[sacw] SACW | 4 Nov. 02

Harsh Kapoor aiindex@mnet.fr
Mon, 4 Nov 2002 02:50:30 +0100


South Asia Citizens Wire | 4 November 2002

__________________________

#1. Sri Lanka: Press Statement by The National Anti-War Front
#2. India: Press Statement by Committee Against War On Iraq
#3. India: Vajpayee's domestic bind (Praful Bidwai)
#4. India: Can the polls in Gujarat wash away their pain? (Anjali Mody)
#5. India: Note on Lok Satta's efforts for electoral reforms

__________________________

#1.

NATIONAL ANTI - WAR FRONT
153, Sri Saranankara Road,Dhiwala.
Phone: 01-726340, 824425,818344, 577442,688690,Fax : 075557012
Hot line:072433257. E-mail : paffrel@s...

PRESS STATEMENT BY
THE NATIONAL ANTI-WAR FRONT
ON THE PRESENT SITUATION CONCERNING THE PEACE PROCESS

The National Anti-War Front celebrates the achievement of 250 days of=20
the cease-fire between the Government and the LTTE on 31st October=20
2002. We congratulate both parties for their political will and=20
commitment to honor the people=92s mandate for peace and for steering=20
the negotiations positively towards the formation of an interim=20
council. We note with appreciation the position expressed by H.E.=20
the President in pledging support for the peace process. The success=20
of the peace process depends very much on the ability of the=20
President and the Government collaborating in a spirit of genuine=20
cohabitation with the required political will and commitment. They=20
should do so at least for the sake of future generations. We also=20
congratulate the LTTE for the flexibility shown in accommodating a=20
political settlement within the confines of an undivided country.

However, we wish to raise issues and concerns which we believe=20
could threaten the peace process. These issues and concerns are as=20
follows:

The government has needs to urgently address the economic burdens of=20
the people. Reducing the cost of living is indispensable for the=20
people to benefit from the dividends of peace. Generally, the=20
people=92s expectation is for sustained and equitable economic=20
development.

The government needs to provide more effective security to the=20
Sinhala, Tamil and Moslem communities living in the Eastern Province.=20
It needs to establish more effective structures and mechanisms, both=20
official and civilian, to prevent, manage and mitigate conflicts. It=20
is our view that both the Government and the LTTE are obligated to=20
enter into enforceable and responsible agreements which guarantee the=20
fundamental human and democratic rights, including the security and=20
participation of all communities living in the region.

Peace belongs to the people and the people should feel that they own=20
it. It is they who suffered the worst consequences of war.=20
International experience shows that a just and lasting peace can=20
only be built on the foundations of reconciliation where the people=20
undertake to build the bridges of mutual trust, confidence and=20
positive co-existence. It is our view that both the Government and=20
the LTTE need to adopt an inclusive approach reaching out to the=20
people to address and allay genuine concerns and grievances.

Peace must provide dignity, equality, security and autonomy to all=20
communities. While giving recognition to the distinctiveness of each=20
particular nation and community, peace must be based on the=20
fundamental premise that the country must be shared by each and all=20
equally. Any tendency to exercise hegemony will seriously jeopardize=20
the peace process. Essentially, peace making itself must be a=20
process of sharing and exercising power democratically. The=20
government and the LTTE should ensure that the peace process shall=20
not result in either marginalizing nor dominating any particular=20
community.

We urge the Government and the LTTE to take heed of these issues and=20
concerns, which unless addressed, may threaten the peace process. At=20
whatever cost, there can be no return to a state of war. Even if=20
negotiations should breakdown, there should be the political will to=20
find alternatives to overcome the obstacles. We ourselves, as civil=20
society, must act with the utmost seriousness and responsibility to=20
honor and protect the people=92s aspiration for peace.

Thank you,
Yours sincerely

D.A. Wasantha Pushpa Kumara
Coordinator

2002.10.31.

Ven. Madampagama Assaji Nayaka Thero Rev.Dr. Oswald B. Firth
Rev.Fr. M.I. Bernard=20
Dr.Kumar Rupasinghe
Dr. Jayadeva Uyangoda S. Balakrishnan
Ms. Dulcy de Silva=20
Ms.Prema Ambuldeniya
M.M.Abdul Rahuman=20
Indika Gunawardana
Somapala Kandavinna B.A. Jayasekara
Sr. Fatimanayaki V.L. Pereira
Kingsley Rodrigo Wimal Fernando
Ms. Padmi Liyanage S.P. Nathan
Dr. Jehan Perera

On behalf of the Organising Committee.

People's Action for Free and Fair Elections (PAFFREL)
93/10, Dutugemunu Street, Colombo 06, SRI LANKA
Tel: (94 1) 824425, 818675, 075 557010-13
Fax: 075 557012, 828597
Web site:www.lankawolrd.com/paffrel

______

#2.

A big anti-war mobilization to protest against America's plan to
military attack and occupy Iraq is being held at New Delhi on November
14. The protest march will begin from Mandi House at 11.30 a.m and
proceed to Parliament Street, where a rally will be held.

The main slogan of the march will be No War on Iraq

The call for the march has been given by the Committee Against War on
Iraq which consists of various political parties, trade unions, mass
organizations, social groups and prominent citizens. The statement
setting out the principles of the committee is given below:

Committee Against War On Iraq

October 26, 2002

Press Statement

The United States is going ahead with its plans for a military attack
on Iraq. There are no grounds whatsoever for this flagrant violation
of international law and the national sovereignty of Iraq. Since 1991,
Iraq has been subjected to severe sanctions which has caused great
damage to the country?s economy. Tens of thousands of Iraqi citizens
particularly children have lost their lives due to malnutrition and
lack of medicines and essential medical equipment. Till 1998, United
Nations weapons inspectors had gone through all installations to
dismantle any potential for production of weapons of mass destruction.

President Bush has declared that America?s aim is for a ?regime
change? in Iraq. The Bush administration is prepared to accept nothing
less than the removal of President Saddam Hussein. This is totally
unacceptable and smacks of imperial arrogance. Such a stand poses a
danger to the sovereignty of all countries.

The US government is pressurizing the United Nations and the Security
Council to adopt a resolution which can provide the pretext for a
military attack on Iraq. The Bush administration has made it clear
that even if the United Nations does not go along with its untenable
stand, it is prepared to go ahead with its unilateral act of aggression.

A war on Iraq will cause unimaginable destruction. Thousands of lives
will be lost and the country devastated. It will create new tensions
which will threaten world peace. Already the stand of the United
States has led to a wave of anger among the people in all Arab
countries. Use of brute military force will only strengthen the forces
of terrorism. India?s interests will be seriously harmed by such a war.

All over the world people are coming out into the streets to protest
against the threat of war against Iraq. The Indian people cherish the
close ties that our country has with Iraq and its people. We demand
that the Vajpayee government, not remain silent. It must take a firm
stand opposing the US moves for war. It must rally international
opinion against such a blatant act of aggression against a friendly
country.

To reflect the views of the people we are setting up a committee to
say ?No War On Iraq?. The Committee Against War on Iraq will work to
mobilize all sections of the people to oppose the US plans for war and
express solidarity with Iraq.

Note:
Please help in widely circulating/forwarding this message to as many
addresses as possible in Delhi.

_____

#3.

"The News International", Pakistan, November 1, 2002

Vajpayee's domestic bind

Praful Bidwai

After having announced de-escalation and demobilisation of 700,000=20
troops at the border and having agreed that Prime Minister Vajpayee=20
would attend the next SAARC summit, the Indian government is again=20
vacillating and hedging. Apart from differences over a trade=20
agreement, the real cause for New Delhi's hesitation pertains to=20
internal rivalries within the National Democratic Alliance and a=20
major power struggle that has broken out within the sangh parivar,=20
where Vajpayee is at the receiving end.

On October 17, exactly a day after the Cabinet Committee on Security=20
announced the de-escalation, a television channel quoted minister of=20
state for external affairs Digvijay Singh as saying Vajpayee would=20
definitely travel to Islamabad for the SAARC summit in January=20
although "not for any bilateral process".

Within hours, Ministry of External Affairs officials began to brief=20
journalists to stem "speculation" that a "final" decision had been=20
taken on Vajpayee's visit: there exists, they said, a "large gap=20
between possibility and reality". But defence minister George=20
Fernandes-leader of the Samata Party, to which Digvijay Singh=20
belongs-reiterated that Vajpayee would visit Pakistan.

Soon, a war of words began over the summit dates. On October 23, MEA=20
declared India is still "waiting" to finalise the dates. Pakistan's=20
Foreign Office accused India of "trying to create confusion".=20
Pakistan's acting High Commissioner said he was "a little bewildered=20
... we are getting conflicting signals". The dates, formally proposed=20
by the SAARC Secretariat and Pakistan High Commission in August, were=20
further discussed at a foreign ministers' meeting in September where=20
Indian Foreign Minister Yashwant Sinha was present. The dates agreed=20
were January 11-13. India was to have re-confirmed them by September=20
25. It hasn't.

It now emerges that New Delhi would like to make Vajpayee's visit=20
conditional upon "progress" on SAPTA (South Asian Preferential Trade=20
Agreement) and SAFTA (South Asian Free Trade Area). Vajpayee has also=20
said that he would go to Pakistan provided there is "clarity" on what=20
is to be discussed there. Clearly, the official message is, Pakistan=20
must discard its no-trade-with-India policy and accord to India Most=20
Favoured Nation status.

However, the weightier reason for Vajpayee's hesitation has to do=20
with internal conflicts within the BJP. A substantial section of the=20
party, now controlled by the hawkish LK Advani, is unhappy with the=20
demobilisation decision and does not want any normalisation of=20
relations with Pakistan unless that is linked to ending "cross-border=20
terrorism".

Even more important is the power struggle that has broken out between=20
the parliamentary wing of the Bharatiya Janata Party and the Hard=20
Right component of the sangh parivar, including the Vishwa Hindu=20
Parishad, Bajrang Dal and Swadeshi Jagran Manch. This has now taken=20
the form of a campaign of abuse. Abuse pervades the mainstream=20
political discourse. The worst manifestation of this is in Gujarat,=20
in pre-election campaigning.

There, VHP's "international secretary" Praveen Togadia recently=20
descended to the gutter level by calling Sonia Gandhi "an Italian=20
dog". Narendra Modi too termed her "Italy ki beti". He threatened to=20
"wipe Pakistan off the map of the world" through "Hindu militancy" as=20
well.

This came on top of VHP president Singhal's threats to repeat=20
Gujarat's ethnic-cleansing "experiment" all over India. Meanwhile,=20
the Shiv Sena's Bal Thackeray has appealed to Hindus to form=20
"terrorist suicide-squads". Worst of all, VHP vice-president Giriraj=20
Kishore, citing the shastras, has put the cow higher than=20
humans-especially Dalits.

True to cowardly type, Togadia now says he didn't name any particular=20
individual in his Oct 19 speech. Thackeray claims his remarks were=20
only directed at "pro-Pakistan Muslims"-a ludicrous statement,=20
falsified by the speech's transcript! Thackeray's defence is=20
fundamentally obnoxious in the first place. It is downright criminal=20
to threaten anyone with "terrorist squads".

These vituperative speeches mark a new low in India's Right-wing=20
politics. The public discourse here did not plumb such depths even=20
before Partition, with its ghastly bloodbath. Such intensely=20
intolerant politics couldn't have developed 40, 30, even 20 years=20
ago. What gave birth to it is the parivar's still-unfolding=20
anti-Babri mosque campaign, launched in the mid-1980s.

Parivar hate speech is backed by action. Maharashtra and Gujarat=20
witnessed India's two worst pogroms. In Rajasthan, the BJP-RSS and=20
VHP are polarising politics communally. Tamil Nadu has banned=20
religious conversion-against the Constitution. In Haryana, five=20
Dalits were beaten to death in police custody because the VHP spread=20
rumours that they had killed a cow.

Many BJP leaders have joined the VHP's hate campaign. There are=20
revolving doors between all the parivar's components. Half the VHP's=20
top leaders have been BJP MPs in recent years. The Shiv Sena and BJP=20
are inseparable. The Bajrang Dal's topmost man (Vinay Katiyar) is the=20
BJP's Uttar Pradesh president.

The intra-parivar power struggle is triggered partly by the BJP's=20
appalling governmental performance. Togadia, Thackeray and Kishore=20
are upset at the NDA's drift towards economic policies they don't=20
like, and towards "appeasement" of Pakistan through troop=20
demobilisation.

These aren't differences over principle, but over sharing the spoils,=20
and sustaining enmity with Pakistan. Recently, Thackeray plucked out=20
the Sena's electricity minister from the Cabinet because he didn't=20
deliver "enough" moolah. He raved against the sale of a public sector=20
hotel in Mumbai not because he opposes public sector disinvestment,=20
but because he wanted it sold to a friend! The hardliners are also=20
stepping up the Ayodhya temple campaign, although there is no popular=20
support for this.

This is their way of getting even with the BJP's parliamentary wing.=20
They don't want to play second fiddle to it. They believe-not without=20
reason-that they put Vajpayee & Co in power; without the=20
Ramjanmabhoomi campaign, the BJP couldn't have grown from 2 to 89=20
seats between 1984 and 1989, and then eventually to 180 (in a Lok=20
Sabha of 545 seats).

Hindutva hardliners see Vajpayee & Co as interlopers. The BJP=20
leadership thinks the hardliners are a nuisance. But it lacks the=20
stomach to deal with them upfront. So it relies on the paterfamilias,=20
the RSS, to settle internal differences. This strategy is becoming=20
unworkable. The RSS leadership's equation with the BJP has changed.=20
Their recent mutual compromises have come unstuck. The same thing=20
will probably happen to the latest uneasy truce, reached on October=20
24.

It is a sign of Vajpayee's desperation and weakness that he still=20
begs the RSS to help him. If he really wants to assert himself, he=20
must act in consonance with Constitutional principles and the law.=20
His government should strictly apply hate-speech laws like Section=20
153 and 153(A) of the Indian Penal Code to members of the sangh=20
parivar. It must not cave in to Thackeray's hollow threats to set=20
Mumbai "on fire".

It is unlikely that Vajpayee can summon the will to take on these=20
dangerous fanatics. He may temporarily overcome their resistance and=20
attend the SAARC summit. But so long as he remains their prisoner, he=20
is likely to make reconciliation with Pakistan hostage to Hindutva.

Islamabad would only play into the hardliners' hands, and work=20
against its own interests, if it persists with the no-trade policy.=20
It would be well-advised to show that it is serious about SAPTA and=20
about giving India the MFN status required under the WTO.

_____

#4.

The Hindu
Sunday, Nov 03, 2002
Opinion - News Analysis
Can the polls wash away their pain?

In Gujarat, those living with the consequencies of the carnage expect=20
little from the polls. For, the other institutions that make a=20
democracy do not work for them. Anjali Mody reports.

THE AIR reverberated with the specious verbiage of campaign politics=20
as the BJP and the Congress began their respective election campaigns=20
in Gujarat. Each staked its claim to the ghost of Sardar Vallabhbhai=20
Patel, one in Karamsad where he was born and the other in Bardoli=20
where he led his first major political campaign. Sound and fury about=20
strong leaders, the fight against terrorism, about inept Governments=20
and visions for the future. And in all this just a passing reference=20
to a carnage in which some 2,000 people were killed.

Gujarat has returned to "normalcy", and the violence that tore at its=20
heart is no longer worthy of comment. The last of the relief camps=20
were closed last week. Bright new paintwork covers what were burnt=20
out shells of buildings. Women scarred for life by the violence find=20
they are still able to laugh. Life has moved on. And so have many=20
Gujaratis.

The electoral rolls record 1.7 lakh voters located at new addresses,=20
some outside the State, but still entitled to vote. Another 2.2 lakh=20
names will be retained on the rolls as they have not been located.=20
The unstated fact is that a majority of them are Muslims, in a State=20
where they are less than 10 per cent of the population. They left in=20
search of safer and secure futures. A sign of normality is that they=20
are called "economic migrants", not "riot victims".

And so Gujarat is ready for an election. This cycle of democratic=20
politics is sacrosanct. The Supreme Court has held that all the=20
resources necessary should be used to hold an election, and that=20
civil disturbances are not a good enough reason to postpone them.

It is a judgment that reaffirms the fact that the democratic process=20
is inviolable. The institutions which keep this wheel of democracy=20
well-oiled and working do exist. The Election Commission has shown=20
itself capable of holding proper elections in extremely trying=20
circumstances. Gujarat, with 400 companies of central forces, should=20
be easy enough.

Those living with the consequences of the carnage, however, expect=20
little from the polls. For, the other institutions that make a=20
democracy do not work for them. There are 1,000 families in Ahmedabad=20
alone who are unable to return to their homes. They are threatened,=20
intimidated and attacked if they try to do. A young Muslim was killed=20
last week because he went to a neighbour, who had stolen his=20
belongings during the violence, to ask for them to be returned.

In Hukum Singh ni Chali in Chamanpura of Ahmedabad, Muslim families=20
have returned to their old houses to live side by side with Hindus=20
who attacked them and looted their homes. Even the floor tiles from=20
some Muslim homes now adorn the floors of Hindu homes. No cases have=20
been filed, no claims made. The choice was between seeking justice=20
and returning home.

Says Sheba George, who heads the NGO Sahr Waru, living each day with=20
injustice staring you in the face, cannot make for lasting peace. It=20
only deepens the divisions that already exist. "There is no hope from=20
the legal system," she said. This is also why "no one is talking=20
about rape any more".

Women who survived and broke taboos to speak about rape to=20
newspapers, television audiences and even the President do not have=20
any hope of getting justice. None of the women who filed FIRs in=20
cases of rape has been contacted. No police investigations are under=20
way.

On Wednesday, October 30, the court set a date for the start of the=20
trial into the Gulmarg Society massacre. The former Congress MP,=20
Ehasan Jafri, and 36 other persons were killed, raped, and burnt in=20
this middle-class Ahmedabad neighbourhood on February 28. This will=20
be the first major case to go to trial. Lawyers who are monitoring=20
the legal process say that the police have "investigated" very few=20
cases and chargesheets have been filed only in bigger cases like=20
those of the Gulmarg Society and Naroda Patiya. In Ahmedabad alone,=20
800 FIRs were filed.

Even in cases where there have been "investigations", witnesses are=20
frightened. The legal cell at St. Xavier's College's Behavioural=20
Science Centre, which is monitoring the progress of cases in=20
Ahmedabad, said that those named as attackers in many chargesheets=20
are still free to roam the streets on which they unleashed their=20
terror.

Some victims and witnesses, including in the Gulmarg Society case,=20
have been threatened. In the rural areas, with few lawyers willing to=20
advise the victims, the situation is even worse. People have simply=20
withdrawn their FIRs in order to be able to return to their homes.

But withdrawing FIRs is not a guarantee for being able to re-build=20
old lives. The Muslim residents of 300 villages have been re-housed=20
at new sites by just one NGO. In Anand taluka, where the BJP launched=20
its formal election campaign, 500 Muslim families have been unable to=20
return.

And, 260 families from the prosperous Odh village are scattered=20
around the State; many cannot go back because they have filed FIRs=20
naming their attackers and have been told that they will be killed if=20
they return.

The Chief Minister, Narendra Modi, trying to snatch the mantle of=20
Sardar Patel told his party's faithful in Karamsad that the "arm of=20
law was long" and would get anyone who unleashed violence in the=20
State. He was referring to the attack on the Akshardham temple. But=20
sitting among journalists at the rally were BJP leaders named in=20
FIRs, among them Maya Kodnani whose name appears on several FIRs=20
relating to the Naroda Patiya massacre and who is hopeful that her=20
name will figure on the BJP's list of candidates. The long arm of the=20
law has left her untouched.

And an election in which she may or may not be a candidate will make=20
no difference to those who seek justice through the courts. Bhushan=20
Oza, a lawyer, says, "a case is tried on the basis of the=20
chargesheet, if the chargesheet is poorly framed that will decide the=20
case". He said that most of the chargesheets framed so far had=20
incorrect information, complainants did not feel that their=20
statements had been accurately recorded, the main accused in some=20
cases have been listed as witnesses, major political leaders who had=20
been named in complainants' statements have not been included=20
although small time criminals who are Dalits or Waghris (a Scheduled=20
Tribe) have been included.

So, the effort now is to focus on allowing people a chance to rebuild=20
their lives. Those most affected are the poorest, many who have lost=20
months of income.

In the general economic downturn, many men who depended on daily wage=20
jobs have been unable to return to work; many lost work contracts=20
they could not honour during the three months of violence. And it is=20
not only the Muslims in Gujarat who are having to deal with the=20
economic consequences of the violence.

Local newspapers have reported a record number of suicides of Hindus=20
in recent weeks. The reasons given are invariably financial ruin,=20
loss of income caused by the disruption in economic activity.

Little wonder then that Sewa (the Self-Employed Women's Association)=20
has seen its membership in Gujarat grow exponentially after the=20
violence began.

Sewa's Mirai Chatterjee is in no doubt that the remarkable increase=20
in the organisation's membership, by over two lakhs, is directly=20
linked with the violence and it was primarily Sewa's livelihood=20
security programme that attracted them.

If they had waited around for the compensation and rehabilitation=20
packages promised by the Government, including those announced by the=20
Prime Minister, they might have waited forever. The Rs. 1.5 lakhs the=20
families of the dead were promised has gone to less than half the=20
claimants. There are still those who are "missing" and whose=20
relatives must first go through the administrative loops of having=20
them declared dead to claim the compensation. Damage compensation has=20
been arbitrarily fixed and unevenly distributed. It is a handful of=20
NGOs, particularly the Jamiat Ulema-e-Hind and the Gujarat Sarvajanik=20
Samiti, which have raised the funds to repair and re-build homes.

Even as people try and pick up the pieces of their lives, the=20
consequences of the violence for the State's Muslims remain. Mohammed=20
Illyas, an IIT graduate who teaches mechanical engineering at Birla=20
Mahavidyalaya in Vallabh Vidyanagar and coordinated the relief effort=20
in Anand and Kheda districts, says that the pressure on him is to do=20
something about getting children into schools. Muslim families, Prof.=20
Illyas said, were finding it very hard to get school admissions for=20
their children. Even in private schools. Even in some run by=20
Christian missionaries.

Against this background, a BJP election victory is something that=20
many people, from all communities, fear. They say it will consolidate=20
the fruits of hatred and mean the continuation of an "experiment" in=20
which the minority population of a State is pushed further and=20
further towards the margin. But the alternative holds out little real=20
hope.

The Congress, terrified of "losing the Hindu vote", was conspicuously=20
invisible during the three months of violence. Despite its `secular'=20
claims, it did nothing towards providing relief to victims even in=20
constituencies where the MLA was from the Congress. Shankarsinh=20
Waghela met the victims of some of the worst massacres only in Delhi,=20
made them election-style promises and left the meeting early to=20
attend a discussion on the Gujarat situation at a city club. Mr.=20
Waghela now expects to get their vote. And the disquieting fact of=20
Gujarat politics is that he will. For the choice before Gujarat's=20
Muslims, effectively disempowered by the BJP regime, is to vote, or=20
be disenfranchised.

______

#5.

November 3rd, 2002

Dear Friends,

This is a brief note to give you all an update on the legal challenge=20
and other developments that occurred in the past 6 weeks.

As you are aware LOK SATTA along with ADR, PUCL and other civil=20
society initiatives filed a PIL in the SC challenging the validity of=20
the GOI Ordinance on disclosures. The final hearing in the case=20
concluded on the 23rd of October and orders were reserved for=20
judgment. Our counsels Sri PP Rao, Sri Prashant Bhushan along with Ms=20
Kamini Jaiswal, Sri Rajindar Sachar and Sri Sanjay Parikh have done a=20
commendable job in articulating our stand that in a democracy the=20
people=B9s right to know about their representatives ought to be a=20
fundamental and natural right and any law which seeks to impinge on=20
this right should be ruled unconstitutional. The GOI counsels along=20
with Sri Arun Jaitley have articulated their position that the=20
judiciary shouldn=B9t encroach on to the legislative arena and even=20
expressed a view that =B3 right to vote=B2 is not a fundamental right and=20
hence =B3right to information=B2 cannot be ruled as a fundamental right=20
either!

We are reasonably hopeful of a favourable verdict. Irrespective of=20
the judgment, we should be prepared to mobilize public opinion in a=20
big way in support of our democratic reform agenda and towards that I=20
suggest the following course of action:

1. In AP we have conducted a people=B9s ballot between the 27-30th=20
of October to gauge the public demand on the disclosure issue and we=20
received an overwhelming response. 8,54,554 people participated in=20
this ballot which was conducted across the state in 500 centres and=20
8,38,199 (98.09 %) of them voted =B3Yes=B2 saying that we want full=20
disclosures. 5,921 (0.69 %) votes were invalid and 10,434 (1.22 %) of=20
the votes were cast =B3No=B2. People from all cross-sections, well beyond=20
our expectations, enthusiastically supported this exercise.

Similar ballot initiatives can be taken up across the country. It is=20
simple and effective and college youth, women and retired employees=20
can easily undertake it. The benefits of such an exercise are:

a. To demonstrate public support for full disclosures and=20
electoral reforms.
b. To build a network of volunteers for electoral and democratic refor=
ms.
c. To create and popularize a very potent tool for citizen=20
action for better governance.

2. If the government and parties do not respect public opinion=20
and go ahead with the enactment of a law replacing the Ordinance, we=20
should launch a =B3No disclosure =AD No vote=B2 campaign, indicating that=20
votes will be cast in all future elections only in favour of=20
candidates who voluntarily disclose full details irrespective of the=20
legal provisions.
3. Build pressure to quickly enact a funding reform law, which=20
is pending before the parliament and ensure its effective=20
implementation.
4. Focus on making voter registration accurate, accessible,=20
simple and people-friendly by making post office as the nodal agency=20
for registration.
5. Launch Election watch movements in all states where elections=20
are due in the next 12 months =AD Gujarat, Madhya Pradesh, Chattisgarh,=20
Rajasthan and Delhi.
6. Focus on larger reforms of the electoral system in order to=20
make our political process wholesome and clean.
7. Build a nucleus of non-partisan reform movements in all major=20
states, and expand the reach to as many constituencies as possible.
8. Consolidate the national campaign for electoral and political=20
reforms, and build a truly effective national movement.
9. Participate actively in the work of the delimitation=20
commission in each state to delimit the constituencies based on the=20
1991 census.

The overwhelming public opinion is on our side and we should seize=20
this moment and carry forward the movement for democratic reforms.=20
The time is ripe.

With warm regards

Jayaprakash Narayan
National Coordinator

Lok Satta
401/408 Nirmal Towers
Dwarakapuri Colony, Punjagutta
Hyderabad - 500 082
Tel: 040 3350778/3350790
Fax: 040 3350783
E-mail: loksatta@s...
url: www.loksatta.org

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