[sacw] SACW | 18 Feb. 03
Harsh Kapoor
aiindex@mnet.fr
Tue, 18 Feb 2003 01:59:07 +0100
South Asia Citizens Wire | February 18, 2003
#1. Pre-empt failure -The peace process must go on a war-footing (Daniel La=
k)
#2. Pakistan: Unofficial peace delegation to visit India in March (Anjum Gi=
ll)
#3. No questions asked (A.G. Noorani)
#4. Mullas wants to close down cyber cafes in Pakistan
#5. Why New Delhi and Islamabad Should Disarm, Honorably (N M Sampathkumar)
#6. Why has the media and the government chosen to ignore peace demos=20
in India? (Syeda Saiyidain Hameed )
#7. No more BJP clones please, we're Indians (P Chidambaram)
#8. Role religion plays in politics in India has dangerous=20
implications (Carla Power)
#9. PUCL seeks ban on tridents in Rajasthan
#10. Publication Announcement: In Times of Siege by Githa Hariharan
-----------------------------------
#1.
Nepali Times
14-20 February 2003
Pre-empt failure
The peace process must go on a war-footing.
By Daniel Lak
The thing that isn't in short supply in Nepal these days is hope. We=20
want peace and we see the current ceasefire as the last best hope.=20
But there's a real danger of the whole process falling into a=20
familiar pattern where the political intrigue of Kathmandu overwhelms=20
what goodwill and flexibility there may be. There are ways around=20
this and perhaps they're all best expressed in two words: pre-empt=20
failure.
In other words, don't allow the talks to fail. Take action that=20
entrenches peace and development and take it now. I'm not sure who=20
I'm writing this to, but it's the summary of many conversations over=20
the past two weeks since the truce was announced. The rumbling and=20
grumbling of political parties, the to and fro statements of=20
ministers, the mysterious movements-later denied-of senior rebels and=20
government negotiators. These are not a peace process. They are a=20
harbinger of failure.
What we need are concrete steps to end rural alienation and they must=20
be taken on a war footing. The security forces are already widely=20
deployed all over the countryside. Let them now start winning hearts=20
and minds by delivering food, repairing trails and making friends in=20
the villages. Spend money-foreign development money that currently=20
just moulders or gets wasted in the capital-creating jobs for=20
stood-down rebel fighters. Form local committees in the districts and=20
VDCs to build confidence. Soldiers, police, civilian officials, local=20
people and rebels should all meet regularly to talk about problems=20
and flash points where a little pre-emptive action might avoid=20
tensions. People who've left the countryside should be encouraged to=20
come back.
One place to start might be Jumla where the dozens of buildings=20
destroyed in last November's Maoist attack are not yet being=20
repaired, or cleared away so a new structure can go up. Why not set=20
up work crews, paid in food or money, whichever people want, and=20
start the reconstruction now? Don't wait for Kathmandu's elite to=20
take the lead, do it locally. MPs from the dismissed parliament, VDC=20
and DDC members could all reach out to local Maoists and get=20
agreement on this. Then a combination of former fighters, local=20
unemployed and the security forces could get going. It doesn't need=20
to be donor-led or government-sponsored. Presented with a project=20
well under way, no one could fail to support it.
What about setting up a Nepali version of the American Peace Corps to=20
fan out into rural areas, assess local needs and meet them?=20
Unemployed youth from the capital might just be the best source of=20
personpower. People could work for minimal expenses and the promise=20
of a lump sum at the end. Work would be co-ordinated through those=20
defacto local confidence building committees. Town hall and village=20
square meetings could decide what to do first. Again, rebuilding=20
seems an obvious place to start. Those 3,000 or so local government=20
offices destroyed in the seven years of fighting need to be rebuilt=20
sometime.
Schools, businesses, NGOs, political parties, and other aspects of=20
civil society need to be engaged and involved in a mass effort to=20
make sure that peace is entrenched, and not at the expense of anyone.=20
Surely the rebels won't object if they see that reconstruction and=20
employment are the two aims of such a movement: there could be local=20
agreement on not establishing new military positions, concentrating=20
instead on housing and job creation. Who could find fault with that?=20
Rebel fighters relaxing after years of war need work to do, they need=20
to earn money.
Meanwhile, a phalanx of well-meaning Nepalis of all social classes=20
and regions need to be made aware of all the peace processes that=20
have gone on around the world, not just Northern Ireland or Sri=20
Lanka, but all of them. There needs to be talk about a local model of=20
South Africa's Truth and Reconciliation commission to address issues=20
of killings and human rights abuses. There are countless "experts"=20
here from abroad who claim to know all about conflict resolution-let=20
them demonstrate their expertise by passing it on to Nepalis.
These are random thoughts, fuelled by hope. Seeking peace means=20
broadening the process beyond secret negotiations in third countries.=20
Let the bargaining teams get on with their work, and give as many=20
Nepalis as possible a role in rebuilding and entrenching peace.
______
#2.
The Daily Times
February 18, 2003
Unofficial peace delegation to visit India in March
By Anjum Gill
LAHORE: Members of parliament, intellectuals and non-governmental=20
organizations' representatives from Pakistan and India are to=20
initiate a programme, called 'People to People Diplomacy', aimed at=20
improving ties between the neighbours.
Former prime minister and National Assembly speaker Malik Meraj=20
Khalid and former finance minister Dr Mubashir Hassan are the=20
architects of the programme.
The idea is to end Pak-India tension and restore diplomatic relations=20
so the threat of war in the region subsides.
Daily Times learnt on Sunday that delegations from both sides would=20
visit each other's countries in March. Mr Khalid and former Punjab=20
Assembly speaker Hanif Ramay are to lead the first Pakistani=20
delegation.
Thereafter, delegations consisting of MPs, writers and poets will=20
also visit India.
Previously, such efforts had been made under the name of 'Track 11=20
Diplomacy' and 'Back Door Diplomacy'.
______
#3.
The Hindustan Times
February 18, 2003
http://www.hindustantimes.com/news/printedition/180203/detIDE01.shtml
No questions asked
A.G. Noorani
That the Official Secrets Act, 1923 - an obscenity in any democracy=20
- is a palpable violation of the fundamental right to freedom of=20
speech and expression was known for long. Iftikhar Gilani's case=20
shows that the act virtually invites its abuse.
A journalist could be imprisoned for seven months on a charge=20
manifestly, demonstrably false levelled by persons who are both=20
political and computer illiterates, and pursued with a lack of=20
elementary fairness or decency. He was put in prison with common=20
criminals and beaten there. His pleas for bail were turned down by a=20
magistrate on grounds that were clearly wrong. All this while, the=20
government, ministers and civil servants, simply watched as an=20
innocent man was exposed to this humiliation.
The press alone performed nobly, as Gilani warmly acknowledged. To=20
his credit, the director-general of military intelligence, Lt. Gen.=20
O.S. Lochab, testified honestly knowing that the Union home ministry=20
would be displeased. He confirmed what Gilani and indeed all informed=20
correspondents had been saying since his arrest - the document for=20
which he was being pilloried was in the public domain since 1996. It=20
was a publication of the Islamabad Institute of Strategic Studies=20
entitled, 'A Review of Indian Repression in Kashmir'.
Despite the imprisonment for seven months on false charges, however,=20
Gilani considers himself lucky. Many have been languishing in jail=20
under this very act for long without any redress and, they assert,=20
without any justification.
The Official Secrets Act, 1923 is a replica of the British Official=20
Secrets Act, 1911. If it is constitutionality challenged, no Indian=20
court can ignore the strictures on the British act by British judges.=20
Our act falls broadly into two parts. One, Section 3 concerns=20
espionage. The other, Section 5 is modelled on Section 2 of the=20
British act and concerns communication of official information.
However, in Britain, proceedings under the act are brought by an=20
independent director of public prosecutions and only with the consent=20
of the attorney-general. In according his consent, the=20
attorney-general acts independently and not as a member of the=20
government. "He applies his judgment to the balance of public=20
interest involved." The decision is his alone. Yet, even this=20
safeguard was not considered adequate. In India, the citizen has no=20
such protection. Without this vital procedural safeguard the act is=20
unconstitutional.
The famous report of the Franks Committee on the Official Secrets=20
Act, 1911, emphasised the need for "a control over the initiation of=20
prosecutions" under the act. It cited instances to illustrate the=20
point. "Cases may still arise where a technical offence appears to=20
have been committed but the matter is not sufficiently blameworthy to=20
warrant prosecution." An oppressive regime would, nonetheless, let=20
loose the police to arrest a man, put him in prison, bring a charge,=20
dub him 'anti-national' and, in the atmosphere so created, put him on=20
trial by the lower judiciary. The report explained: "The point of=20
central importance is that these decisions are irremediably decisions=20
of a political nature, in that they are concerned with questions of=20
public policy although not partisan advantage=8A control by the=20
attorney-general is a safeguard=8A He alone is in a proper position to=20
exercise control."
Without this vital safeguard the law invites abuse. In India, all=20
prosecutions are launched by the state or central government. Article=20
19(2) of the Constitution permits only "reasonable restrictions" on=20
the exercise of the fundamental right to freedom of speech and=20
expression. The restriction must relate to some specified grounds -=20
"sovereignty and integrity of India, the security of the State,=20
friendly relations with foreign States". The act was amended in 1967=20
to add these grounds. "Friendly relations with foreign States" can be=20
abused to prevent disclosures which expose any misdeed by a foreign=20
government or a scandal in the conduct of foreign policy by our own=20
government.
Both the procedure prescribed by the law and its substantive content=20
must be 'reasonable'. A person can be prosecuted under Section 3 of=20
the act even if he merely "obtains" any "document or information=20
which might be=8A useful to any enemy or which relates to a matter the=20
disclosure of which is likely to affect the sovereignty or integrity=20
of India, the security of the State or friendly relations with=20
foreign States". Who will be the judge of this test?
Is mens rea - a guilty intent - an ingredient in this offence? Will a=20
journalist who 'obtains' maps of India from Swiss cartographers who=20
pay no heed to Indian maps be guilty of this offence because those=20
maps "affect the integrity of India" and his "purpose" is=20
"prejudicial to the=8A interests of the State".
If Section 3 relating to espionage is so widely worded, Section 5=20
relating to disclosure of official secrets is worse. Simply put, it=20
says that if any person having in his possession any document or=20
information which has been entrusted to him in confidence by any=20
government official, or which he has obtained as an official,=20
communicates it to any person, other than a person to whom he is=20
authorised to communicate it, he shall be guilty of an offence. So,=20
also, a person who receives such a document or information "knowing=20
or having reasonable ground to believe" that it is being communicated=20
in breach of the act.
Since this is borrowed from Section 2 of the British act, the Franks=20
Committee's censures are applicable. "The leading characteristic of=20
this offence is its catch-all quality. It catches all official=20
documents and information. It makes no distinction of kind, and no=20
distinctions of degree."
The Franks Committee found Section 2 a mess. "Its scope is enormously=20
wide. Any law which impinges on the freedom of information in a=20
democracy should be more tightly drawn." In 1971, Justice Caulfield=20
said that Section 2 should be "pensioned off" because it unduly=20
interfered with the freedom of the press.
In 1982, the Second Press Commission opined that "one of the chief=20
obstacles to the free flow of legitimate information to the people is=20
the existence of certain provisions in the Official Secrets Act,=20
1923". It mentioned in particular Section 5 which, in its view, "has=20
a chilling effect on the freedom of the press". It added: "There can=20
be no doubt that the Section 5 as it stands can prevent any=20
information about any affair of government being disclosed to the=20
public."
The Press Council of India commissioned a study by late S.N. Jain and=20
adopted a draft which embodies this essential defence: "Nothing shall=20
be an offence under the section if it predominantly and substantially=20
subserves public interest unless the communication or use of the=20
'official secret' is made for the benefit of any foreign power or in=20
any manner prejudicial to the safety of the State." Unless so=20
amended, the act is unconstitutional.
______
#4.
Gulf News, February 17, 2003=09=20
MMA wants to close down cyber cafes
Lahore |By Abdullah Iqbal | 17-02-2003
At a time when, on the orders of the federal minister for information=20
technology, the Pakistan Telecommunications Corporation Ltd (PTCL) is=20
filtering the Internet for anti-Pakistan and pornographic material,=20
resulting in drastically reduced speed for Internet Service Providers=20
(ISPS) and users across the country, the Muttahida Majlis-e-Amal=20
(MMA) said it would like to see cyber cafes banned.
With home computers still in limited use because of their cost, most=20
Internet users rely on cafes, which now exist in even small towns and=20
villagers. As such, a closure of these cafes would drastically reduce=20
Internet usage.
Commenting on this, a spokesman for the MMA in Lahore said: "We think=20
in cafes the Internet is not used for education, but only for=20
recreation or immoral activity, so this would not adversely impact=20
anyone."
He also held that while the move to filter the Internet was "good" it=20
was not enough and more needed to be done.
With information technology experts already warning that the PTCL=20
attempts to filter the Internet will "never be entirely successful"=20
and will only "hamper users and companies due to poor connectivity=20
and speed," they fear more moves against Internet usage will affect=20
the IT industry "even more negatively".
One web-developer, Adam Hasan, said: "Already we are suffering due to=20
these misguided censorship efforts which will never work and now the=20
MMA wants to make things still worse."
Last week, the MMA-led government banned children from entering cyber=20
cafes in Balochistan.
At a meeting with Internet cafe owners, Minister for Information and=20
Local Government in Balochistan, Hafiz Hussain Ahmed Sharodi, ordered=20
that entry of children should be strictly prohibited to protect them=20
from exposure to pornographic websites on the Internet.
He warned that the government would take stringent action against=20
cafe owners found guilty of violating the ban.
A similar ban is expected in the NWFP, where the MMA is in=20
government, while the coalition is also pressurising governments in=20
the other provinces to enforce the restriction on children and to=20
discourage Internet use.
According to a recent survey, Pakistan boasts around three million=20
regular Internet users. More than 1,000 cities and small towns in=20
Pakistan have been enjoying access to the Net as of June 2002.
Apart from e-mail and chatting, pornographic material and film sites=20
on the web were the biggest draw among all age groups.
______
#5.
South Asia Tribune
Issue No 30, Feb 17-23, 2003
Why New Delhi and Islamabad Should Disarm, Honorably
N M Sampathkumar
IN AN Op-Ed piece last week, US Ambassador to New Delhi, Robert=20
Blackwill exhorted Saddam Hussain to leave Baghdad and leave the=20
people of Iraq, and its oil, in peace. A deeper reading of the=20
arguments, particularly the ones concerning the non-implementation by=20
Iraq of UN Security Council resolutions, would reveal that the=20
exhortation may well have been directed much more appropriately at=20
New Delhi and Islamabad.
Only the previous week, "serious concern" had been expressed by State=20
Department spokesperson Brenda Greenberg at the statement of an=20
Indian official that India planned to test this year a long-range=20
version of nuclear-capable Agni missile with a range of more than=20
3000 km, enabling it to hit cities like Xian in China. The=20
spokesperson said the US urged long-time antagonists India and=20
Pakistan to rein in their nuclear and missile programs. "Such tests=20
contribute to regional tension and make it harder to prevent a costly=20
and destabilizing nuclear and missile arms race. Such a race would be=20
a further threat to regional and international security. We continue=20
to urge both India and Pakistan to take steps to restrain their=20
nuclear and missile programs, including no operational deployment of=20
nuclear-armed ballistic missiles, and to begin a broad dialogue to=20
reduce tensions."
Agni-III, the long-range ballistic missile, with strike range of=20
3,500-4,000 km can hit high-value targets in a wide arc deep inside=20
China. It will be both road and rail-mobile to confer operational=20
flexibility in deployment. It will be an entirely new vehicle, along=20
with a true inertial navigation system, to accord capabilities to=20
deliver a one-tonne nuclear warhead beyond the range of combat=20
aircraft. The earliest probable launch of Agni-III could be at the=20
end of year 2003. Experts say this missile is required since the=20
2,000-km-plus 'Agni-II' missile can hit targets only in western China
The US has reasons to be concerned. Ever since India's nuclear mafia,=20
thriving in an ambience of secretiveness, persuaded the government to=20
go for a second nuke test in 1998, a dangerous arms race is on in=20
this region. The latest warning of a likely scenario had come to=20
light only a month earlier, courtesy India's defense minister George=20
Fernandez. He is a member of the Political Council supposed to be in=20
"control" of mass-destruction weapons and the Convener of the=20
confused coalition of two dozen political parties that rules New=20
Delhi. Fernandez told a business conference on January 7 that while=20
India would suffer a little in a nuclear war, there would be no=20
Pakistan left after its retaliation.
Fernandez was responding to remarks made in December by General=20
Pervez Musharraf, Pakistan's equally sensationalist president, who=20
controls the country's nuclear trigger. The General had appeared to=20
suggest that he would have ordered a nuclear strike last year, had=20
Indians crossed the border with conventional forces after terrorist=20
attacks on its Parliament and on Kashmiri civilians.
The Indians have always been harping on a policy of "No first use" to=20
justify developing WMDs for "self defense". The doctrine honed by=20
desk-bound "experts" stems however on a determination to face down=20
Pakistan, with the threat of massive response to a nuclear attack.=20
What happens if a nuclear strike wipes out Delhi, the prime minister=20
and the rest of the Political Council?
Alternative bodies with authority to use the bomb in such=20
circumstances have apparently been set up elsewhere in India. How=20
effectively the alternative system would work in practice, no one is=20
clear. Secure links between such alternative command centers and=20
India's air force, army and submarines may never get installed=20
reliably for at least a decade, with the state of infrastructure and=20
connectivity between places in the region being what it is.
Things are hot on the eastern side of India as well. Relations=20
between India and Bangladesh, the country that India was instrumental=20
in creating in 1971 by going to war with Pakistan and breaking it up,=20
which had never been cordial, is at its lowest nadir now. Bangladesh=20
is smarting under New Delhi's unimaginative and unfair big-bully=20
attitude towards humanitarian problems.
The "justification" for the 1971 war had been provided by the large=20
influx of "refugees" from the erstwhile East Pakistan into India. It=20
has become a fashion with extreme-right wing politicians of India to=20
brand every Muslim living in India as a Pakistani or Bangladeshi=20
illegal migrant since then. India and Bangladesh have been accusing=20
each other of "pushing in" migrants illegally.
Things came to a boil in the last week of January when the plight of=20
some 200 people, mostly snake charmers, stranded for more than a week=20
in no-man's land in the India-Bangladesh border attracted=20
international limelight. Press Trust of India (PTI) claimed on Feb 6=20
that Bangladesh Rifles (BDR) took back the immigrants between 2.00=20
and 2.30 am in small batches. BSF sources claimed that due to immense=20
pressure on Dhaka, the immigrants had been getting feelers from=20
Bangladeshi side over the past two days that they enter the country=20
in small groups. What exactly happened to the "illegal migrants" is=20
anyone's guess. For, Bangladesh insists that it had foiled another=20
Indian "push-in attempt" and India had allowed the snake charmers to=20
return to their "homes" in India.
Deputy Prime Minister L K Advani who heads the Home ministry is among=20
the more vociferous on the "illegal migrant" issue. "They=20
(Bangladeshis) can't live in India permanently," Advani said.=20
"Illegal immigrants can't be accepted," he added.
On the very same day Blackwill was advocating "Disarm" in the Times=20
of India columns, New Delhi went ahead with another defiant=20
provocation. The supersonic anti-ship cruise missile BrahMos was=20
flight-tested for the first time from an undisclosed location in the=20
Bay of Bengal off Orissa coast. 'BrahMos' stands for=20
"Brahmaputra+Moscow and is an Indo-Russian joint venture begun in=20
1998. The missile was first test-fired in 2001 from the Chandipur=20
launch complex. The flight test was conducted from a naval ship INS=20
Rajput as about 40 Russian scientists along with their DRDO=20
counterparts witnessed the trial.
The 3000-kg 'BrahMos' has a target range of about 300 km with 200 to=20
300 kg payload or conventional warhead mass depending on the version=20
and can fly up to mach 2 speed. Primarily an anti-ship missile,=20
BrahMos also has the capability to engage shore-based radio-contrast=20
targets. It can be fired from multiple platforms - ship, land,=20
submarine and air. It has a preset trajectory, but the missile's=20
course can be changed to strike up to 20 km from the targeted range.
Where is this arms race leading South Asia, is the key question. The=20
seeds of this deadly race were sown in 1974, when India opted to=20
break the nuclear taboo. The country had a peaceful nuclear program=20
on, aided by Canada, which provided the technology based on=20
natural-uranium-fuelled, heavy-water-cooled reactors. The hefty aid=20
under "Colombo Plan" involved a solemn assurance of "non-diversion"=20
of nuclear materials for weapons production.
Flouting the contract, sycophants like Raja Ramanna in the Department=20
of Atomic Energy hijacked the program, and used reprocessed uranium=20
to make an explosive device. They managed to project dictator Indira=20
Gandhi as a "Durga" (Hindu goddess of Power) in the eyes of=20
illiterate Indians through the first test. The Canadians walked out=20
in a huff, leaving all the design drawings and a second reactor=20
half-completed. This suited vested interests consisting of fake=20
scientists, unscrupulous business houses and corrupt politicians and=20
bureaucrats. They could now siphon off massive funds in secrecy by=20
choosing to be a "rogue state" isolated from international scrutiny.
Similarly, in 1998, fake scientists "helped" a bunch of politicians=20
under the extreme-right Bharatiya Janta Party, which advocates a=20
barbarian brand of Hindutva, to divert people's attention from their=20
inherent contradictions. The basic motive however was to cover up the=20
dubious distinction of operating "some of the most accident-prone and=20
least efficient facilities in the world" conferred on them by a=20
Washington-based coalition of NGOs.
Thanks to the prevailing cover-up culture prevailing in the=20
organization, it had turned into a veritable flop show and criticism=20
was mounting in the Media about frequent radioactive leaks.
Hot-headed hawks like Advani lacked the brain to realize that the=20
misadventure amounted to surrendering strategic advantage of depth=20
vis-a-vis the adversary in conventional arms.The military junta in=20
Pakistan only got an excuse for squandering more and more money in=20
the name of defense.
Toadies like Abdul Kalam, running a miserable failure in Defense=20
Research and Missile Development, found that the move could get more=20
funds for themselves too. Later, when nominated for the figurehead=20
presidential post, Kalam had put his foot in his mouth and=20
proclaimed, "N-weapons are not for storing; they are for deploying."=20
This one irresponsible remark by the clownish first citizen earned=20
more enemies for India than anything else in 50 years.
An objective analysis would show that Kalam was rewarded more for his=20
pliability rather than for any scientific talent. Renaming obsolete=20
Scuds and other missiles with formidable names and manufacturing=20
look-a likes cannot be considered as scientific feats.
The fact remains that nobody in the army wants the "unreliable" Arjun=20
tank, which is a bad copy of a Russian junk. The light combat=20
aircraft (LCA) remains literally a mirage after squandering monstrous=20
sums of public money. The first prototype of Kaveri engine, under=20
development since twenty years for powering the LCA, disintegrated in=20
test bed last year. Yet, it is being hyped as IAF's mainstay in the=20
Twenty-first century even as Russian-built Migs keep crashing=20
routinely for lack of quality spares and maintenance.
Corruption is so rampant in the procurement of spares that even=20
Russia has repeatedly accused IAF of buying spurious parts for=20
maintaining fighter planes at exorbitant prices.
It may be recalled that Kalam never cared to open his mouth when top=20
scientists of his own department were framed in spy cases and=20
tortured no end just because they had chanced upon a major scandal in=20
the cryogenic engine deal with Russia.
One must remember that hundreds of thousands of impoverished people=20
of this region, including women, go through the horrendous shame=20
everyday of relieving themselves on roadsides and railway tracks.=20
Should money collected by heavily taxing goods of their bare=20
necessity be used for developing intercontinental ballistic missiles=20
and N-bombing the neighboring countries? New Delhi and Islamabad=20
ought to retract from their suicidal course of meddling in mass=20
destruction weapons; better honorably.
The writer is an expert of nuclear weapons development industry in India
______
#6.
The Indian Express, Tuesday, February 18, 2003
Eyes wide shut, ears plugged
Why has the media and the government chosen to ignore peace demos in India?
Syeda Saiyidain Hameed
http://www.indianexpress.com/full_story.php?content_id=3D18609
______
#7.
The Indian Express
Sunday, February 16, 2003
No more BJP clones please, we're Indians
P Chidambaram
http://www.indianexpress.com/full_story.php?content_id=3D18502
______
#8.
Newsweek
Feb. 24, 2003 issue
http://www.msnbc.com/news/873572.asp
Praying to Angry Gods
America is not the only country where religion plays a role in=20
politics. In India, too, the link has dangerous implications
By Carla Power
NEWSWEEK INTERNATIONAL
For some extremist Hindus, going nuclear was a near-religious=20
experience. After India tested a bomb in 1998, an influential=20
right-wing Hindu group, the Vishwa Hindu Parishad (VHP), wanted to=20
organize religious pilgrimages to the test site in Pokhran. It even=20
made plans to build a temple there dedicated to the goddess Shakti.
=20=20=09=20=20=09=20
INDIA'S LEADERSHIP QUASHED the Pokhran pilgrimage idea, but=20
religious fervor continues to underlie tensions in volatile South=20
Asia. Like the United States, India is a massive democracy whose=20
Constitution mandates secularism. Yet in New Delhi, too, the=20
political mood has grown deeply religious. To galvanize voters, many=20
of whom are devout, politicians in the ruling Bharatiya Janata Party=20
(BJP) have begun to play up a brand of muscular Hindu nationalism.=20
This stoking of religious passions bears much of the blame for last=20
year's disastrous riots in Gujarat, in which hundreds of Muslims were=20
killed. Even more worrying, though, are the BJP's plans to flog both=20
Islamic terrorism and the Pakistani threat in next year's elections.=20
With positions hardening in both New Delhi and Islamabad, the world's=20
next religious conflict could well be nuclear.
America's war on terror dovetails neatly with India's own=20
concerns, which stem from the long-running territorial dispute over=20
Muslim-majority Kashmir. That has emboldened BJP hard-liners. Last=20
year L. K. Advani, whose cross-country procession to Ayodhya in the=20
early 1990s helped trigger the controversial destruction of the Babri=20
Mosque, was promoted to deputy prime minister. In December, Narendra=20
Modi, the Gujarat chief minister, won re-election overwhelmingly=20
after waging an unabashedly Hindu nationalist campaign. And earlier=20
this year the government toughened India's military policy, adding a=20
clause that allows use of nuclear weapons in response to a chemical=20
or biological attack. "Prior to this, they were just saying a=20
nuclear-on-nuclear response," says Andrew Kennedy, head of the Asia=20
program at London's Royal United Services Institute. "Now it's a=20
weapons-of-mass-destruction policy."
The new mood didn't arise overnight. For decades, Hindu=20
groups have built a constituency through well-organized and=20
well-funded schools and social groups. Key to their success has been=20
the growth of India's middle class, which, while reaping the benefits=20
of India's economic liberalization and IT success, is keen to retain=20
its sense of "Indian-ness."
For the Sangh Parivar, the umbrella organization of hard-line=20
Hindu groups that includes both the BJP and the VHP, the specter of=20
terrorism affords yet another neat way to push its goal of a Hindu=20
India. Recent Sangh Parivar rhetoric links the threat of cross-border=20
Pakistani terrorism to India's own Muslim population. "More and more=20
Indian Muslims are now being identified as 'Pakistanis,' as=20
anti-nationals, as terrorists," says Eduardo Feleiro, an opposition=20
politician. "The whole electoral plank for the Sangh Parivar is faith=20
and fear." Earlier this month Advani announced a tough new=20
deportation program for illegal Bangladeshi and Pakistani migrants.=20
"Immediate steps should be taken to identify and locate them and=20
throw them out," he said.
With talk like this, it's hardly surprising that the Kashmir impasse=20
drags on. And yet, the Sangh Parivar's dream of a Hindu India has=20
produced something that almost looks like a concession. The Rashtriya=20
Swayamsevak Sangh, another member of the Sangh Parivar, recently=20
proposed that Kashmir be divided into three. The goal: to allow India=20
to keep Hindu-majority Jammu and Buddhist Ladakh in the event of a=20
settlement. Any steps toward peace, however, could prove dangerous=20
for extremists on both sides. They'd find it hard to survive without=20
an issue like Kashmir to stoke the fires of fear and faith.
=20=20=20=20=20=20=20
=A9 2003 Newsweek, Inc.
______
#9.
Press Trust of India News
http://www.outlookindia.com/pti_news.asp?id=3D120470
PUCL
JAIPUR, FEB 17 (PTI)
People's Union for Civil Liberties today demanded bringing tridents=20
under the purview of Arms Act and immediate ban on its distribution=20
to VHP and Bajrang Dal activists in Rajasthan.
"As an act of desperation VHP is trying to repeat its Gujarat=20
experiment in Rajasthan by fanning communal passion through=20
distribution of tridents describing it as religious ceremony", PUCL=20
state leaders Prem Krishna Sharma and Kavita Srivastava said in a=20
joint statement.
Over 2,600 tridents have already been distributed at various 'trishul=20
diksha' ceremonies in the state this year and nine more such=20
functions are planned for the year to "arm" 5,000 people, they said.
Accusing state government of failing to take any legal action in this=20
regard, they demanded that trishuls be brought under the Arms Act.
______
#10.
http://www.penguinbooksindia.com/books/aspBookDetail.asp?ID=3D5125
In Times of Siege
by Githa Hariharan
Published by Penguin India
ISBN: 0670049492 ( HardCover)
224 pages | Rs 295
Published : 2/15/2003
Territory : Indian Subcontinent=09=09=20=20=20=20
What makes a fanatic? A fundamentalist? What makes communities that=20
have lived together for years suddenly discover a hatred for each=20
other? As if in answer, Shiv hears a distant rumble, then the parking=20
lot fills with people. Even at a distance he can sense the tension in=20
them, bodies like clenched fists, voices angry and shrill.
New Delhi, in the year 2000. Staff meetings, lesson modules, a=20
half-hearted little affair with a colleague--this is the bland but=20
comfortable life of Shiv Murthy, a history teacher in an open=20
university. But disruption and change are on their way--an outspoken=20
young woman with a broken knee comes into his life and turns it=20
upside-down; then Hindu zealots attack his writings on Basava, the=20
reformer-poet. With fundamentalism landing on his own doorstep, Shiv=20
discovers that the ideas he has inherited--about history, nations and=20
patriots--are shrinking day by day. And the time of siege is not=20
exclusively Indian; prejudice speaks different languages but has the=20
same destructive message: 'Only trust those of your kind'. With love,=20
lust and a perverted nationalism at his heels, Shiv is forced to=20
confront the demands of his times and choose a direction for the=20
future. But first, he must come to terms with his own incomplete=20
past, his fears, and his obsession with a woman who will give him the=20
strength he seeks.
Sometimes funny, often moving, this stark, contemporary narrative=20
unfolds the story of ordinary lives besieged, of men and women=20
struggling to make sense of hatred, ignorance, love and loyalty--to=20
individuals, ideas and the nation. Sharp and gripping, and permeated=20
with a chilling sense of menace, In Times of Siege holds up an=20
uncompromising mirror to India today.
'Githa Hariharan's fiction is wonderful--full of subtleties and=20
humour and tenderness.'-Michael Ondaatje
'An outstanding writer.'-J.M. Coetzee
'She can do magic.'-India Today
'Hariharan's trajectory is quite unique . . . her tellings and=20
retellings (are) in turn rich, supple, sensuous and=20
cerebral.'-Independent on Sunday
'. . .beautifully written and evocative . . .'-Times Literary Supplement
'Her control is sure.'-Guardian
'=8A sunny and well-lit prose which conceals nothing, reveals=20
everything.'-The Times of India
'There are some books, a clutch of writers, a handful of vivid=20
imaginations that fill one with an eager anticipation to enter worlds=20
waiting to be born. Hariharan is one such novelist.'-Outlook
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