[sacw] SACW #1 | 22 May 02

[Harsh Kapoor]

South Asia Citizens Wire Dispatch #1 | 22 May 2002
http://www.mnet.fr

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#1. Pakistan: Pakistan's Blasphemy Law: Words Fail Me (Akbar S. Ahmed)
#2. United States v. Ahmad Omar Saeed Sheikh [New Jersey Dist. Court]
#3. India: Re-building our lives (SEWA Relief Team)
#4. Ordeal by fire (Suguna Ramanathan)
#5. Speak up against Indo-Pak War: Talk to people. They think beyond=20
boundaries (Letter to Times of India)
__________________________

#1.

The Washington Post
Sunday, May 19, 2002; Page B01

Pakistan's Blasphemy Law: Words Fail Me

By Akbar S. Ahmed

It is not every day that I get a letter from the Death Cell, Central=20
Jail, Rawalpindi in Pakistan. As any Pakistani would be, I was aware=20
that Central Jail was where the country's most popular democratic=20
leader, Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto, was executed more than two decades ago.

The letter was dated April 15 and addressed to me and to a Pakistani=20
colleague here in Washington. Written in a clear and neat hand, the=20
sender's name made me sit up: Mohammad Younas Sheikh, who teaches at=20
the homeopathic medical college in Islamabad. He is one of perhaps=20
dozens of educators accused by their students of a crime that doesn't=20
exist in many countries: blasphemy. Sheikh has been convicted and=20
awaits execution, which is mandatory under the blasphemy law. Many=20
other Pakistanis, particularly minorities, also have been charged.=20
These cases offer an alarming glimpse into the machinery of state=20
under Pakistan's president, Gen. Pervez Musharraf, Washington's=20
partner in the "war on terror."

Sheikh's problems began in October 2000 when he made some innocuous=20
remarks about the origins of Islam. Muslims believe that the Koran=20
came to the prophet Muhammad as a revelation when he was 40. In=20
response to a student's question, Sheikh said that before he was 40,=20
Muhammad was neither a prophet nor a Muslim, as there was no Islam.=20
For those Muslims who believe his prophethood was divinely=20
preordained, this was blasphemous. The students took the matter to=20
some local mullahs, who in their role as religious leaders registered=20
a case with the police. Matters then moved rapidly and, as in such=20
cases, with a certain inexorability.

But Sheikh was not ridiculing or rejecting the prophet. On the=20
contrary, like many Muslims grappling with issues of modernity, he=20
raised questions of interpretation. Although partly educated in=20
Ireland, Sheikh was born and raised in Pakistan and is a devout=20
Muslim who has said that one of the books that most inspires him is=20
the Koran. He is the founder of the Enlightenment, a society of=20
like-minded Pakistanis who discuss Islam in a modern context. His=20
father is recognized as having memorized the Koran.

In his letter, Sheikh called the blasphemy law "wide open to abuse,=20
through and by the miscreant mullahs for political, repressive and=20
vindictive purposes. . . ." The law's abuse is part of "a rising wave=20
of aggressive ignorance, incivility and intolerance as well as the=20
medieval theocratic darkness," he wrote. I must say I agree.

His trial was held in closed session, inside the Central Jail. "Even=20
my solicitors were harassed with a fatwa of apostasy and they were=20
threatened with the lives of their children," he wrote. He asked us=20
to bring the case to the notice of Musharraf so that the president=20
could "repeal this notorious and fascist blasphemy law."

By writing this, I do indeed hope to focus attention on the law. In=20
the meantime, I am aware that by raising the issue I become a bit=20
player in the drama.

Several Pakistani friends have warned me to say nothing about this=20
out of concern for my safety. Anyone who questions the blasphemy=20
law's power may be seen as challenging Islam -- and therefore suspect=20
under the very law he or she questions. But as a Sunni Muslim from a=20
mainstream, orthodox family, I feel compelled to speak, in part=20
because of the emphasis that Islam places on peace and compassion.=20
And as a former governmental administrator in my native country, I=20
know how intimidating majority views can be for religious minorities.=20
About 95 percent of Pakistan's 145 million people are Muslims.

In the 1970s and '80s, when I was a district officer in charge of law=20
and order in two Pakistani provinces, a reform of the nation's legal=20
and administrative system was long overdue. Those who turned to the=20
law for recourse found themselves involved in exhausting and=20
expensive cases that could last decades. Individuals had few rights,=20
and the system favored the rich and powerful. There was a disastrous=20
mismatch between aspects of the remnants of British colonial law and=20
the contemporary needs of society.

Then, as now, there are four distinct sets of laws that sometimes=20
overlap: British colonial law, which by and large was the basis in=20
1947 for Pakistan's penal code and criminal procedure code; Islamic=20
sharia law; tribal law, which applies to certain areas of the=20
country; and state law, which is codified by each state's local=20
ruler. The application of the law has never been fully resolved.

Amid this confusion, Gen. Mohammed Zia ul-Haq, as president, added=20
new laws to the penal code, including 295-B in 1982, which made=20
desecrating the Koran or making a derogatory remark about it=20
punishable by life imprisonment -- though, in yet a further nod=20
toward confusion, judges sometimes reduce the term. Two years ago,=20
for instance, Naseem Ghani and Mohammed Shafiq were sentenced to=20
seven years for allegedly burning a Koran.

In 1984 came the 295-C clause, usually referred to as the blasphemy=20
law. It rather sweepingly stipulates that "derogatory remarks, etc.,=20
in respect of the Holy Prophet . . . either spoken or written, or by=20
visible representation, or by any imputation, innuendo, or=20
insinuation, directly or indirectly . . . shall be punished with=20
death, or imprisonment for life, and shall also be liable to fine."=20
Six years later, the stakes were raised when the Federal Sharia=20
Court, where cases having to do with Islamic issues tend to be heard,=20
ruled, "The penalty for contempt of the Holy Prophet . . . is death=20
and nothing else."

In the application of the blasphemy law, intolerance has fed on=20
intolerance. So far, none of the convicted has been executed, in part=20
because scheduling an execution can take years. But lynch mobs have=20
killed several of the accused.

Over the years I began to see the blasphemy law used more and more=20
for cases of political vendetta, land disputes or political rivalry.=20
The law became a way to challenge someone's identity, a powerful tool=20
to intimidate anyone, Muslim or non-Muslim.

The targets of this law have largely been minorities, such as members=20
of the Ahmadi sect (who consider themselves Muslims) and Christians,=20
though the latest anecdotal evidence suggests that the pendulum is=20
now swinging toward Muslims. In the past decade or so, perhaps 2,000=20
Ahmadis have been charged under the blasphemy law, according to that=20
community. The Ahmadis were declared non-Muslims by Prime Minister=20
Bhutto in 1974. Ten years later, they were denied the right to=20
practice their faith.

The Pakistani government says it does not have exact figures for the=20
number of people charged under the blasphemy law. But the State=20
Department report, "International Religious Freedom 2001," offers=20
some clues. Over the past three or four years, 55 to 60 Christians a=20
year have been charged. That figure probably hasn't changed much=20
since the law was enacted. And as evidence of that possible shift in=20
who is targeted, the report says that three-quarters of those on=20
trial for blasphemy in 2001 were Muslims.

Bail is usually denied for those charged with blasphemy. Trials are=20
expensive and can last for years. Worse: They can take years to=20
begin.For example, Riaz Ahmad, his son and two nephews, all Ahmadis,=20
have been imprisoned since their arrest in November 1993. They were=20
detained on the vague allegation that they had "said something=20
derogatory." Local people in Piplan, Mianwali District, say that=20
rivalry over Ahmad's position as village headman is the real=20
motivation for the complaint against him. Their trial has yet to=20
begin.

Anwar Masih, a Christian from Samundri in Punjab, has been in=20
detention since February 1993 when a Muslim shopkeeper alleged that=20
Masih insulted the prophet during an argument over money.

Roman Catholic Bishop John Joseph, a Pakistani human rights=20
campaigner, had been leading a campaign against the blasphemy law and=20
said he felt he was getting nowhere when he took his own life on May=20
6, 1998. He had failed to find a lawyer willing to take the case of=20
convicted blasphemer Ayub Massih, a Christian.Massih's family had=20
applied to a government program that gives housing plots to landless=20
people. The local landlords, who brought the allegations against him,=20
resented this because landless Christians work in their fields in=20
exchange for a place to live. By getting a plot of land Massih would=20
have escaped his bondage.

"Most of these cases," concludes Amnesty International in its latest=20
report on Pakistan, "are motivated not by the blasphemous actions of=20
the accused, but by hostility toward members of minority communities,=20
compounded by personal enmity, professional jealousy or economic=20
rivalry."

The bishop's suicide put international pressure on Pakistan's rulers.=20
Benazir Bhutto, who was then prime minister, approved two amendments=20
to the penal code designed to reduce the abuses of Section 295. The=20
number of arrests has dropped, but the law remains intact. When=20
Musharraf seized power in October 1999, he talked about wanting to=20
move Pakistan toward progress and tolerance. He suggested mild=20
changes to the blasphemy law in April 2000, but withdrew them under=20
pressure from religious elements the following month. That is where=20
the matter rests.

Musharraf recently ratified his presidency for five more years with=20
his "landslide victory" in a widely questioned referendum. Both=20
commander in chief of the army and president, he is the most powerful=20
man in Pakistan. He can cause meaningful change. Islam expects the=20
ruler to show high moral authority, but no ruler has dared to=20
reexamine the blasphemy law in the light of Islamic law itself.=20
Musharraf should consider the Koranic verse that says, "There is no=20
compulsion in religion."

If he is to move his country toward the tolerant and modern Muslim=20
nation envisioned by Pakistan's founder, Musharraf must begin by=20
taking this important first step: reopening the case of Sheikh and=20
other alleged blasphemers who await death and showing the justice,=20
compassion and mercy that Islam requires.

Akbar Ahmed is the Ibn Khaldun Chair of Islamic Studies and professor=20
of international relations at American University and the author,=20
most recently, of "Islam Today: A Short Introduction to the Muslim=20
World" (I.B. Tauris).

=A9 2002 The Washington Post Company

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#2.

United States v. Ahmad Omar Saeed Sheikh
http://news.findlaw.com/hdocs/docs/terrorism/ussaeed031402ind.pdf

_____

#3.

Seminar (New Delhi)
May 2002

Re-building our lives

SEWA Relief Team

COMMUNAL violence has held Gujarat in its grip for more than two=20
months now. The magnitude, intensity, geographic spread and=20
tremendous suffering it has wrought on the state's citizens, mainly=20
working people, is difficult to comprehend, let alone quantify.

After the 1969 communal riots, our state has unfortunately been=20
witness to several instances of violence: in 1985, 1986, 1992-1993=20
and 1999. Localized communal incidents, in addition to these longer=20
outbreaks, have occurred sporadically over the last 20 years in North=20
Gujarat, the tribal belt, and Bharuch district in South Gujarat.=20
Every time it is the workers of the informal economy - those who eke=20
out a living on daily wages or from self-employment - who are the=20
hardest hit. Unlike the formal economy with its chambers of commerce=20
who are able to calculate economic costs of communal violence, the=20
exact costs and burden of riots and violence are difficult to=20
determine. This is because the number of informal workers and the=20
multiple economic activities that they are engaged in are, at the=20
best of times, difficult to quantify.

The Self-Employed Women's Association, SEWA, is a labour union of=20
informal women workers. Registered in Ahmedabad in 1972, the city has=20
always been its base, though in the past five years two-thirds of its=20
membership consists of rural workers. 103,520 women have been=20
organized in Ahmedabad city. They are from 40 wards, all working=20
class neighbourhoods of the city.

Most of our members in Ahmedabad are manual labourers - construction=20
workers, cleaners, headloaders, rag pickers, workers in small=20
factories and foundries, street vendors of fruit, vegetables and old=20
clothes and piece-rated home-based workers - bidi and agarbatti=20
rollers, garment workers, kite makers, toy and bangle makers and=20
others.

They work for eight to ten hours a day earning between Rs 20 to 70.=20
Generally, the home-based workers and manual labourers, except for=20
construction workers, earn on the lower end of this scale while=20
street vendors earn on the higher end.

In a situation of protracted economic recession in Ahmedabad, brought=20
on initially by the closure of the textile mills, our members are the=20
main source of income for their families. Thousands of their menfolk=20
are unemployed or barely scrape together a living as labourers or=20
vendors.

In the rural areas, it is Anand, Kheda, Vadodara, Mehsana, Ahmedabad=20
and Sabarkantha districts where our members were the most affected.=20
Our members in the villages of these districts are mainly=20
agricultural labourers and small farmers. When widespread communal=20
violence erupted from 28 February 2002, they were the first to be=20
affected.

In Ahmedabad the violence occurred mainly in working class areas -=20
the walled city and the eastern areas. In the western part of town,=20
the more affluent and middle class area, there was violence -=20
looting, arson and even killings on the day of the bandh (28=20
February) and for two or three days thereafter. But the extended=20
periods of curfew and violence mainly affected the working class=20
areas.

In the villages, the pattern and toll of violence has been brought=20
out in several reports, and we will not analyse them here. Our=20
estimates, however, are that about 80,000 SEWA members and their=20
families - with at least 40,000 in Ahmedabad city - have been=20
affected by the recent communal violence.

Apart from the terrible loss of human life, injury, damage and total=20
destruction of homes and property, people's livelihoods have been=20
seve-rely affected. For over a month, our members have been unable to=20
go out to work. Home-based workers are neither getting raw materials=20
regularly, nor is anyone coming to collect their finished goods.=20
Factories, shops, warehouses and godowns have been burnt to the=20
ground, affecting the entire work chain, mainly supported by informal=20
workers. In fact, our own studies with the Gujarat Institute of=20
Development Research (GIDR) show that 77% of the Ahmedabad economy is=20
accounted for by the informal sector.

Baluben is a food vendor. She used to sell eatables in the walled=20
city area. 'I recently borrowed from SEWA Bank to buy a refrigerator=20
to sell cold drinks during the summer. Look what has happened to my=20
refrigerator, my vending cart and my home. Everything was gutted. I=20
will have to rebuild from scratch, both my home and my means of=20
livelihood.' Fatima is a garment stitcher who along with her two=20
daughters used to stitch petticoats for a trader. She has lost both=20
her sewing machines and her home. Taking refuge in a relief camp=20
Fatima says, 'By Gods' grace, we survived. We will work hard and=20
rebuild our livelihoods.'

Like Baluben and Fatimaben, thousands of workers' economic lives have=20
been severely affected. Our surveys of the affected neighbourhoods in=20
Ahmedabad - Gomtipur, Rakhiyal, Saraspur, Kalupur, Odhav, Naroda and=20
more - show the huge extent of losses. If one were to classify these,=20
a pattern emerges:

1. All self-employed and other informal workers are economically=20
affected because they could not work and earn for at least 20 days,=20
and in many cases, for over a month. Street vendors could not sell in=20
the city's market nor could they move from one area to another, as=20
they usually do. Hence, they lost daily income and also suffered=20
losses from rotting vegetables because they remained unsold.

Further, the large wholesale markets at Kalupur and Jamalpur were=20
under curfew, and so remained closed for several days. Fresh stocks=20
of produce from rural areas could not reach the city either. Thus,=20
with both supply and sale severely affected, feeding their families=20
became a critical issue.

Similarly, rag pickers, cleaners and construction workers could not=20
walk the streets or stand at the naka waiting for work at=20
construction sites. As for head loaders of the main cloth market,=20
they literally saw their source of livelihood go up in smoke, as the=20
wholesale shops to which they have been linked for generations were=20
completely gutted.

For home-based workers - bidi, agarbatti, kite makers and others - as=20
mentioned earlier, the supplies of raw materials stopped. With most=20
contractors living in curfew areas or having fled to safety, there=20
was no one to supply them raw materials or collect their finished=20
goods.

2. Thousand of workers lost their homes which are also their=20
work-places. Most of the destroyed or damaged homes had been set=20
alight and being small, close together and often containing=20
inflammable work equipment and material, burned quickly. As we=20
surveyed row upon row of burnt homes, the human tragedy unfolded=20
before our eyes. No matter which community one speaks of, years of=20
hard labour, careful saving for a few household items - the proud=20
purchase of a ceiling fan, a TV set or work equipment like sewing=20
machines - to enhance income and productivity were gone. As worker=20
after worker put it: 'We are back to zero again or even worse. Years=20
of hard work have been wiped out.'

In Banasnagar of the Dani Limda area, we saw the rag pickers'=20
carefully collected materials in cinders. Even a balwadi for the=20
children was not spared. In Panna Estate, a sprawling industrial=20
complex, half-burnt tendu leaves and piles of tobacco for bidis in a=20
gutted shelter indicated the owner's occupation. In Saraspur, we saw=20
mangled remains of sewing machines along with burnt onions and garlic=20
and charred laris or push carts.

At Akbarnagar, the scene was surreal, to say the least. Hundreds of=20
huts of plastic toy makers and recyclers (pasti workers) were razed=20
to the ground. The fire had been so severe that even the ground, the=20
grass and the trees nearby, were beyond recognition.

At a pavement settlement outside the Bapunagar General Hospital known=20
as 'D-20' (it is an ESIC hospital and numbered accordingly), ten to=20
fifteen dwellings were open to the sky. Many of the occupants made=20
plastic toys and we could see multi-coloured, melted plastic=20
everywhere.

In sum, the toll on the work lives of Ahmedabad's poorest of workers=20
has been of a magnitude not experienced so far. The impact on the=20
economic life in villages is still being calculated. But our estimate=20
is that the economic loss to the informal workers of the city, in=20
terms of income and work tools lost, amount to at least Rs 179 crore.

In the face of this huge human crisis, the question that we=20
confronted at SEWA was how we could help our members rebuild and=20
restore their livelihoods in the long term. Our immediate response=20
was to provide relief, foodgrains and medical care in the relief=20
camps. We had learnt from the last disaster, the earthquake, that=20
women's priority was work. So here too, starting from the relief=20
camps, we began to help women with their livelihoods.

Time and again, our members have told us that once they start to work=20
and earn, it gives them hope for the future and helps in re-building=20
their lives. 'Without work, our minds keep going back to all we have=20
just gone through - the fear, the sadness, the insecurity. At least=20
this way we are working for our children's future. It is the only way=20
we can survive.'

These words are repeated across castes and communities, as all=20
informal workers know that their livelihood is the lifeline to=20
survival. Our work at the camps prompted us to restore or set-up the=20
following livelihoods immediately - bidi and agarbatti rolling,=20
sewing, mattress making (light mattresses called godhris), and=20
paper-bag (lifafa) making. An in-house 'rozgar team' was set up to=20
provide immediate work of at least Rs 40 per day per member.

The first economic activities to get organised were bidi and=20
agarbatti rolling. Over the years, having organised thousands of=20
these workers, we had built up a rapport with merchants and=20
contractors. They were ready to provide work even at the relief=20
camps, but as the contractors were unavailable or unwilling to supply=20
work at the camps, they turned to SEWA. We became the link between=20
the merchants and the workers, and women were back at work rolling=20
bidis or agarbattis.

Next we provided sewing machines at all relief camps. In shifts,=20
women began to sew - mainly salwar kameezes at present, earning Rs 12=20
per set. They were given cut-pieces prepared by a local cutter, often=20
from the relief camp itself. In this way, the garment workers began=20
to earn again. Some began selling salwar-kameezes to others at the=20
camps, since most inmates had fled with only the clothes on their=20
back.

Making paper bags has proved to be a popular activity at all five=20
camps. We now see that even older children and men have joined in=20
this work. Since the space required to make bags is small, it is=20
convenient for women to do this work. The members are provided with=20
old magazines and gum, and given a day's training to prepare the=20
bags. These bags are then sold to merchants and shopkeepers. SEWA's=20
Health Cooperative has also bought paper bags for use in its chain of=20
medicine shops, thus promoting solidarity between workers.

Finally, members have started to make mattresses at the camps. These=20
'godhris' are prepared from old sarees and bits of scrap cloth=20
available in the market. The women are given a kit containing a saree=20
and scrap cloth pieces in a fixed proportion, along with needles and=20
thread to sew the mattress. This work has started in all the five=20
camps.

A woman can earn Rs 36 a day if she sews three mattresses daily,=20
which is easily doable. The godhris are mainly bought by camp inmates.

Economic Activities at Five Relief Camps Where SEWA is Working

No. of Women
Bidi rolling 350
Agarbatti rolling 700
Garment sewing 53
Paper bag making 85
Mattress making 50
Total 1238

This restoration of work at the camps is a beginning. SEWA is=20
planning to develop a Livelihood Security Fund for the affected=20
families where working capital, work tools and equipment is available=20
in kits to women. We will also help workers by linking them to=20
markets and marketing outlets for their products.

While SEWA's thrust has always been on employment, we realize that=20
without social security services - healthcare, childcare, insurance,=20
shelter and education - economic self-reliance is not possible. In=20
fact, we see social security as being integral to work and livelihood=20
security. Therefore, we began our social security service provision=20
from the relief camps themselves.

Between 80 to 200 children are taken care of at five childcare=20
centres, one in each camp. The children express their feelings by=20
drawing and singing. Four year old Imtiyaz, on his first day at the=20
childcare centre, drew a sword and a gun. Now he draws children=20
playing and a flag-hoisting ceremony. Six year old Salman now draws=20
birds and flowers. Earlier he drew a mosque in the middle of burning=20
houses. The school-going children have been given textbooks and take=20
daily lessons for three hours. In one camp, the children have been=20
temporarily enrolled in the nearby municipal school.

SEWA has collaborated with the Integrated Child Development Scheme=20
(ICDS) of the Government of Gujarat. The childcare centres in these=20
five camps are recognised by the government. The food supply for the=20
children is provided by the ICDS. SEWA, through its catering=20
cooperative, Trupti, prepares food such as sukhdi (mixture of=20
Indiamix flour, jaggery and ghee) and ladoos on alternate days and=20
distributes these to the children.

The SEWA promoted local health cooperative and the SEWA Health Team,=20
provides daily healthcare services and coordinates with the municipal=20
corporation and the government health services. Mobile health vans=20
conduct routine check-ups at all the camps as also provide medicines.=20
Our team facilitates and coordinates with the vans and other=20
government and private facilities. The health cooperative arranges=20
referral services.

Every week a gynaecologist, a paediatrician and an ophthalmologist=20
carry out check-ups. Patients on longer term treatment for=20
tuberculosis or thalassemia are taken to their respective hospitals=20
so that their treatment is continued.

Relief Camp No. of Patients
Aman Chowk, Bapunagar 2160
Anand Flat, Bapunagar 1541
Kisan Society, Danilimda 942
Bakarshah's Roza, Saraspur 3685
Bombay Housing, Saraspur 753
Total 9081

SEWA organisers at the camp involve camp residents and local=20
committees in cleaning the campsites every day. They also guide them=20
on proper disposal of garbage and left-over food. Proper cleaning of=20
toilets and mobile and temporary toilets has been organised,=20
including spraying of disinfectant.

The literacy team from the SEWA Academy conducts classes for young=20
boys and girls and also adults on their request. Two hour classes are=20
conducted daily. There are different timings for different age=20
groups. The young girls at the camps, in the age group of 7 to 14=20
years, have started learning Gujarati. So also preschool lessons=20
introducing alphabets and numbers. Close to 120 girls attend literacy=20
classes in three camps.

The housing damage assessment and needs assessment for reconstruction=20
of 15,250 houses has been completed, with support and inputs from KSA=20
Design Planning Services (KSADPS). A detailed report with plans and=20
sketches and cost estimates for reconstruction is ready. SEWA is=20
linking up with the government to design the housing compensation=20
package based on this assessment.

SEWA Insurance covers about 30,000 of our urban members. We estimate=20
that about 6000 will submit claims in the coming weeks. Already 500=20
claims for asset loss (homes, household goods and work tools) have=20
been received. Unfortunately, life insurance claims of three members=20
who were killed during the violence have also been received.

Our insurance team is engaged in damage assessments surveys. It has=20
linked up with the National Insurance Company which has requested=20
SEWA to process claims and promised to make payouts speedily.

We realize that there is a long way to go before our members feel=20
secure and hopeful for the future. Firmly committed to the path of=20
sarva dharma sambhava, as Gandhiji taught us, our executive committee=20
met recently to reaffirm our commitment to peace, non-violence, and=20
living and working together for the economic well-being of all,=20
especially rebuilding the poorest of workers. We have called our=20
livelihood-cum-social security work Shantipath.

At one childcare centre run by SEWA, a little girl stood up, eyes=20
shining, and sang:

'Oh my watan, my motherland,
let us work to create heaven on earth,
here in our land.'

We may not quite be able to reach that ideal, but are determined to=20
work peacefully and constructively for the social security of the=20
poorest of our country's workers, those in the informal economy.

Economic Impact of Communal Violence on Informal Workers of Ahmedabad
City - some estimates (40 days worth of losses calculated between 28 Februa=
ry
and 8 April 2002)

Daily wage No. of workers % affected Economic
=20
losses (in crores Rs)

Producers
Home-based workers 45 2,57,000 80 37
Workers in small units 90 62,000 60 23
Small business and restaurants
Street vendors 72 1,27,000 60 22
Small restaurants 76 1,31,000 40 16
Construction workers42 1,40,000 80 20
Transport workers
Auto-rickshaw drivers & handcart pullers 76 1,12,000=20
70 26
Service providers
Cleaners, headloaders, domestic workers46 2,01,000 90 35
Total 10,30,000 179

_____

#4

Seminar (New Delhi)
May 2002

Ordeal by fire

SUGUNA RAMANATHAN

AFTER such knowledge what forgiveness? We who have lived through the=20
last so many weeks in this once beautiful and hospitable state are=20
left with nothing to say. A Hindu activist on one of those mad nights=20
was carrying a four-year old Muslim child to safety in his arms.=20
Stopped and interrogated, he replied that this was a Hindu child.=20
They let him go. As he walked forward the child looked back over his=20
shoulder and cried out 'Abba'. They tore the child from his arms and=20
hacked it to death. No hearsay - this was told by that traumatized=20
activist to one of my Jesuit colleagues who works at the relief=20
camps; it actually happened.

At one level our voices fail in the face of such brutality. At=20
another, why are we quiet, why aren't we screaming that this is not=20
our faith, this is not the Hinduism in which we were brought up? Who=20
gave this group the right to take our Hinduism away from us? The=20
truth is we are afraid, moderate Hindus are afraid; there is no space=20
for us; we too are under threat, and the shameful thing we discover=20
about ourselves is that we are afraid. We cannot be sure we will not=20
be betrayed by a watching eye and punished because we have aided the=20
Muslims. It is now possible to understand what happened in Germany.

But why Gujarat? To have revenge on Gandhi fifty years later? Or does=20
its economic progress feed a certain pride in its unique 'Hindu'=20
culture? Perhaps the marriage between commercial clear-mindedness and=20
religious conservatism is a natural contract; perhaps religious=20
imagery readily masks hatred of competition in the market place.=20
Whatever the explanation, hatred has become natural here in these=20
times.

One does not need to be a saint to be appalled by the incidents, one=20
only needs to have a body. Let us admit that the psychologists=20
(aggression is stored in the unconscious around a demonized other),=20
and political scientists (civil society has always posed a problem=20
for political theory), and sociologists (religion is a social fact)=20
are all saying valid things. But beyond all theory there is the human=20
body. That human body experiences pain. The most fundamental thing of=20
all, something that every living creature knows and wants, is freedom=20
from bodily pain. More than any other sound we can make or word we=20
can utter, a cry of pain coincides with the moment of the experience.=20
Given this primacy of the body, how does it happen that we make other=20
bodies suffer unendurable pain - burning them alive, for instance?

I put it down to a failure of the imagination. When one does not feel=20
the pain of another, one's imagination has failed. When one does not=20
feel what it must be to be terrified like our Muslim friends in=20
Khanpur and Dariapur and Gomtipur, one's imagination has failed. When=20
one does not feel the flames lapping the skin of those trapped in=20
those coaches of the Sabarmati Express that morning in Godhra, one's=20
imagination has failed. The body is the final non-reducible point.=20
The rest are signs. All our religious beliefs, traditions, languages,=20
cultures, all that makes up our identity is a matter of signs.

Academics in Gujarat have failed to realize the gaps between the=20
signs in the mind and the pain of the body. Thinking here has ground=20
to a stop; the place from where progressive, decent thoughts should=20
emanate and spread out has itself been captured by forces that=20
inhibit critical reflexivity. If the best lack all conviction, it is=20
hardly surprising that the worst are full of a passionate intensity.

The deep and wide spread of a 'pseudo-Hinduism' in all classes, most=20
especially the middle class, is a matter of deep surprise. When did=20
this happen, and how? Those popular television versions of the=20
mythologicals? (Such splendid stories, but a minute's reflection=20
shows how they, in true epic fashion, glorify a warring society.)=20
Those films projecting a comfortable traditionalism replete with=20
modcons? Add to that the systematic and silent campaign of groups=20
(bitter irony, they call themselves NGOs) distributing pamphlets that=20
spew hatred against minority communities. An axe demolishing a cross,=20
with 'Father do not forgive them for they know what they do' for=20
caption, is an instance of the mildest of attacks against a minority=20
in 1998 for instance.

Far worse is the scurrilous stuff being circulated today. I thought=20
first of reproducing through transliteration and translation of the=20
Gujarati a sample that no self-respecting reader can read without=20
outrage. But so vile and demeaning is it, so inflammatory, that it=20
may do more harm than good. Suffice it to say that it incites Hindus=20
to engage in the most horrible and humiliating acts towards Muslim=20
men and women while driving them out of every town and village. And=20
this is in the name of Hinduism, of a world Hindu organization. Is it=20
our vocation to pour poison into the world? Is the blue-throated one=20
only a pretty icon, or are we giving him more poison to hold?

Across the spectrum of college teachers, only a tiny handful has=20
resisted the poison. Amazingly, shockingly, the majority offers this=20
reason or that for the attacks, explaining it in terms of historical=20
memories, of changes in agricultural patterns, of migration, of=20
cricket matches and 'pampering'. Worse, stereotypes of violence to be=20
feared from Muslims abound: protect your teenage daughters (advice=20
given by an educated neighbour to the wife of one of Gujarat's senior=20
police officers); compensation to Muslim widows will be four times=20
the amount for Hindu widows because all Muslim men have four wives=20
(an opinion reportedly expressed by a Gujarat minister at a closed=20
door meeting); 'they' are taught mistrust and violence in the=20
madrasas (a colleague with a Ph.D, no less). This from the educated=20
class.

As academics we need to ask ourselves some serious questions, like,=20
what pampering? A pilgrim subsidy? Can that bring on this kind of=20
madness? Clearly, not. Are we moral, responsible human beings?=20
Clearly, yes. Then the moral imperative leaves us with no choice.=20
Being good is not something we can choose; we are required to be=20
good, we are soldiers in that moral army. Academics and=20
schoolteachers have a crucial role to play here.

Finally, the only hope lies in a different socialising process and a=20
different kind of education: a base of ethics and a habit of, not=20
passive reception, but critical reflection. We need a schooling in=20
which, in place of a headlong rush towards the technologies, we=20
inculcate a sense of the human. The Humanities are not so named for=20
nothing; they are meant precisely to develop the humane side of our=20
selves. So more poems, more tragic plays (fewer epics) - not a soft=20
option any more, not a matter of appreciating the beautiful but of=20
cultivating the heart, of developing the imagination. If we are to be=20
damned by religion, let us turn to literature.

Last night the prime minister made a moving speech at the Shah Alam=20
refugee camp (but fine words butter no parsnips). The chief minister=20
stood stony faced beside him. When the prime minister spoke of what=20
needed to be done, the chief minister said into the microphone that=20
that was what he was indeed doing. Outside the Circuit House his=20
supporters shouted, even as representatives of the Citizen's=20
Initiative went in to meet the PM. These are sinister signs of an=20
utterly cynical man planning his rise to power, using his pseudo=20
Hinduism to fool the people. Let us read those signs right while=20
thinking of the body. If our imaginations serve us, we will not=20
forget that child in the arms of the Hindu activist crying out for=20
its parents in the last few moments of life.

As one thinks of what it has meant to be a Hindu, one remembers sadly=20
that its inbuilt 'indifference' which one sometimes critiqued was no=20
bad thing; at least it left bodies alone. Rationality and economic=20
development came to the West before it came to us; they got the=20
industrial revolution before we did; and the scientific revolution.=20
Here that gradual evolving kind of modernity did not happen; what we=20
have is technological advancement and a 'sudden' nation state emerged=20
full grown, without the processes that led up to this.

We could have profitably learned from their mistakes but we have=20
chosen to follow the most mad of all the ways they chose in seeking=20
final solutions. The worst is that the rich source of images that=20
move, beautiful images - the Ayodhya group, a blue skinned Krishna in=20
his tribhanga pose, Siva with the Ganga flowing from the knot of his=20
hair, the eternal Mother whose palms are stretched out to bless (ours=20
to love and cherish but not to fight and kill for) have been put at=20
the service of irrational anger and hatred only to push electoral=20
gains.

Sadly, those in office today have discovered the appeal of the=20
supernatural in moving men to madness. And our philosophy lies=20
discarded and forgotten. Only life (any life, every life) is sacred.=20
What sort of Brahman are these pseudo Hindus aspiring towards? They=20
have understood and loved neither our philosophy nor our mythology.=20
Which of us does not know this, but we are powerless to bring down a=20
government that engages in such chicanery. When corruption grew=20
beyond acceptable proportions in 1974 (was it?), all of Gujarat was=20
out on the streets - men, women, all - shouting till the chief=20
minister was removed. But today that alternative is not open; violent=20
threats to peace-makers and to those who help have silenced the=20
voices of sanity.

This was a state where we were proud that women could walk unharmed=20
late in the night; where a kulfi at Ashrafi at 11 pm was a treat=20
available to all; where at Gamtiwalas in Dhalgarwarh one could spend=20
hours over the bolts of hand-printed cloth. May it all be as it once=20
was. May peace return to this strife-torn state and fall like a=20
blessing once again over this golden land.

_____

#5.

The Times of India
MAY 21, 2002

Talk to people. They think beyond boundaries
LETTERS TO THE EDITOR

After reading about troop buildup across the border, and remarks from=20
either neighbour, I am convinced that there's a lot of=20
misunderstanding between the two countries. True, the Vajpayee and=20
the Musharraf Adminstartions do not see eye to eye, and keep flexing=20
their muscles. I have started believing that whatever is being spelt=20
out by the leadership of the two states is not the true reflection of=20
the moods of the peoples of the two countries.
I have spoken to a lot of my friens in Lahore. There is a kindred=20
spirit that binds us; history holds us together; our future lies in=20
being together, not in attacking each other with nuclear weapons.=20
Much as some would like to see this sub-continent as a perennial=20
conflict zone, the two peoples desire peace and prosperity. Isn't it=20
evident in the numerous photographs that we have seen in the past, of=20
cousins ambracing each other or sisters meeting each other for the=20
first time?
There's is bond between the two nations that goes beyond history.=20
It's a faith in the future. It's a belief that the sub-continet is=20
more important than its constituent parts. It's a belief that the=20
subcontinent is a huge levelling force, a force that will one day=20
neutralise conflict.
It's time to think of nationhood, or people spirit, rather than=20
statehood. For people think beyond boundaries; their thinking is not=20
limited by populism.
Rajeshwar Amrapuri
rajeshwaramrapuri@h...

The above text is a letter to the editor on the present state of=20
affairs between India and Pakistan. The views expressed are of the=20
author's, and The Times of India does not necessarily subscribe to=20
them.

--=20
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