kurta and gave it to her. He
also gave her five rupees. With that, Fathima set off for her
friend's house in Parel. By the time she got there it was two in the
morning, and she needed to be rushed to a doctor. Her friend, a
Christian, cut Fathima's hair, dressed her up to look like a
Christian woman and took her to a doctor. The next day, she was taken
to Bhabha Hospital for treatment. Since it was a medico-legal case,
the police were called. Curiously enough, the constable who came for
the report was one of the culprits. Fathima recognised him, panicked
and refused to make a statement. After three or four days, a police
officer told her that she would be allowed to return home and live
there only if she did not pursue the case. But when she went home she
found her house almost destroyed, and her attackers roaming free.
Fathima went to a relief camp in Andheri.
We came across Fathima while investigating, on behalf of the Indian
People's Human Rights Commission, the communal riots following the
demolition of the Babri Masjid in 1992. We have her story in The
Peoples Verdict[1]. The young widow gave her evidence with tears in
her eyes, saying that she would have committed suicide but for her
two little children. When we asked whether she would file a case in
court, she flatly said that she had neither the strength nor the
courage to proceed against her assailants.
Fathima is not alone. In every communal riot, there could be hundreds
of Fathimas, who have neither the strength nor the courage to proceed
against the assailants.
Take the recent events in Gujarat. Who can forget the fate of Kauser
Bano, 20, one of the most gruesome cases? She was nine months
pregnant. As the mob came, she and her husband tried to save
themselves. But in her condition, she could not run. So her husband
literally carried her. The mob overtook them and snatched her away.
Then one of the attackers slit her stomach with a sword and wrenched
out her foetus, and with the edge of the sword flung it into the
fire. According to eyewitness accounts, at least two more women were
subjected to a similar fate. Kauser Bano was also burned alive in the
same fire.[2] Would Kauser Bano's 76-year-old-father, who lost seven
members of his family in this spate of violence, get justice? If so,
what justice?
If we look at every communal riot that has taken place in India, we
would find hundreds and thousands of such victims. The majority of
such victims belong to the minority community, and they get no
justice. It happened in Delhi in 1984. Officially, the number of
killings was placed at 2,733. It has been almost two decades and none
of the assailants has been convicted. Eyewitnesses were not believed,
nor were the kith and kin of the deceased. And a large number of
cases were just not filed, therefore not investigated. The last of
the cases got over only a few weeks ago, and no one was convicted.
It happened in Bombay, after the riots in December 1992 and January
1993. Over two hundred thousand people had to flee the city and many
of them have not come back. The loss of property could be as high as
Rs 4,000 crore. And over one thousand people were killed. Yet, not
one of the culprits has been convicted. Particularly deplorable is
the fact that all those responsible for the violence and atrocities
are walking freely. Though cases had been registered against some of
them, instead of prosecuting them, the government just decided to
quietly close the cases. Nearly 3,000 cases were thus dropped.
------------------------------------------------------------------------
The argument that a prosecution of persons responsible for spewing
hatred would rake up past events is totally misconceived because
there has been no rethinking or regret by the authors of the writings
and there is every likelihood of such action being repeated
------------------------------------------------------------------------
The Gujarat violence of 2002 was worse. In his foreword to Crime
Against Humanity, Justice V.R.K. Iyer describes it as "a ghastly
sight the like of which, since bleeding Partition days, no Indian eye
had seen, no Indian heart had conceived, and of which no Indian
tongue could adequately tell. Hindutva barbarians came out on the
streets in different parts of Gujarat and, in all flaming fury,
targeted innocent and helpless Muslims who had nothing to do with the
antecedent Godhra event. They were brutalised by miscreants
uninhibited by the police, their women unblushingly molested; and
Muslim men, women and children, in a travesty of justice, were burned
alive."
In all these communal riots, the police and the administration
generally identified themselves with the majority community. In
Bombay, the "police officers and constables openly said that they
were Shiv Sainiks at heart and policemen of a supposedly secular
state by accident" (The People's Verdict). They were certain that
they would not be blamed or taken to task for any dereliction of duty.
Which is why the then Maharashtra government's reluctance to file any
case against Bal Thackeray - who was regarded by many as directly
responsible for what happened to the thousands of innocent riot
victims - was a particularly irresponsible act. Though the government
did not take any initiative, the police had filed four cases under
Sections 153A and 153B of the Indian Penal Code (IPC), based on four
news reports in Saamna, the Shiv Sena publication, dated January 10,
11, 12 and 21 of 1993. Then they applied to the government for
sanction to prosecute him. The government would not respond.
Meanwhile, the Peoples Union for Civil Liberties (PUCL) filed a
petition in the Bombay High Court for a mandatory order against the
government to launch a prosecution against Bal Thackeray. They cited
nine different editorials from Saamna, each containing patently
inflammatory words. The petition was heard in September 1994, about a
year after it was admitted - not any great delay. Yet the judges
dismissed the petition on the ground that it was unwise to "rake up"
old issues all over again! They also went through the impugned
editorials, and found nothing wrong in them. This implied an
endorsement of the Shiv Sena counsel's argument that Bal Thackeray
had referred only to supposedly "anti-national" Muslims, ignoring the
basic question about who decides who is anti-national. Is it Bal
Thackeray? Is it L.K. Advani? Or is it persons like Praveen Togadia
or Narendra Modi?[3]
What is still more shocking is the fact that when the petitioners
moved the Supreme Court, by way of a Special Leave Petition, it was
simply thrown out. Fali S. Nariman, eminent lawyer and now Member of
Parliament, retorted: "Where then, O Lord, shall we turn for the
redressal of palpable wrongs?" Many others expressed their shock and
disappointment. Soli Sorabjee, the present Attorney-General said: "It
is extremely unfortunate that the judiciary has not intervened in
this case where the law has been openly flouted and communal hatred
spread by Bal Thackeray through his mouthpiece, Saamna. History
teaches us that unless these pernicious tendencies are scotched, they
grow to become unmanageable monsters later on. The argument that a
prosecution of persons responsible for spewing hatred would rake up
past events is totally misconceived because there has been no
rethinking or regret by the authors of the writings and there is
every likelihood of such action being repeated."[4]
Finally, about two years ago, Bal Thackeray was arrested amidst much
fanfare, only to be released promptly by a magistrate. The government
moved the High Court and the case is pending there. Such is the
concern of the judiciary for the worst violations of human rights in
the city of Bombay!
In our report, Crime Against Humanity, there is a huge compilation of
all the 'hate speeches' of Narendra Modi, Praveen Togadia and several
BJP, VHP and Bajrang Dal members. There is also a chapter on 'hate
writings' by these very members. Any one of these is sufficient to
prosecute and convict them under Section 153A or 153B of the IPC. But
are any of them being prosecuted? Will the government ever give
sanction to prosecute them? The reason one requires this sanction is
to condone a casual aberration in the general interest of the public
at large, and not to endorse regular, recurrent violence offered with
impunity in the firm belief that these inciters of violence are above
the law. In a country where there has been a perceptible increase in
communal violence, refusal to give sanction amounts to connivance
with the crime itself by the government, which has a fundamental duty
to prosecute criminals. Since these very offenders have gained
political power through violence, it is proper that the requirement
of giving sanction to prosecute should be treated as obsolete and
done away with. Refusal to give sanction where the material is clear
and unambiguous is as arbitrary as granting sanction where the
material is inadequate. The requirement of sanction generally
operates as a shield to protect these criminals who have no respect
for human lives or human rights.
In almost all the communal riots, it is the minority community that
has suffered the most. Every official Commission of Inquiry appointed
by the concerned governments has, without exception, indicted the
majority community as mainly responsible for the violence. In every
riot, the methodology adopted by the Hindu groups - particularly the
RSS - is the same. This is what the Justice Venugopal Commission says
on the Kanyakumari riots of 1982, between Hindus and Christians: "The
RSS methodology for provoking communal violence is: (a) rousing
communal feelings in the majority community by the propaganda that
Christians are not loyal citizens of the country; (b) deepening the
fear in the majority community by clever propaganda that the
population of the minorities is increasing and that of the Hindus is
decreasing; (c) infiltrating the administration and inducing the
members of the civil and police services by adopting and developing
communal attitudes; (d) training young people of the majority
community in the use of weapons like daggers, swords and spears; (e)
spreading rumours to widen the communal cleavage and deepen communal
feelings by giving a communal colour to trivial incidents."
------------------------------------------------------------------------
Time and again over the last three decades, every commission has
recommended various measures to prevent communal violence, to
de-communalise the police, to punish the guilty and to ensure justice
to victims. All these have remained only on paper. No government, be
it the Congress, or the Janata or the BJP, has shown any interest or
inclination in implementing any of the major recommendations
------------------------------------------------------------------------
At Jamshedpur in 1979, the method was the same: "to rouse the
sentiments of Hindus to a high pitch and to distort events and show
some actions as attacks on Hindus that appear to be part of a design.
A survey had already established that all policemen, havaldars, home
guards, etc were at heart ready to give support to them (Hindu
communalist organisation)."[5] After more than a decade, the Shiv
Sena indulged in the same modus operandi in Bombay by rousing the
Hindus to "entertain the belief that the Muslims, not content with
having insisted upon the location of the Babri Masjid on Ram
Janmabhoomi, had done the unspeakable by daring to protest against
its demolition" (The People's Verdict, p. 103). And this is what the
Justice Srikrishna Commission Report states: "Shiv Sena and its
leaders continued to whip up communal frenzy by their statements and
acts and writings and directives issued by the Shiv Sena Pramukh Bal
Thackeray. The attitude of Shiv Sena as reflected in the Time
magazine interview given by Bal Thackeray and its doctrine of
retaliation, as expounded by Sri Sarpotdar and Sri Manohar Joshi,
together with the thinking of Shiv Sainiks that Shiv Sena's terror
was the true guarantee of the safety of citizens, were responsible
for the vigilantism of Shiv Sainiks. Because some criminal Muslims
killed innocent Hindus in one corner of the city, the Shiv Sainiks
retaliated against several innocent Muslims in other corners of the
city."[6]
And now in Gujarat we have the same methodology executed in the most
horrendous manner on an unprecedented scale. The objective was to
create a situation of extreme violence and polarise people in such a
way that those who protested would be terrorised or dubbed
anti-national, thus legitimising this unpardonable crime. In this,
Godhra became an excuse to attack large numbers of innocent Muslim
men, women and children. Besides, the administration - already
communalised during the long BJP rule - was with them. They also
appeared to be sure of inaction on the part of the central
government, which may have taken an oath on the Constitution of
India, but seems to swear by the RSS ideology.
Now they threaten to repeat in other states what they did in Gujarat
- a recognisable threat to indulge in violence, to commit murder and
mayhem, to loot, to rape and burn to death members of the minority
community. They have already identified the targets -- Bhojshala in
Madhya Pradesh, and Bab Budangiri in Karnataka - to incite people and
ignite violence. In all these programmes, the central government
appears to be silently supporting the Sangh Parivar, as if the rule
of law in this country is not their concern.
In this vitiated atmosphere, it is unlikely that victims of communal
violence would ever get justice. They did not get it in the past.
They will not get it now. And in future - who knows?
What is lacking is the political will to uphold the rule of law, and
not to be subservient to the rule of the jungle. No one should be
made to believe that he is above the law, even if he wins politically
in any election. Victory in any Assembly or Parliamentary election is
no endorsement of crime, nor can it be considered as any condonation
of conduct. The law must take its course, and the guilty must be
punished.
Time and again over the last three decades, every commission has
recommended various measures to prevent communal violence, to
de-communalise the police, to punish the guilty and to ensure justice
to victims. All these have remained only on paper. No government, be
it the Congress, or the Janata or the BJP, has shown any interest or
inclination in implementing any of the major recommendations. Our
criminal justice system and our judiciary have not galvanised
themselves to meet this situation and deliver speedy justice.
Now the situation has become critical. The central government (it is
the BJP government and not the National Democratic Alliance, for
there is no NDA agenda) and the BJP governments wherever they are,
have openly admitted their disinterest in reining in the Sangh
Parivar in its design to deliberately create violence all over the
country. These elements think that would bring them political gain -
"the harvest of hatred" - as in Gujarat. So one can envisage more
hate speeches and hate writings all over the country, solely with a
view to divide people for political power. That will be an end of all
that our pluralistic, liberal, democratic Constitution stands for.
Should this be allowed to happen?
There are still several states where the BJP is not in power. The
governments in those states must seriously consider how to stem this
pernicious poison that is sought to be spread by these elements. Of
course, the Sangh Parivar - particularly the VHP and Bajrang Dal -
could be banned. They would, in fact, fall within the scope of a
'Terrorist Organisation' as defined in POTA. However, banning is not
the solution. They must be made to know that there is still the rule
of law in these states. For every hate speech or hate writing or for
any conduct which is likely to incite people to communal hatred or
violence, there should be prosecution under Section 153A or 153B or
under other provisions of the IPC. The police could be given a
general sanction to arrest and prosecute all such persons, whoever
they may be, the moment they indulge in such acts. Our Constitution
still has its goal of establishing a society where there will be
liberty, equality, fraternity and justice (social, economic and
political) for all, irrespective of caste, community or religion. No
democracy can survive if minorities have to live under a perpetual
threat from the majority community.
Notes:
1. The Peoples Verdict is the report authored by this writer with
Justice S.M. Daud (Retired) on behalf of the Indian People's
Human Rights Commission, on the communal riots in Bombay in 1992-1993
after the demolition of the Babri Masjid.
2. See Crime Against Humanity, a report of the Concerned Citizens
Tribunal on Gujarat, 2002.
3. BJP hardliner L.K. Advani, now Deputy Prime Minister and Home
Minister of India, was an accused in the Babri Masjid demolition
case. Praveen Togadia is general secretary of the Vishwa Hindu
Parishad (VHP) and Narendra Modi, chief minister of Gujarat, is
widely believed to be responsible for last year's carnage.
4. A petition is now being filed in the Supreme Court, to dispense
with sanction required to prosecute Praveen Togadia, Narendra
Modi and others under Sections 153A & 153 B I.P.C. Would Mr Sorabjee
support such a petition?
5. Report of Justice J. Narain, 1979.
6. Chapter III, para 1.2, Justice Srikrishna Commission Report, 1998.
Justice Hosbet Suresh, retired judge of the Bombay High Court, is a
leading human rights activist and has worked extensively for civil
liberties in India. He lives in Bombay
______
[8.]
India Pakistan Arms Race and Militarisation Watch (IPARMW) # 126
24 July 2003
URL: groups.yahoo.com/group/IPARMW/message/137
_____
[9.]
NAATA (The Bond)
Directed by Anjali Monteiro and K.P. Jayasankar
Unit for Media and Communications
Tata Institute of Social Sciences
Deonar, Mumbai 400 088
E-mail: <mailto:umctiss at vsnl.com>umctiss at vsnl.com
Dear Friend,
We invite you for a screening of Naata.
Naata is about Bhau Korde and Waqar Khan, two activists and friends,
who have been involved in conflict resolution, working with
neighbourhood peace committees in Dharavi, reputedly, the largest
slum in Asia. This film explores their work, which has included the
collective production and use of visual media for ethnic amity.
Naata is also about us; among other things, an attempt to reflect on
how people like us
relate to spaces of the other, spaces like Dharavi.
It, is above all, about Mumbai, the city that encompasses spaces like
Dharavi and people like Bhau, Waqar and us.
Naata is part of a series on the people and the city of Mumbai and is
a sequel to Saacha (The Loom), 2001
Screening at 6.30 PM., followed by a discussion
Chauraha, Little Theatre, NCPA, Mumbai,
on Aug 1, 2003
Duration: 45 Mins.
Best Wishes, Anjali and Jayasankar
_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/
SACW is an informal, independent & non-profit citizens wire service
run since 1998 by
South Asia Citizens Web (www.mnet.fr/aiindex).
The complete SACW archive is available at: http://sacw.insaf.net
DISCLAIMER: Opinions expressed in materials carried in the posts do not
necessarily reflect the views of SACW compilers.
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